La Collection Elgin-Grey 1846-1852 Vol. 3

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THE ELGIN- GREY PAPERS
184:6-1852

EDITED

WITH NOTES AND APPENDICES

BY

SIR ARTHUR G. DOUGHTY, K.B.E., C.M.G., LL.D.

Late Dominion Archivist Emeritus

!N FOUR VOLUIVIES

VOLUME I I 1

Published by authority of the Secretary of State under the direction of the
Acting Dominion Archivist

wqb->:‘\

OTTAWA
J. O. PATENAUDE. 1.5.0.
PRINTER TO THE KING’S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY
1957

ELGI N -GEE Y PAPERS 997
[Enclosure]

fulfilling the requirements of the laws that should guide them. They had it
from undeniable authority that many landlords in Europe preferred paying the
expenses of transporting the paupers on their estates to paying the poor rate
taxes and they believed also that the shipment of parish poor was also carried
on to a great extent.

They also remarked, that as the immigrants arriving during the Winter
months, were more liable than others to be thrown upon the city for aid, that
the per capita tax on all immigrants leaving between the 15th of November and
the 15th of March, be increased. They also suggest the propriety of having
sworn inspectors on the other side, to examine and report, on aflidavit, whether
there are any leaving likely to become an incumbrance.”

These observations were made by the grand jury, for the purpose of showing
that the great excess of misdemeanors by foreigners in this city over the number
of oflences committed by native citizens, was owing to the extremely destitute
condition of the majority of immigrants~poverty being the frequent parent of
crime. In suggesting a remedy for the evil, they have stated that which will
perhaps be a sufiicient answer, in the estimation of most persons, to the accusa~
tions preferred against the commissioners of emigration. Taking it for granted
that in mild weather the per capita, tax of $1,50 is enough to meet the expense
of providing for immigrants until they can procure employment by which to
earn their own livelihood, it seems apparent that, in such a severe Winter as the
present, when nearly all kinds of out-door labor are suspended, and when, owing
to the closure of canal navigation, it is diflficult for the poor to travel, even if
work were to be had elsewhere, a larger sum pro rata must be required to sup~
port the destitute thus necessary dependent for a much longer period upon the
funds and good offices of the commissioners. Is it reasonable, then, that these
officers should be censured because all the inmates of the lodging houses are
not quite so comfortably provided for (if that be the fact) as has been usual
under different circumstances?

The following statement compiled from the register shows the number of
immigrants chargeable to the commissioners on the 22d inst., as compared with
the 22d of January 1851.

1852. 1851.
At the Hospital and Refuge, Ward’s Island,
and Marine Hospital. . . . . . . . . .
At Lodging houses in this city~—Emigrants
waiting the opening of Navigation to go
into the Interior, or seeking Employment 1,775 402

3,319 2,681

5,094 3,083
3,083

Increase.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 2,001

Such facts as these will weigh more with thinking men, than all the denun—
ciations which have been levelled at the commissioners, by parties whose motives,
are best known to themselves. We confess that to us they appear almost con-

998 ELGIN-GRE Y PAPERS

[Enclosure]

elusive; and feeling, as We observed yesterday, that the commissioners are en-
titled to public gratitude for the arduous labors they perform without fee, and
without hope of reward, it becomes a duty to defend them from wanton attack.
When any malfeasance or neglect of duty is clearly shown, we shall not care to
screen it, but it would be irrational to attribute offences for which there can
be no object, and no conceivable motive.

[Duplicate MS copy]

Private
C.O.
Feb’ 20/52

My DEAR ELeIN

I have luckily nothing of much consequence to write to you about for I
have only a minute to write~— You will receive oflicially a copy of an answer
I have returned to a letter I received from Hincks from Halifax about the
RailWay,1 I am myself all for accepting the line by S‘ John’s in the absence of
a better, but I dont know What the Cabinet will say to investing a large sum in
constructing a railway running along so close to the U, States frontier & so
invitingly easy to attack in case of War»-
Tliere has been a stupid blunder committed in the ofiice by including among the
Acts to be confirmed one wh. seems to require being first laid before Parl‘ I
have written you a confidential Despatcli on the subject the act will be con-
firmed over again & if you have already announced the Queen’s assent to it you
had better do nothing more till the legal assent arrives & then say in consequence
of a technical error a new Order in Council has been sent out, if you by good
luck sh“ not have issued the proclamation you will of course stop it——
You will see the enemy made a bad choice of a question for the first party battle
of the Session last night in the H. of C. & get well beat in consequence, they
say they are to do much better next week on the Cape & many people suppose
We shall be beat——— my impression is that We shall win but not by a large
majority, the present state of things is so disagreable that I sh“ wish it to be
put an end to by a defeat if I e‘ see a possibility of forming a Gov“ wh. ’w »
not involve the Countmy in very serious danger

(Sd) GREY
[Endorsed]

Feb 20/52
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

_‘Gr_ey to Elgin Feb. 1852, No. {$89. _In this despatch Lord Grey enclosed a letter written
at his direction by Peel, to Francis Hincks, in which he stated that the proposal which had
been set forth involved _so great a. deviation from the line sanctioned by Her Majesty’s
Government that “until it has undergone further‘ consideration it is out of his Lords}iip’s
power to say wh_etlier it may be Judged expedient to recommend that assistance should be
given to the project as new proposed.” The prfiposal to send a deputation to England to
treat of the giiestioii, was encouraged. (Peel to ineks, 20 February, 1852, « 17’urth67‘ Garre-
spandenae re M33110 to the Projected Ra1’Jrw_a,1/ from Halifax to Quebec” presented to both
Houses of Parhament, Jam: 14, 1862, Purlumnmitary Papers, 1852 [1516], vol. XLVIII).

*;_. _,._c ».—._ ….,.__,_1__ M, .-

1 ‘

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 999
[Original MS]

Private QUEBEC Feb 6. 1852.

My DEAR GREY,

The Delegates have not yet returned from the Lower Provinces. I defer
writing at length on the subjects of Reciprocity & the Currency till I see them-—

Meanwhile I enclose an extract from a Buffalo paper on the former subject:
and a letter from the London correspondent of the Hamilton Spectator which
tells some very disagreable truths with respect to the feelings which obtain
among the English Free Traders in reference to these Colonies, Very sincerely
Yours

ELGIN & KINCARDINE

The,
EARL Gnny

[Endorsed]
Feb » 6/52
Lord Elgin

[Enclosures]

No. 1 _
CANADIAN Rnorrnocrrr.

(From the Buflalo Commercial Advertiser.)

Before proceeding to the consideration of, the free navigation of the St.
Lawrence as a measure of reciprocity, we propose to examine more particularly
our trade with Canada. This we are able to do, as we have been politely put in
possession of a copy of a very full report of the “ Trade and Navigation of the
Province of Canada for the year 1850,” made by Inspector General Hincks to
both Houses of Parliament, quite recently. It appears by this report that the
whole amount of exports from Canada to the United States, for the year 1850,
was about five millions of dollars. The whole amount of imports from the
United States was about five and a half millions. Among the articles of imports,
coin and bullion, tea and coffee, are included. The value of these articles is
over one million of dollars, so that it is not likely that the articles of the growth
and production of the United States, imported into Canada, will amount to as
much as the Canadian products exported to the United States. For, of the
articles of sugar, imported from the United States, a considerable portion is from
the West Indies, and is purchased in New York and transported to Canada,
subject to a drawback of the duties in New York. Of the five millions of exports
to the United States, lumber, wheat and flour constitute over three millions!
leaving only about two millions for all other articles. In order to make three
millions of imports from the United States, some nine or ten of the principal
articles must be included:—

1000 ELG’IN~GREY PAPERS

[Enclosure]
Manufactures of cotton . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. $850,000
D0. wool . . 450,000
Do. iron 400,000
Leather . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200,000

Hides . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200,000

Tobacco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 375,000

Sugar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 250,000

Books . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175,000

Tallow . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , . , . . . . . . . . 140,000

Pork . . . . . . . . , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130,000

Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $3,170,000

The above are the heaviest items of imports from the United States in the
list, except Tea. But, as this is not the production of the United States, we do
not include it in our estimate.‘ The above are given in round numbers, but are
near enough to the exact amount of each in the report to answer our purpose.
It appears that the largest items of imports from the United States are cotton
and woollen manufactures. But these in 1850, amounted to but little over one
million of dollars. Taking, therefore, the trade of 1850 as a basis, a fair recipro-
city of trade would seem to require that all our principal productions should be
admitted free, as an equivalent for the admission of Canadian wheat, flour and
lumber. But, according to the representation of the Newfoundland paper, which
we copied the other day, the power of the Colonial Legislatures is limited in this
respect, and the equivalent cannot be obtained without the assent of the
Imperial Government. And this could hardly be expected, inasmuch as the
admission of our manufactures would shut the Colonial market against British
products. We have our doubts, however, as to the accuracy of the Newfoundland
statement. If the Colonial government have the power to levy customs duties
for revenue, it is incredible that they should not be able to remit those duties at
pleasure. The authority to abolish, follows the authority to impose, as a
necessary sequence. The first cannot be conferred, ordinarily, independent of
the other. And yet the difiiculty of rendering an equivalent-—of basing an
arrangement on the principle of real reciprocity, seems to have been foreseen
and appreciated by our Canadian neighbours—hence the undue stress which
they lay upon the free navigation of the St. Lawrence. It is a little extraordinary
that if the free navigation of the St. Lawrence is considered such a boon, that
our Canadian neighbors should not use it for exportation of their own products,
instead of sending them in bond through our canals and by our railroads to
New York, to be there re—shipped to England. The principal advantage to be
derived from the free navigation of the St. Lawrence is represented to be, that
it will enable our lake craft to seek the ocean for employment during the winter,
when the navigable waters of our interior seas and rivers are bound up by frost.
The importance of this to those interested in the commerce of the lakes is rather
apparent than real. A very small proportion of our Lake craft would be suitable
for sea going vessels. Nor will the shallow harbours of our lakes admit of the
construction of vessels that would be adapted to both kinds of navigation;

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ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1001

[Enclosure]

besides, the whole Canadian internal improvement policy is opposed to our own.
They have already drawn from the upper lakes, through the Welland Canal,
a large amount of the legitimate business of the Erie Canal. A portion of it
finds its way back again through Oswego, while another portion passes on to the
ports below, and is entirely diverted from its legitimate destination, the city of
New York. We are now asked to pay a bonus for diverting still another
portion of it through the St. Lawrence, out of the country entirely. Surely our
Canadian friends, or our own people at the west, who have been flattered with
the idea that it would be a fine thing to load a vessel with their own products,
at their own docks, in the fall, to be landed on her return in spring, will hardly
expect the people of the “Empire State ” to advocate a policy so opposed to
her own, and which tends to subvert our own system of internal improvements,
which has contributed to develope the resources and enhance the value of the
lands, not only of our own, but of our western sister States, beyond all power
of competition. We fear it would be giving us credit for more magnanimity
then we possess, to suppose that, as citizens of western New York, we can view
this question with indifference, or without some grains of doubt, however it may
be considered in a. National point of view.

No. 2
ENGLISH CORRESPONDENCE OF THE SPECTATOR.

No. 36, Bnoomsnmvz SQUARE,
LONDON, 1st January, 1852.

DEAR Sm:—During the three months I have spent in Europe, I have been
so completely occupied by business engagements, that I have found but little
time to write to my friends in Canada. The general elections being now over,
perhaps I may be able to interest them by a chapter of my European experience
thus far. During the year just past, so many letters have been written from all
parts of Europe, and particularly from London, by the numerous visitors to
the Great Exhibition, for American and Canadian papers, that I shall endeavor
to avoid going over old ground as much as possible, and confine myself to what-
I hope may have interest with many of my old friends, who are readers of your
paper.

Of the great Exhibition I shall say nothing further than that I arrived
here in time to spend six days in the Crystal Palace before its close. Every
body, I am sure, must have had quite a surfeit of the descriptions of this wonder-
ful “lion ” of the past year, with which every paper in Christendom teemed for
months. Its results are what we must now endeavor to trace out and patiently
await in this slow moving world. That these will be the approximation towards
a more liberal and enlightened system of intercourse amongst the Whole family
of nations which compose the world, I firmly believe. The fruits may be tardy
in ripening, but they are sure to follow, where so great an effort has been made,
and to all appearances completely successful, in planting, broad cast and deep
the seeds of a better and more generous commercial policy. ‘

1002 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

[Enclosure]

The great Exhibition in the completeness of its success must not be
regarded as the work of any one individual, or class in England, but of classes
~01” the whole nation, combined and aided by the co-operation of the whole
world. It was in effect the result of cause long in operation, and will itself in
turn be the cause of eifects of immense importance to the world, to be hereafter
developed. 01′ to be more explicit, it was the result of the principles of Free
Trade, which have taken a deep and permanent hold of the British nation ; and
in its time is calculated to give a wide range to those principles which cannot
now be disturbed without danger to the stability of the Empire. The numerous
foreigners who visited England last year Went away home deeply impressed
with the importance of following her example. They saw collected within the
walls of the Crystal Palace, the varied productions and manufactures of all
climates and all nations, and they had practical proof of the advantages that
must result from the ability of one Country to exchange its commodities for those
of another without the vexatious restrictions of governments, too often, ruled by
interested individuals and classes. I have conversed with many intelligent and
distinguished foreigners, both in this country and on the Continent, and find
that such sentiments have received a powerful stimulant from the causes
referred to.

Whilst speaking of this subject, there is one consideration, with which I
would desire particularly to impress the minds of Canadians, and which, the
sooner they understand, the better will it be for themselves. There are many
of them who still cling to the delusive hope, that this Country will return to its
former system of protection to agricultural products, by which the Colonies were
afforded an incidental advantage in its markets, over foreign countries. Now
that I have had every opportunity of forming a correct judgment upon the
subject on the spot, I can assure my friends in Canada, that, not even the
protectionists themselves have a hope of succeeding—I got into a discussion
with several well informed country gentlemen, in the Coffee room of one of the
large hotels, on this subject, and they very candidly told me, that they had no
hopes of ever having another protective tariff, and only continued to agitate the
question to get a reduction of the taxes bearing most heavily on land. In fact,
the small remnant of the old party, that has for several years made so much
clamor about protection, is itself broken up into numerous sections, and is
shortly destined to total annihilation. As the Times newspaper has it, “pro-
tection is dead and buried, and has left behind only a few old women to mourn
its fate.”

If the people of Canada would only consider, that the English nation have
spent half a century in the struggle to break down the barriers erected by
selfishness and ignorance, to prevent one individual and one nation from
exchanging its products and manufactures with another, they would see how
impossible it would be to obtain a retrograde movement. It has been a great
revolution in the entire political and moral condition of England, and the
wheels of such revolutions, as old Cobbett once remarked, “seldom revolves
backwards.” Besides, in England, as estimated by the Times, four fifths of the

people are interested in having cheap bread, and even if a majority of the voters

___x,_..,_._………n __._

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av;-w

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ELGIN~GREY PAPERS 1003
[Enclosure]

of England were in favor of a return to protection, they could not——dare not,
put such a measure into effect. The days of class legislation, of bouuties and
protection, of drawbacks and prohibitions, and of all the other contrivances of
selfishness to extort money from the hard earnings of labor, are at an end in
England. Her position in this respect, has doubtless been in a great measure
attained by the lead she has long taken in the commerce of the world. Commerce
may be regarded as the great civilizer of mankind—the mighty engine in the
hands of that Providence which designed that the whole family of man should
become bound together in one common tie of brotherhood, for the accomplish~
ment of its purposes. England, I firmly believe, will be true to herself and to
her high destiny, in carrying out the part assigned to her. Although the United
States still continues to adhere to the principle of a “ moderate protective tarifi ”
in the distribution of her revenue imposts on the commodities of foreign nations,
protection as such may be regarded as defunct there also. At the same time the
American Union affordsalmost the only example of a system of perfect Free
Trade amongst countries the most varied in climate, productions and manu-
factures. To this circumstance may, in a great measure, be imputed their
unparalleled prosperity. Now there is one thing certain. If Canadians expect
ever to be anything more than the « hewers of wood and drawers of Water ” to
England and the United States, they must either become a part and parcel of the
great commercial system of America, or they must strike out some new course
of their own; as I have on former occasions pointed out at length, the first is the
only feasible plan for their adoption. Laying the question of annexation wholly
aside, for that at present would be ixnpracticable, if (Canada were ready and
willing,) the Canadian government should offer to the United States perfectly
free and reciprocal commercial intercourse, and not restrict their offers to a
few of the products of the soil only. Such a measure would be at once conceded,
and we should then hear no more useless clamour for protection in the English
market.

Whilst upon this subject, I wish to assu.re the Canadian people, that all
they can say or do individually, or through their legislature, with the view to
inducing this country to return to a protective tariff on grain, is wholly lost
labor. The voice of Canada is unheeded here, and I can assure them, that they
are regarded here as entirely of secondary importance, as compared with
Americans. Canadians at home think themselves somebody; but when they get
here they find themselves treated with a measure of contempt, very amusingly
described by Mr. I-Iowe, in his own case, when landing at Liverpool. An
American gentleman presented himself to the officer of Customs as the bearer
of dispatches from the Government at Washington to his minister in London,
and was instantly passed through without having his baggage overhauled.
Mr. H. seeing the magic effect produced by the dispatches from Washington,
(which after all is a mere nominal affair, for these same dispatches may have
been a few newspapers done up) stepped boldly forward and said, “I too am
the bearer of dispatches, and anxious to get on. “ Where are you from, sir‘? ”
was the intcrrogatory put,——“ From the Government of Nova Scotia, whose
special agent I am to the British Government,” replied Mr. Howe. I am sorry

1004 ELGI N —G’REY PAPERS

[Enclosure]
to say, Sir, we don’t know any such place; be so kind as to stand back; we will
attend to you presently.” This is a fair sample of the consideration which the
unfortunate Colonists meet with in England. They have no minister to consult
with, or to treat them with civility, and are in all respects worse off here than
a foreigner.

The question as to whether the English farmer can afford to grow wheat,
at present prices, is one with which Canadians have nothing whatever to do.
It is a question between the landlord and his tenant, and one which also involves
the necessity of a more improved system of agriculture. In the month of
October I made some excursions into the country, to see how they farm here,
and was surprised at the slow and clumsy way their operations are conducted.
I don’t mean to say they don’t do well what they do ; but it was the modus
operandi that struck my attention—Three horses, harnessed’ sometimes at
tandem, but more frequently two abreast and one leading, are used in cross
ploughing fallows, which in America are always ploughed by two horses or oxen,
and are driven by_the ploughman himself, whilst here there is invariably a man
to drive.—A careful examination of the agricultural implements in the Exhibition
explained at once the reason why more power is required here than in America
to use them. Their construction would appear faultless to an inexperienced eye,
but upon comparison with those in the American department, a difierence both
in the weight and mould of the ploughs was plainly diseernable. The ploughs
used here are much longer in their mould-boards, and consequently require more
power to drive their long wedge—shaped cutters through the ground than it does
where, as in those of American make, the mould-board is so short as to break the
ground at the very edge of the eutter. This is the simple reason why the one
requires more power than the other to perform its work. Besides, one American
or Canadian ploughman will perform nearly double work in a day, with only a
pair of horses and without a driver, that the English ploughman with his three
horses and driver accomplishes. This I know from practical experience, com-
pared with what I have seen here. There must, in fact, be a complete revolution
in the system of agriculture here, as well as a reduction of rents. The country
gentlemen must lessen their extravagant style of living, and spend their money
on their farms and in their neighborhood, instead of squandering it in London and
on the Continent, in riotous living. They can then afiord to lower their rents,
and will cease to clamour to have four—fifths of the nation taxed to put three or
four millions sterling, in the aggregate, into their pockets. They must improve
the morality of their tenantry, who regularly spend their Saturdays at the fairs,
where they are sure to have a jollifieation and spend their earnings. Let them
do these things as they should be done, and let them also teach their tenants how
to economize in the implements of Husbandry, in ploughs, threshing machines,
reapers, &c., and they will then be acting the part of rational men. I have
spoken of these matters, because the people of Canada, or at least many of them,
are apt to think that the farmers here have been dealt hardly by, by the Gov-
ernment party, and that they have no remedy. Such, I can assure them, is not
the ease. The farmers, as might be expected, have met with temporary incon-
venience, from so sudden and great a. change in their relative position in the

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ELGIN-GREY PAPERS ‘ _ 1005
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nation, but no man of calm judgment can come to any other conclusion than
that, ultimately, great and lasting benefits Will be conferred upon them, by
compelling the improvements I have enumerated.

There is no occasion, either, for the people of Her Majesty’s North
American Colonies to distress themselves about the imminent danger in which
the Empire is placed, by the death-blow dealt to monopolies and protection, and
the consequent prospect of losing those “ bright ” but very expensive “jewels
of the Crown.” Nobody here will appreciate their sufiferings on this account.
An opinion very generally prevails all over England that the sooner these
brilliants are got rid of the better for the nation. If this Empire had depended
upon her Colonial commerce wholly for its sustentation, it would long ago have
dissolved into nothingness. Its stability rests on more enduring and less
expensive elements—-its vast stores of unrivalled manufactures, and her world-
wide commerco. Add to these her agriculture and the general activity and
enterprize of her people, and you combine the leading constituents of England’s
greatness. Her Colonies have ever been palpable sources of weakness and not
of strength, and have only become really valuable when completely emancipated
from her control. England’s real source of strength lies within her own sea-girt
shores and her wide-extended foreign commerce, which costs little or nothing to
protect. It would be difficult to point out one single instance where one of her
Colonies has contributed in any degree to the success of her arms, whilst on the
contrary, they have always been her assailable points, as in the case of South
Africa at this moment, and numerous other instances recorded in history. Her
true system of Colonizing, is that of the ancient Greeks, who did not pretend to
exercise political jurisdiction over their plantations, but merely made treaties
offensive and defensive with them, and reaped the fruits of their Commerce.
The United States are of solid advantage to England, because they take some
sixteen millions sterling of her manufactured goods, and send her in return an
equal amount of bread stuils, raw material and specie, without costing a dollar
for protection; whilst on the other hand Canada takes but two, or two and a
quarter millions, and costs far more than any profit that can result for protection,
with a few additional millions now and then to suppress a rebellion.—This is the
view of the case taken here, and Canadians who are not bigoted by preconceived
theories, or who do not still twaddle about the old exploded doctrine of “ Ships,
Colonies and Commerce,” will be able to judge of its soundness. Whether the

‘view thus prevailing here, be sound, or not, it is quite certain Canadians cannot

alter it. I have principally devoted this letter to these subjects, because I con-
sider them of vital importance to Canada. When I write you again I shall treat
of other matters.

You will notice that the sale here of £400,000 of Canadian six per cent.
debentures for the railroad, has had the effect to cause a falling off in their
quotations of about four per cent. These Stocks stood before at about 106 to
107. They are now quoted at 102%. The late French revolution has had a
prejudicial effect on all stocks, and the funds have not yet recovered their
former quotations. To all appearances Louis Napoleon is firmly seated in
power. The nation has sustained him by such an overwhelming vote, that no

1006 ELG/IN —GRE Y PAPERS

[Enclosure]

opposition will soon dare to raise its head. But so much depends upon his
single life, that this country will not feel secure for some time to come. France
may again be ranked amongst the despotic powers of Europe, and the people
here have a strong feeling for an American alliance. Such an alliance, however,
would be contrary to the principles laid down by Washington, and acted upon
ever since by America. There is no telling, however, what Kossuth’s eloquence
may eflect. I deeply regret and deprecate the tendency there seems to be, both
in England and America, on the part of the people, to interfere in European
alfairs. The people on the Continent generally do not understand the principles
of free government, and if they had such governments would only abuse them,
like the republicans of France.

If, however, matters remain quiet on the Continent for another year, we
shall get all the money we want here for building our railroads. In prospect
of Continental troubles, during next summer, I think it would be wise in our
railroad directors to dispose of their securities here with as little delay as possible.
The first signal of an outbreak will cause John Bull to button up his pockets, and
there is no telling when he may open them again.

Yours, &c.,
H. B. W.

TRANSPORTATION OF THE MAILS.

[To the Editor of the Hamilton Spectator]

I’IA1\/IILTON, 26th Jan., 1852.

DEAR SIa,——Can you inform me if any contract has been entered into with
the Government and the Steamboat Companies, for the mail contract from and
to Montreal, and the Post Offices west of Prescott? From your general intimacy
with public matters, I seek such information at your hands as I know you will
very willingly aiford.

The object I have in making this enquiry is this: the present mail route from
Montreal to this port seems to me to require far more time than is at all
necessary; and were the matter carefully looked into by our Hamilton merchants,
I am of opinion that a very important change could be brought about, the results
of which would not only be of the most vital importance to our own City trade,
but to every town and city west of us: nor would the advantages I anticipate
be confined to the West only: Brockville, Kingston, Toronto, Cobourg and Port
Hope would alike be benefitted, while our Quebec and Montreal friends would
find a quicker medium of correspondence.

A letter mailed at Montreal only reaches Hamilton in, say, fifty-six hours,
including all the detentions at Kingston and Toronto, for change of time with
the several lines. The loss of time passing the Beauharnois and Cornwall Canals
is alone a very serious drawback to obtaining the speedy interchange of cor-
respondence our business absolutely requires.

.__…..—‘

1

t
um. —,,.—.—.,—- .——+,—-..—fl.—.. »,—~.q,——. —..-———._—-an-—-——

~—.e —;,_.,‘..__g-_..?

.__…g,…-_,.—…_..g_…r—r-,—..»—~_.__._ »

ELGI N -GEE Y PAPERS 1007
[Enclosure]

We are too slow in almost all our movements, and require improvements
in a great number of our business facilities. The postal arrangements are, I
think, not among the most prominent for extraordinary despatch.

Since the opening of the St. Johns Railroad, from St. Lambert, opposite
Montreal, to Rouse’s Point, on Lake Champlain, a new feature presents itself,
and I would like to see the attention of our Canadian merchants called to it.

A letter, mailed at Montreal for Hamilton, leaves Montreal at four in the
afternoon, and is at Ogdensburg at eleven same evening: at Kingston at four or
five next morning: at Toronto in time for the Hamilton boat, at seven o’clock
P. M., and the merchant is in receipt of his Montreal correspondence in thirty-one
hours: of course, this arrangement would require the boats on Lake Ontario to
run through.

I may be in error as to exact time on both routes, but I question if this last
is not the most likely one to contribute to the commercial advantages of Canada
correspondents, from Quebec to Montreal. Were a petition got up among all
our merchants, to the Government, I see no reason why we could not get the
plan carried out. If it was not, I think that a mail-bag, made up at the
Montreal Exchange, for the through ports letters, would only be necessary in
the event of the Government having already made their contract by the old
Canal route. The idea of a mail coming by Canals, when, by Railroads and
regular mail steamers, we can save nearly one—half the time in our correspond-
encel Will you favor us with your views on this matter? I trouble you with
this brief outline of the views I have, merely to invite healthful enquiry.

Yours truly
’ ‘ MERCHANT.

[Original MS]

Private.
Qunsnc. April 16. 1852

My DEAR GREY, I was rather disgusted to hear theother day (confidentially)
that the R‘ Honb” E. Ellice had been holding very shaky language on the
subject of annexation with a certain prominent Canadian Olficial now in
England. I fear that many of our absentee English Proprietors rank among
the worst subjects the Queen has in so far as the interests of her Sovereignty in
Canada are concerned—— I wonder what Lord J. Russell who refiected so
severely on Canadian Farmers whose loyalty was not proof against the hope
of acquiring an additional Shilling on the bushell of Wheat thinks of R‘ Hon“
English Gentlemen who hold similar language.

As bearing on these prospects of pecuniary benefit from annexation I send
you by this mail two copies of a number of the Quebec Gazette containing two
lectures on the growth and prospects of Canada delivered before the mechanics
Institute of Toronto by a respectable Presbyterian Minister the Rev’3 A. Lillie1—-

‘These papers were sent in Elgin to Paekington, 15 April, 1852, No. 35 (G. 641, p. 88.)

1003 ELGIN—G‘RE Y PAPERS

I think you will find themworthy a perusal. They shew how far the tone of
disparagement employed in contrasting the progress of Canada with that of the
States is just—— We are anxiously awaiting the next mail for further accounts of
Emily.

Your’s very sincerely

[Endorsed] _ ELGIN & KINCARDINE
Ld Elgin

April 16/52

TRAITE
sun LA

TENUE GENERALE D’UNE TERRE
DANS LE

BAS-CANADA,

DEMONTRANT COMMENT W51‘ SOL USE PEUT
ETRE RENDU DES PLUS FERTILES
SANS CAPITAL; Aussr,

De la Rotation des Récoltes,

Des Racines et Cultures Sarolées,
Des Instruments d’Agriculture,
Du Soin des Animaux, etc. etc.

Par un Habitant du District de Montreal, qui a. mis en
pratique avec le plus grand succés pendant plus de
vingt ans Ie systems qu’i1 recommande, et qui
ayant commence sans moyens, est devenu
propriétaire de terres.

Pmanné mm ORDRE DE
SON EXCELLENCE LE Gouvnmmun Gx<’:N1finAL, et présenté et reeommandé par ELLE aux CULTIVATEURS du Bas—Canada. 1851. AVIS AU LECTEUR. Avmo Passentiment de l’Auteur intelligent et oxpérimenté, j’ai fait imprimer et distribuer ce petit traité, croyant qu’i1 pourrait étre utile aux cultivateurs du Bas—Canada. J’ose espérer qu’on Ie lira avec attention et qu’on ne dédaignera pas les avis simples et pratiques qu’il contient. ELGIN & LKINCARDINE. TORONTO, 1m: JANVIER, 1851. —. _..fi ._»,_.,_~,~v,._.,,._._v__- __..,.,._w_.,_.:_..,,_.._. __ .4 . ~. -, , ‘:2 . «»——….__.y~._.-——.-—..—-.——-  » ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1009 DE LA TENUE GENERALE D’UNE TERRE DANS LE BAS—CANADA. Les habitants Canadiens sent en général frugaux et industrieux; leurs terres out un bel aspect, malgré que, pour la plupart, elles soient épuisées. Tout ce qui manque a Pagriculteur du Bas—Canada, c’est un bon systeme. Un tel sys- téme, pour étro valalole, doit posséder les qualités suivantes, savoir: 1° Il doit étre économique, ct ne pas requérir plus de capitaux que le sys- tems aotuel, ou plutot l’absencc actuelle de tout systéme, no requiert. Il est ass avantageux cependant d’appliquer des capitaux considérables sur les terres, mais cet avantage est hers de la portée de nos eultivateurs qui, pour le plus grand nombre, n’ont pas les sommes suifisantes. 2° 11 doit ramener Ia fertilité du so! on elle a été détruite, et la oonserver ensuite avec les propres moyens de la tcrre. Quant aux engrais tirés ol’autres sources que de celles de la terre, ils sont toujours cofiteux, et loin des villes il serait impossible d’en avoir, si chacun en connaissait lc prix. 3° 11 doit étre simple et d’une application facile. 4° Enfin, et par dessus tout, il doit se recomrnander par le mérite de l’eXpé~ rience ct du succes obtenu. L’auteur de cet essai ayant pendant longtemps fait Yapplication pratique d’un systems qui réunit tous ces avantages 33. um haut degré, croit qu’il est de son devoir, comme ii an a le privilege, de ‘lo soumettre a see concitoyens Canadiens—Francais, et il a la conviction que si ce plan est adopté, il aura pour cifet de rcndre le pays plus produotif et par consequent plus prospere, et, dans Pespace de six ans, de changer les terres ruinées, improductives et empoisonnées de mauvaises herbes, on do belles, riches et fortiles fermes, et des petits et mou- rants animaux du Bas-Canada on de luxuriants troupcaux, et cela, sans de plus grandes dépenses de travail ct d’argent que cclles qu’entraine le mode actuel. Avant toutefois de développer son systeme, 1’auteur se permettra de dire un ou deux mots des résultats qu’il en a olotenus et pour plus de clarté il parlera 23. la premiere personne. ‘ I1 y a trente ans j’arrivai dans ce pays, endetté alors de la somme de £40; je louai une terre ruinée dans le Bas—Canada, contenant quatre-vingt-quatre arpents en superiioie, au sein d’une population Canadienne-Frangaise, et cela au prix annuel de £45 dc Ioyer. Eh bienl da-us Pespace de vingt-et-un ans, j’ai payé ma premiere dette, et j’ai pu économiser uno somme suifisante pour acheter dans le voisinage une terre bien meilleure que la fenne par moi oeeupée. Le propriétaire dc la terre que j’ai achetéc, quoique maitre de sa propriété, allait s’apauvrissant toujours jusqu’au point d’étre obligé de vendre sa terre, tandis que ferinier sur une terre moins productive, tout en payant le prix d’un bail, je me suis rendu capable d’acheter sa terre, eomme je viens de le dire. Quelle est donc la raisou de cette anomalie? Le Canadien était plus fort que moi, jouissait comzne moi d’une bonne santé et était, oomme je 1’ai dit, le maitre de sa terre. Voici la raison, il ne suivait aucun systeme: il laissait sa terre s’épuiser, 93374-A 1 010 ELGI N —G‘RE Y PAPERS et les mauvaises herbes lui enlever le peu de force et de iertilité qu’elle couservait encore: il laissait soufirir ses troupeaux de la faim; ses engrais, l’or du cultiva- teur, se perdre inutilement: tout allait en ruine faute do méthode; znais quand j’eus acheté cette terre, et que j’y eus appliqué le systems que j’entreprends de déorire, sa fertilité sc rétablit champs par champs, jusqu »a ce que le tout fut en bon ordre, au bout de six ans; depuis, la ‘terre n’a fait que s’amélio1’er par ses scules ressources. Le systeme auquel je fais allusion, et qui est bien connu des bons cultiva- teurs de tous les pays comme la base de toutcs les améliorations, est le systéme des Assolcmcnts on, LA normrrou DES snmrmons. Deux sortes dc raisons militent en favour des assolemcnts: 1° Parccque les différentes plantes tirent du sol difi’ére11tes ospéces de nour- riture, en sorte qu’une plants peut venir avec abondance dans un sol épuisé par rapport a une autre plante. 2° Parceque les semences étant variées, la disette sur un certain produit, dans certaines années, n’est pas autant sentie, les autres produits fourrussant d’abondants moyens de subsistence sans celui-la. Cultiver une proportion réguli(‘2re dc toutes lcs variétés de produits que la providence nous a fournis avec profusion pour notre subsistance, doit étre con- sidéré comine le nieillcur rnoyen do prévenir la famine; ct quel cultivateur sensé, avcc Yexemple du Canada et de l’Irlande, voudra s’en tenir 2:. la culture unique du blé ou de la patate‘? Jc vais maintenant expliquer le plan des assolements que, par trente ans (Yexpérience, j’ai trouvé Ie plus convenable au sol, au climat et a l’état actuel du Bas-Canada, et que je crois généralement applicable aux terres occupées par des Canadiens-Frangais, et dans cet expose je ne dirai rien que je n’ai fait moi—méme et pratiqué avec suocés. PLAN D’AssoLnMEN’r. Divisez la partie cultivable de la terre, quelle que soit sa grandeur, en six champs aussi égaux que possible, avee une communication directe de l’enclos de la grange a chaque champ, et d’un champ a Pautre, afin que les troupeaux puissent passer de Fun at l’autre s discrétion. Cette division en six champs demandera pour la plupart des terres de nouvelles clétures, et il faut d’abord examiner comment le faire avec la moindre dépense possible. Je suppose maintenant la tcrre prepares a recevoir Yapplication de ce sys- teme, et c’est celui que j’ai trouvé le plus convenable pour celui qui n’a pas de capital a appliquer: 1° Culture dos légumes, comme patates, oarottes, betteraves, panets (par- snips), &c. et dans le cas ou la tcrre ne serait pas assez meuble pour unc semaille de ce genre, il faudrait laisscr lc champ en iriche. 2° Culture du Blé ou de l’Orge. 3° Culture du Foin. 4° Paturagei 5° Paturage. 6° Culture dc l’Avoine ou des Pois. ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1011 En oommengant Papplication de ce systems, le champ qui sera clans le meilleur état pour recevoir une semence de legumes devra s’a.ppelerle champ, .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. A Le plus propre pour le Blé ou l’Orge, .. .. . . .. .. B Le champ qui est actuellement en foin, .. .. .. .. 0 Les champseupaturage, .. .. 4. .. .. .. .. .. .. D 6513 Le plus propre pour Avoine ou Pois, . . _. . .. .. .. F Chaque champ, pour la premiere année, doit etre destiné aux récoltes ci- dessus mentionnées, et dans la maniere maintenant pratiquée par les habitants du Bas-Canada, excepté pour le champ A. Par cette disposition, ils retireront, la premiere année dans tous les cas, autant de produits de cinq de leurs champs qu’ils en retirent maintena-nt. La culture (in champ A et de l’un des produits du N° 1 qui se présentent ensemble la premiere année, doivent étre l’objet d’une attention particuliere comme étant la clef de tout le systems; car, la bonne culture de ce champ a pour but, et doit avoir pour effet, non seulement de produire une bonne récolte la premiere année, mais encore dfaméliorer la terre pour les cinq autres années de oe systems de rotation des semences. L’année suivante, les cultures des divers produits seront dans l’ordre suivant: Le produit 2° au champ A do 3° do B do 4° do C do 5° do D do 6° do E do 1“ do F at ainsi de suite, en variant chaque année jusqu’e ce que la septieme année, le produit 1°, arrive de nouveau au champ A, ct alors le tout sera dans un bon état de production, et exempt dc mauvaises herbcs. Ce systems a prouvé son efficacité a améliorer la terre et a détruire les mauvaises herbes. Maintenant, pour rendre la chose simple et facile a comprendre, je me supposerai oblige de prendre de nouveau une terre ruinée, a Pautomne de 1849. La premiere chose que je ferais, serait de diviser cette terre en six champs par des clétures capables cl’empecher les animaux de passer d’un champ a l’autre. Et de suite, je prendrais pour le champ A celui qui serait le plus propre a pro- duire des légumes ou plantes sarclées; je recueillerais tout l’engrais que je pour- rais trouver, soit dans ou liors des batisses; j’en1everais le pavé des écuries, étables et des soues, et je prendrais autant que possible de la terre qui se trouve dessous les pavés, car cette terre est l’essence des cngrais; une charge de cette terrc vaut aut-ant que quatre ou cinq charges de fumier ordinaire. La portion ainsi enlevée doit étre rcmplacée par une égale quantité de terre ordinaire, cu si la chose est possible, on doit la remplacer par de la terre noire, qu’on pourra renouveler au besoin par la suite. Le fumier ct les autres engrais ainsi amassés seralent placés sur le champ A on Septembre ou au commencement d’Octobre, étendus avec soin et enfouis par un léger sillon. Les engrais aident a la déoomposition du chauzne et des plantes nuisibles a la surface du sol, et les délivrent de ces plantes, servant s retenir la matiere soluble contenuc dans ces engrais jusqu’a ee que les sues 9337-04; 1012 ELGIN—G’RE’ Y PAPERS deviennent nécessaires aux semences des années suivantes. Plus il y aura de variété dans les semenccs de ce champ, le mieux sera, si la terre est eonvenable pour elles. Ainsi, cc champ doit approcher en apparence un jardin potager. Sous les circonstances actuelles du pays, j’attircrai avec force Pattcntion dc tous les agriculteurs sur la culture de la earotte, coinme bien adaptée a notre sol et a notre climat. La earotte a nioins d’ennemis que toutes les autres plantes, que jc sache. La meilleurc espece pour la culture en grand est la earotte rouge d’Altringham: la maniere de la cultiver est la suivanto: CULTURE DE LA CAROTTE. La terre engraissée Yautomne, eomme on vient de le dire, doit etre labourée au moins deux fois le priutemps, les deux labours clevant sc croiser et etre aussi profonds que possible: on doit ensuite la herser jusqu’e. ce qu’elle soit bien pré— parée. On fait ensuite, 5. la oharrue, des sillons séparés de deux pieds a deux pieds trois pouces, en ayant soin do relever la terre entre ces sillons autant que possible: on passe le rouleau sur ce labour, puis on ouvre avee le coin d’une houe (pioohe) un petit sillon lc long et sur le sommet des rangs; déposez—y la graine ct passez de nouveau le rouleau, cette derniere operation sufiit pour oouvrir la semence. Quand on peut se proéurer une brouette a sillon (semeur ole graiue) cela simplifie dc beaucoup le travail. Le rouleau dent on vient de parler est essential pour la culture des plantes bulbeuses (légumcs) qui viennent de petites semences, mais aussi, il est a la portée de tous les eultivateurs. Un billet de pin de vingt pouces de diamétre et de cinq pieds dc long, avee des timons fixes a ses extrémités, pcut faire l’ai‘1°aire admirablement. La graine de earotte (at on pcut en dire autant des autres graines), doit étre trempée clans de l’eau de pluie ou de l’eau douce, ct y demeurer jusqu’e ee qu’elle soit prete a germer, ct ensuite on la roule dans de la chaux vive jusqu’a ce qu’elle soit assez seche pour que les grains n’adherent pas les uns aux autres. Quant on n’a pas de cliaux, on pcut so servir de cendre de bois. Une livre de graine, si elle est home, at on en doit faire Pépreuve avant de la seiner, peut suflire pour un arpent de terre. Par le moyen dent on vient do parler, la jeune plante poussera avant les mauvaises herbes, en sorte qu’il sera facile dc distinguer les rangs de la earotte avant que les mauvaises herbes apparaissent. Ceci rend le nettoyage comparativcment plus facile, puisqu’il peut se faire (excepté Féclaircissemcnt) avec la herse a sillon. Cette herse est un instrument que tout cultivateur doit avoir, et qui, comme ceux déje décrits, est extrémement simple dans sa construction: elle est eomposée de trois barres en bois réunies a leur extrémité antérieure, et séparées en arriere en proportion de la largeucr des rangs que l’on veut nettoyer. Cet instrument, qu’on appelle la houe a cheval, la herse a sillon, ou lc cultivateur, peut étre tiré par un cheval bien facilement, et armé de monchans comme une charrue, mais plus légers; un homme ou un jeune garcon peut la diriger de fagon a ne pas toucher aux rangs des carottes ou autres legumes, mais seulement pour soulever la terre a uno plus ou moins grancle profondeur, a volonté. Des que les mauvaises herbes font leur appari- tion, on traine cette herse entre les rangs, de maniere a amener la terre aussi pres que possible des jeunes pousses sans leu.r toucher ni les couvrir. Ce »., _.. ‘ —_».._.__.. ___…._~ _ _—.——l4>—<‘.-—..—-_—.—..—— ‘-— c —— 4» gr ~: ELGIN—G’REY PAPERS 1013 procédé tiendra les pousses dans un état de propreté jusqu’au temps venu d’éclaircir les plants et de les laisser distants de quatre ou cinq pouces. Peu aprés, on pourra labourer entre les rangs ainsi hersés et rcnchaussés. Ces pro» eédés font du bien a la plante en pcrmettant a Pair et a Phumidité de se faire jour, et facilitant Yévaporation. Ma maniere de récolter les carottes l’automne consiste a passer la charrue le long du oété droit des plantes aussi pres que possible sans les endommager; cecl les dégage d’un cété, et la tige est assez forte pour ensuite arracher les racines. Cette espéce de culture requiert un travail considérable, mais le revenu est plus que suifisant pour récompenser 1e cultivateur. Quand on considere la grande quantité dc principes nutritifs que cette raeiue contient, et Papplication générale qu’on peut en faire pour la nourriture de tout ce qui a vie dans la. ferme, on ne saurait trop en recommander la. culture; c’est en outre un aliment aimé de tous les animaux, et surtout des chevaux de travail, auxquels on peut en dunner a la place de 1’avoiue. J’ai appuyé particuliérement sur la maniére de cultiver la. earotte, parceque la meme méthode peut s’appIiquer ‘a la culture de presque tous les légumes qui peuvent se cultiver aveo avantage dans ce pays, comma les Panets, Betteraves de toute espéce, et Navets. Les Panets peuvent pousser clans un sol dur, approchant meme de la glaise, et n’ont pas besoin de caves, pouvant, sans souifrir, domeurer dans la terre tout l’hiver; dans ce cas on les retrouve au printemps comme une nouvelle alimenta- tion dams 1e temps oi‘: elle clevient plus néceésaire. Tous les animaux mangent les panets avec gout, et les vachcs qui en sont nourries donnent un lait trés riche. La Betterave ordinavire, et la grosse Betterave, sont de la meme valeur comme culture et comme aliment dos vaches laitieres; mais je ne les orois pas beaucoup propres a engraisser les animaux. Les Navets viennent bien quand ils peuvent échapper a la mouche; mais on ne peut compter la-dessus; et depuis que la maladie a pris la Patate, on peut en dire autant de ce légume dont la culture d’ail1eurs est bien connue. DE LA FEVE A CHEVAL ET nus 1.=o1s.—Si la terre est trop lourde pour la culture des légurnes a. raeines, les Feves et meme les Pois peuvent convenir pour la culture No. 1, tout en faisant attention A semer au sillon, et 5, préparer la terre comme on vieut de le recommander pour la culture des légumes a racines. LABou1z.——Si 1’on croit absolumeut nécessaire de déehaumer, c’est-a—dire labourer sans semer, ce qui arrive seulement dans le cas ou le sol est si dur et si lourd qu’il ne peut se pulvériser par un autre moyen, on ne doit pas étendre les engrais sur la terre Pautomne précédent, mais on doit labourer la terrc et Passe- cher, c’est—Ea.—dire, faire les tranchées et sillons aver: autant de soins que pour le dép6t d’une semence. On ne doit pas retoucher a la terre avant le mois de juin, temps auquel il faut la labourer de nouveau, et la herser de maniere :3. la rendre égale et 9. détruire les racines des ruauvaises herbes. On doit ensuite tirer les sillons en ligne droite en leur dormant une largeur uniforme, et daus une direction propre a faciliter 1’assecheme11t. Vers le milieu de juillet, il faut de nouveau labourer et semer avec abondance du sarrasin. A la fin de sep- tembre, on doit labourer dc nouveau, apres avoir répandu les engrais sur la 1014 .E’LG’IN—G’RE Y PAPERS terrc. Le sarrasiu, dans ce oas, est enfoui aveo les autres engrais, et sort a les augmenter beaucoup. La terre ainsi préparéc devra étre ensemenoée de blé le printemps suivant, et on devra y ajouter une semence do Mil et de Trefle; un minot de Mil suffira pour cinq arpents, et trois ou quatro livros de Trefle pour chaque arpent. En suivant aveo soin la méthode oi-dessus déorite, on aura en l’année 1851 quadruple la fertilité du sol, et peut—€>,tre plus que quadruple.

Maintenant, j’ai fait tout cc que je pouvais faire pour le champ A. Je l’ai
nettoyé et erbgmisse’ autant que je lo pouvais, et aprés avoir enlevé la récolte
de légumcs et la récolte de blé ou d’orge Yannée suivante, je laisse le champ se
reposer jusqu’a oe que les autres champs aient été améliorés de la meme maniere,
et d’aprés la méthode plus haut décrite. Quand ceci aura été aeoompli, c’est-a-
dire dans l’espace de six années, ou en l’année 1856, le pire sera fait, et on pourra
considérer la. bataille comme gagnée. Les champs seront alors dans un état de
propreté et de production, et la riohesse, par consequent, en sera de boaucoup
augmentée; la terre de 70 a 80 arpents qui en 1849 ne nourrissait que trois ou
quatre misérables vaohes et un nombre guere plus considerable de moutons
maladifs, sera capable en moins do dix ans de fournir une abondante subsistance
a dix ou douzo vaches et a d’autres troupeaux dans la meme proportion.

Un des grands avantages de ce systeme de rotation des semences vient de
oe que les paturages qui fournissent aux troupeaux la nourriture de l’été son’: on
proportion de la quantité de legumes et de foin destinés a les hi?/e1’ner,.et en
proportion de la paille que la culture dos grains doune pour les litiéros des
animaux. J e remarquerai ici que les habitants, excepté ceux qui demeurent
dans le voisinage des villes, ox‘; ils peuvent aisément so procurer des engrais,
ne devraient jamais vendre une seulo charge do leur foin, paille ou legumes,
lc tout devant étre mangé sur la terre, dans le but ollen retirer dos engrais suifisants
pour entretenir la fertilité du sol. ‘

Mais si le cultivateur ne vend ni foin, ni paille, ni légumes, que vendra—t-il‘?
je réponds, le tiers de la tcrre étant employé, sous oe systeme, EL produire du
grain, il sera toujours en son pouvoir d’en veudre une grands partie. La moitié
de la terre étant en foin et en paturage, lui permettra de produire une grande
quantité de beurre, de fromage, do viandes et de laine, et d’en veudre une boune
pa-rtie apres avoir pris les loosoins de sa. famille.

On pourra dire que six années sont bien longues £9. attendre pour l’a.méliora~
tion de la terre entiere; mais je répondrai que je ne oonnais auoun autre moyen
de Paocomplir en moins de temps avec ses seules ressources, et il est digne de
remarque que la terre s’améliore graduellement et ohaque année. Le produit est
plus grand, meme pour la premiere anuée, sous oe systems, qu’il ne Pest sous le
mode actual cle culture, et d’année en année la terre s’améliore champ par champ,
et produit de plus en plus do maniére a payer beaucoup mieux le eultivateur
qu’il ne Pest maintenant,.et a le récompenser doublement aprés, quant lc tout
aura éte’ amélioré par un systeme de rotation.

On pourra objector que deux années de pfiturage pour le meme champ est
un trop long repos pour la. terre; mais on devra remarquer que la torre ne
demeure pas improductive durant ce temps de repos. Ceoi ne contribue pas
seulement a rétablir la fertilité presque épuisée du sol (et personne ne peut nier

<’.—\,_.._;__. »._..’.—_,.._’

,.—

,1:

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1015

que ce procédé est le seul employé aujourd’hui par l’habitant Canadien), mais
est encore le meilleur moycn do fournir au cultivateur les premieres nécessités
de la vie, et les articles, pour ainsi dire, qui puissent trouver le plus facilement
un débouché sur nos marches, tels que le bceuf, le lard, le mouton, lo bourre, le
fromage, la laine, et autres produits déja nommés.

ENeRAxs.—Les engrais sont de la plus haute importance pour le cultivateur,
et il doit faire tout en son pouvoir pour on augmenter la quantite. Lo systeme
propose ici est caloulé de rnaniére a augrnenter la quantité des engrais en pro-
portion que lo sol s’améliore. Comme on l’a déja dit, le cultivateur ne doit venclre
aucune partie de son foin, ni do sa paille, paroe que ces procluits sont les matieres
principales des engrais, et par consequent, il est infinimcnt plus rnauvais encore
de vendre les engrais. Les engrais ainsi ménagés seront sufiisants chaque année
pour améliorer le champ qui doit rccevoir la culture des legumes, (semence
N0 1).

Apres la culture dc Yavoine (semence, N° 6), la terre no so trouve pas encore
epuiséo, et pourrait a la rigueur produire une autre récolte de grain: il vaut
mieux cependant lui oonsorver sa fertilité, que de se mettre dans Pobligation de
ramencr de nouveau cette fcrtilité.

Dans ce pctit abregé, il m’est impossible de signalcr la centieme partie des
moyens que nous pouvons avoir d’augmenter la quantité des engrais dans le
Bas—Canada; je me contenterai de signaler les riches depots de matieres végétales
que contiennent nos savanes et la quantité de pierre Es. chaux qui se trouvev
presque partout: lcs mauvaiscs herbes meme, qui sont la pesto des champs”
peuvent étre converties en de bons engrais. ‘

Assi1oHmMisNT.—Bien que l’a.ssechement des terres soit une amelioration‘
profitable, il est si cofiteux, que je ne dirai ricn de plus sur ce sujet, que ce que
connaissent déja les cultivateurs Canadiens, o’est—a-dire, qu’on doit avoir soin
do bien fossoyer lc terrain afin que les eaux ne puissent séjourner sur la terre,
et la rendre improductive.

DES rnourmux

Quant aux espéces d’animaux qu’il oonvient de gardcr, je oonseillcrais une
proportion réguliere de tous les animaux qui peuvent prospérer sur le sol,
parcequ’une espece se nourrit d’un aliment dont une autre espece ne peut faire
usage. Par example, les moutons dévorent et vivent bien avec des haricots, dont
nulle creature, autre que l’homme, ne peut faire usage.

CHEVAUX.-——-Les chevaux can-adiens sont, tout consideré, la meilleure race
pour le pays, mais on doit avoir soin de ohoisir les rncilleurs individus pour
elever. Le systeme de laisser entiers, pour la procreation, tous les petits chétifs
étalons, est propre a détériorer la race. Les poulins doivent étre nourris avee
soin, surtout le premier hiver apres les sevres. On ne peut avanoer rien de plus;
absurde que de dire qu’on doive laisser souifrir un jeune poulin pendant les deux
ou trois premiers liivers pour le rendre vigoureux; cependant on entrctient assez
généralement cette idée. Les jcunes chevaux, comme les enfants, ont besoin de
beaucoup de liberté et de beauooup dc nourriture succulente.

Burns A cormrs.—La meilleure espece et la plus productive du lait, du
heurrc et autres produits, dans ce pays, est probablement la race canadienne,

1016 ELGIN-GRE Y PAPERS

pourvu qu’on en ait grand soin, on no choisissant que les plus beaux taureaux
et les plus belles vaches pour propager la race. On ne peut apporter trop de
soin sur ce point, et il faut nourrir les veaux aveo des aliments d’une bonne
qualité, et en abondanoe. Si l’on veut faire quelque croisement de race afin
d’augmenter la quantité et qualité du lait, ce no peut otro qu’avec la race dite
Ayrshire; car les animaux d’une grandc taille no peuvent convenir is co pays,
du moins dans l’ét-at actuel de scs paturagos. Une bonne vache canadienne,
d-ans mon opinion, donnera plus de lait pour la meme quantité do nourriture
qu’aucune vache d’une autre race que je connaisse.

MoU’r0Ns.-—La race do Leicester est la meilleure pour donner do gros et
gras moutous, mais n’est pas si avantageuse sous le rapport de la la-inc; cc qui
est peut—étre l’objot principal pour loquel on éleve des moutons. Une race qui
posséderait une oombinaison des deux qualités de viande grasse et laine fine,
et avec cela une constitution vigcureuse, serait la meilleure pour le Bas-
Canada. Pour obtonir ce but, on pourrait cruiser la brebis commune du pays
d’abord aveo un bélier do Leicester, afin do grossir la race, et méler ensuite les
produits do ce premier croisement avec un belior de Cheviot pour leur donnor
‘-une laine plus fino, ou d’abord avec un bélier de Cheviot, puis avec un bélier do
Leicester. De cette maniero j’ai procure do vigoureux troupcaux dont les
individus donueront ohacun de 6 5. 8 livros de laine fine, et do 22 E2. 25 livres de
viande par quartier. Dans l’eleve, il faut apporter le plus grand soin $3. choisir
toujours les meilleurs béliers et a conserver les meilleurs agneaux, ct sous aucun
prétexte on no doit vendre les plus beaux.

DE LA mumm no TENIR LES MoU’roNs.——Commc ceci est de la plus grands
importance, et bien peu connu, j’a-jouterai quelques remarques qu’on me par-
donnera sans doute, puisque cette occupation a été celle de presque toute ma vie.

On no doit pas laisser error les moutons de champ en champ le printemps,
parcoque cela leur donne des habitudos vagabondes dont ils souffrent ensuite
tout l’été. Quand les moutons sont bien traités et bien nourris, ils peuvent
suivre la personne qui en a soin partout ou elle voudra les mener; et si on les
mcne dans un bon paturage, et qu’on les y enferme, ils donneront moins de
trouble pour les y garder qu’aucune autre espece d’animaux. Il est encore de la

plus grande importance d’oindre les moutons vers lc milieu de Novembre, et ~

j’ai fait usage a cot efiet, du mélange suivant, qui m’a réussi a merveille. Les
quantités indiquees ici peuvent suffire pour vingt moutons: Resins, 4 lbs., Huile
commune, 3 pintes, Beurre, 3 livres. L’huile doit etre chauffée au point de iondre
la résine, et on y ajoute le beurre lorsque l’huile a cessé de bouillir, ce a quoi
il faut bien faire attention. Le tout doit étre brassé jusqu’a parfait mélange,
et dans le cas ou la composition serait trop épaisse pour étre employee, on doit
y ajouter du lait de beurre ou de la creme, en ayant toujours soin do bien meler
le tout. Cet onguent, on l’applique sur la peau des moutons en lignes paralleles
élcignées d’un pouce l’une de l’autre, et s’étendant sur toute la lougueur do
Yaniinal. Cette application détruit la vermine, active la croissance de la laine,
et protege l’animal oontre le froid: cette precaution est essentielle a Pentretien
d’un bon troupeau do moutons.

x-*’__ . ..

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_…._.4._

1.

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Jmafmp. :;).—_\.-;‘:u— _.

–*%,_,,-.~_.__,
: C yfi

j‘”*“fi.“.’“-**—~—r4~<~«- \ __1 _ ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1017 Voici une autre chose de la plus graude consequence, (:’est de ma jamais enfermer les moutons dans u.n endroit fermé, et sans air; 11 vaudrzxit mieux les reléguer dans un coin quelconque de la grange que de les enfermer ainsi. Le mouton, par sa nature, pent endurer un degré considerable de froid, mais ne peut se passer d’air fmis; en consequence, la. bergerie a besoin d’ét1’e bien aérée. 11 est trés mauvais de laisser errer les béliers avec les troupeaux Yautomne, parceque ceei est la cause que les brebis (moutonnes) font leurs petits trap tffo le printemps. Le bélier (et un seul peut suifire pour uinq cultivateurs) doit étre mis 53. part depuis le 15 Septembre jusqu’au 22 Novembre, et si in cette derniere épcque on les met avec les brebis, les petits naitront vers le 17 d’Avri1, et. les méres n’auron’c pas le temps d’étre épuisées par l’a.11aitement avant d’a1ler au pfifourage. C0cHoNs.—La meilleure espéce pour le pays est la race dite Berkshire, ou la race Chinoise, et on doit en garder sur_ cheque terre aubant qu’on peut, c’est- é.-dire autant qu’i1 en faut pour dépenser tout le lait et autres restes de la laite1’ie> et qu’on peut engraisser pour tuer Yautomne. Get animal vorace,
eflilanqué, aux longues pattes et au long nez, qu’on appelle le cochon Canadien,
doit étre pour toujours banni. Une bonne race produira le double de lard avec
rnoitié rnoins de nourriture. Le verrat Chinois ou Berkshire, croisé avec la race
du pays pendant trois ou quatre ans, effectuera le changement nécessaire.

INSTRUMENTS n’AGn1cU1:rum2.———Ceux dent on se sert généralement, en y
ajoutant les deux que j’ai déjé. mentiqnnés (savoirz le rouleau et la. herse 5»
sillon), peuvent suflire jusqu’a ce que les progres nouveaux requiérent Yusage de

nouveaux instruments.

LAITERIE.—~La femme Canaclienne est industrieuse, propre, et par conséquent
peut confectionner de bon beurre et de bon fromage des qu’elle saura la maniére
de les bien faire; mais ceci ne peut entrer dans les Iimites de ce petit traité;
d’ai1leurs, les vaches doivent étre bien nourries avant qu’on puisse en espérer
un lait sufiisamment riche pour la confection de ces articles de la laiterie. Je
me suis done borné A indiquer ces préliminaires.

CON CLUSION .

On pourra dire que les sociétés d’Agricultu1’e sent destinées Q amoner les
a-méliorations dont le pays a besoin; mais si ces sociétés se contentent d’offri1′
des prix pour les beaux animaux et les beaux produits, sans enseigner la maniere
de produire de beaux animaux et de belles réeoltes, elles feronb ce que ferait
quelqu’un qui montrerait 5 un autre une belle grappe de fruit au haut d’un mur
sans lui dunner une échelle pour y parvenir; celui-ci sera réduit E2. les regarder,
et 51. les désirer sans espoir de parvcnir 5. s’en emparer. La publication et la
circulation de conseils pratiques comme ceux qui precedent, seront ce que serait
is cet iudividu Yéchelle dent il 2. besoin.

1018 ELGIN~G’REY PAPERS

[The following manuscript is the chapter dealing with Canada in Earl Grey’s, The
Colonial Policy of Lord John Russell’s Administration (London 1858). It was sent to
Lord Elgin for Criticism. For Lord Elg1n’s comments see below, p. 1045.]

BRITISH NORTH AMERICA.——CANADA
[Original MS]

I will now turn to those large & flourishing Provinces which constitute
the British Territory in North Arnerica.—- In the history of these Provinces
the last six years will form a memorable epoch since within that period their
system of government which was previously in a state of great doubt & uncer-
tainty may be said to have been established on what there is good reason to
hope may be a permanent footing, & the diflicult & embarassing questions (p. 2)
which had arisen as to the rules to be observed in conducting their affairs have
received a solution in which all parties have practically acquiesced.— This has
not been accomplished without discussions & controversies which during their
progress were the source of much anxiety, but we may congratulate ourselves
upon having succeeded before the breaking up of your administrat“ in bringing
all these various discussions & controversies to a satisfactory termination & upon
having left these the most important of the Colonial dependancies of the (p. 3)
British Empire with their affairs in a state not only far better than that which
we found existing on our assumption of oflice but one which1 affords the most
encouraging prospects for their future welfare & rapid progress, both in moral
& material prosperity.— A very slight sketch of the various transactions &
events through which this result has been arrived at is all that I can attempt.———

Without going back to occurrences of an earlier date I would
begin by observing that a new era in the history of British N. Amer-
ica may be said to have opened with (p.~ 4) the passing of the
Act of 1840 for the Union of the former Provinces of Upper & Lower
Canada, & with the consequent re-establishment in the latter of Constitutional
Government of which the unhappy insurrections of 1837 & 38 had necessarily
occasioned the temporary suspcnsion.~ A simple return to the former system
of Constitutional Gov‘ was after. these events impossible, they had been the
bitter fruit of defects & abuses in that system which had been fully exposed
in Lord Durliam’s well known report, & the publication of that report had
naturally created a desire for the reform of the evils (p. 5) it pointed out not
only in Canada but in the Lower Provinces to which many of Lord Durham’s
remarks were equally applicablc.—~ When our lamented friend L“ Sydenham
(then Mr. Poulett Thomson) went to Canada as Governor General in the
autumn of 1839 there was much excitement on the question of establishing
what was called “Responsible Government”, while the notions generally enter-
tained as to what was meant by these words, & as to the manner in which such
a Government was to be carried (p, 6) on were exceedingly vague & ill-defined.–
You held at that time the oflice of Secretary of State for the Colonies & made
the first attempt to give something like shape & consistency to these vague
ideas, & to carry into effect the reform desired by the Colonists so far as this
could be done with safety.-—— In two despatches addressed to Mr. P. Thomson
on the 14”‘ & 16”‘ of Oct./39 you pointed out the necessary distinctions between

b 1“one which” has been braolseizted in pencil and the words « such as to” are Written.
a eve.

J\’§

ELGIN «GEE Y PAPERS 1019

the Government of this country & that of a Colony, but at the same time you

stated that while you saw (p. 7) insuperable objections to the adoption of

the principle of the responsibility of the local Gov‘ to the Assemblies in the

manner in which it had been stated in the Colonies, you saw none to the

practical views of Colonial Gov” recommended by Lord Durham as you your-

self understood them; & you announced that for the future the principal Offices

of the Colonial Governments in N. America would not be considered as being

held by a tenure equivalent to one during good (p. 8) behaviour but that the

holders would be liable to be called upon to retire Whenever from motives

of public policy or for other reasons this should be found to be expedient.——
You explained that this rule was to be applicable without limitation to per-

sons appointed to the offices in question subsequently to the date of your
despatch, & to the existing holders of office so far as Was clearly necessary for the
public good but at the same time with due regard to the fair expectations of
individuals, to whom pecuniary (p. 9) compensations should be awarded when
it might appear unjust to dispose with their services without such an indem-
nity.*—— These instructions were written in apparent contemplation of the
adoption of some such mode as that now established of carrying on the
government of the North American Colonies, but up to July 1846 the problem
of bringing into satisfactory operation this system (p. 10) of administration had
certainly not been solved.—In Canada during L5 Sydenhanfs administration
the insurrection was still too recent & its efiect in creating animosity & disaffection
among one division of the population had been too great to allow the principles
of constitutional freedom to be fully acted upon; & on the union of the Provinces
it is not to be denied that arrangements were made & means were adopted which
secured the election for the first Parliament of the United Provinces of a House
(p. 11) of Assembly in which the French Canadians were practically deprived
of their just weight.— L“ Sydenham was also enabled by circumstances to exercise
great influence over the Legislature, & the power which he in fact assumed &
his personal share in the administration of affairs were much larger than he
was entitled to by the strict principles of the constitution—

In the then state of things & of men’s minds it would have been impossible
otherwise to (p. 12) carry on the Government, (it the power which was thus in
fact assumed by Lord Sydenham was wisely used in carrying into effect various
measures required to promote the material welfare & improvement of the Country
& to prepare the way, by a firm & just administration which should allow the
passions & animosities excited by previous events to subside, for the safe
introduction of a more constitutional system of Government.— (1). 13) In this
respect the policy of Lord Sydenham was highly successful, & it greatly
contributed to facilitate the adoption of the liberal & enlightened measures
taken by his successor Sir G. Bagot, during whose brief government a much
nearer approach was made to the establishment of a really constitutional system;
but the death of Sir C. Bagot took place so soon, that the establishment of
such a system could only be imperfectly effected by him nor is it easy to judge
whether if he had lived he would have been able (p. 14) to avoid those difficulties
in which L“‘Metcalfe by whom he was succeeded became involvcd.—«

*[Note by Lord Grey] _
See for the two dispatches containing these instructions the Eouse of Commons Sessional

paper. No. 621 of 1848. pp. 345

1090 ELGIN -GEE Y PAPERS

A difi°crcnee of opinion arose between L“ Metcalfe & his Council upon a
question relating to the distribution of patronage into which it is neither neces-
sary nor expedient that I should enter, it is suflicient to state that this difference
led to the retirement of the members of the Executive Council who were sup-
ported by a majority of the Assembly.—— Eventually though not without con-
siderable delay (p. 15) L4 Metcalfe was enabled to form another Council for
which by means of a dissolution of the previous Parliament he obtained the
support of a new Asembly.— But this was only accomplished by L“ Metcalfe’s
personal popularity & influence which were made use of to procure the return of
members favorable to his policy, the effect of which was that he was placed in
direct hostility with one of the great parties into which the Colony was (p. 16)
divided, & though for the moment the diificulty of carrying on the Government
was obviated as the party into the hands of which he had thrown himself pos-
sessed a small majority in the Assembly, this advantage was dearly purchased
by the circumstance that the Parliamentary opposition was no longer directed
merely against the advisers of the Governor, but against the Governor himself
& the British Government of which he was the organ.—- Hence as it is the nature
of all Popular (p. 17) Assemblies to undergo from time to time changes by which
the minority of one year becomes the majority of another, & there could be no
doubt that sooner or later the party with which Lord Metealfe had quaielled
would recover its ascendancy, there was a certain prospect of great future embar-
assment from the state of things which had arisen:-— Nor was this all; the Gov-
ernor by his rupture with one party was placed to a (p. 18) far greater degree than
was desirable in the power of the other by which he was supported, & lost the
means of exercising his proper authority in checking any departure from modera-
tion in those by whose assistance he was compelled to carry on the Government.—-
Thc danger of his position was fully understood by L5 Metcalfe & in a very
remarkable confidential corrcspondance which he had on the subject with the
Secretary (p. 19) of State (L4 Derby) it is apparent that he foresaw difliculties
in the future administration of the Colony, which the replies to his communica-
tions suggested no means of surmounting. —— When L“ Metcalfe was at length
compelled to relinquish his post by the frightful disease in‘ spite of which he had
continued to the last to discharge his public duties with such heroic patience
& resolution, Ld Cathoart succeeded him (p. 20) first as administrator of the
Government in virtue of the military command which he held, & afterwards as
Governor General to which ofiice he was appointed on the advice of M‘ Glad-
stone shortly bcfore the formation of your administration.-— Lord Cathcart had
as it appeared been appointed Governor General in consequence of the threaten-
ing state of our relations with the United States which rendered it desirable at
the (p. 21) time the appointment was made that the chief civil do military
authority in Canada should be vested in the same hands.- But when we
assumed the direction of affairs, the Oregon dispute had just been happily
settled, & the danger of an interruption of peace with the United States had
passed away, while on the other hand the position of the Governor as regarded
the internal affairs of Canada to which Lord Cathcart had succeeedcd was one
which as (p. 22) I have explained was calculated to create much anxiety for
the future & which seemed to require that the management of these af1”airs

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1021

should be entrusted to a person possessing a knowledge of the principles & prac-
tice of the constitution of this country, an experience of popular Assemblies, &
a familiarity with the political questions of the day, which could not reasonably
be expected from a military officer who like Lord Cathcart had hitherto been
(p. 23) almost entirely occupied by the duties of his profession, & had not been
accustomed to take any active part in English politics.— Accordingly it was my
opinion, in which you & our colleagues agreed, that another Governor General
should be appointed, & after much consideration it was determined that Lord
Elgin should be selected for this important post.—— He was at that time personally
altogether unknown to me, but he had (p. 24) conducted the government of
Jamaica with great ability & success, & had also during the very short time he
had sat in the H“ of Commons given proof of no ordinary talents.—— The speech
by which he had principally distinguished himself in the House of Commons was
certainly not one which gave him any claims upon us as a party since it was one
which he made in seconding the amendment on the address which led to the
downfall of (p. 25) Lord Melbourne’s administration in August 1841, but as our
object was not to make a selection with a view to party interests, but to entrust
the management of the largest &, most important of the British Colonies in a
season of great difliculty to the ablest hands We could find, L5 Elgin was recom-
mended to the Queen for this appointment in preference to any of our party or
personal friends.—~ I cannot forbear remarking (p. 26) that as the Government of
Canada isliterally the only civil oflice in that Colony which is practically in the
gift of the Home Government & is the greatest prize in the Colonial service, the
manner in which it was on this occasion disposed of alfords a proof of the
injustice of the common allegation that the Colonies are retained only for the
sake of the patronage they afford.— As Lord Elgin though appointed at an
earlier period did not leave this country to assume the (p. 27) Government of
Canada until the month of J any 1847 I had the opportunity of communicating
with him very fully previously to his departure with respect to the line of con-
duct to be pursued by him & the means to be adopted for the purpose of bringing
into full & successful operation the system of constitutional Government which
it seemed to be the desire of the inhabitants of British North America to have
established among them. He was thus before he assumed the duties (p. 28) of
his oflice placed very completely in possession of our views on the various ques-
tions which the introduction of this system of Gov“ naturally raises.—~ The best
explanation I can give of these views, & of the principles which have guided our
whole policy towards the North American Colonies will be afforded by an
extract from a despatch which I had occasion to address to Sir J. Harvey the
L‘ Gov’ of Nova Scotia on the 3“ of Nov. 1846 in answer to an application from
him for instructions as to the course he should adopt in (p. 29) circumstances of
considerable difliculty in that Province.—— It had appeared from Sir J. HarVey’s
report on the state of affairs in Nova Scotia on his assumption of the Gov“ that
the actual Executive Council was incomplete, that there was reason to doubt it’s
being able to continue to conduct the afiairs of the Province with advantage, :3;
that he had been urged by the members of the opposition with whom he had
been in communication to dissolve the existing Assembly (p. 30) in the belief
that by so doing a new Assembly would be elected in which they would have a

1022 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

majority showing public opinion to be in their favour.~ With reference to this
state of things I transmitted to Sir John Harvey the following instructions
which it will be observed involve principles of general application to all colonies
having a similar form of gov”
“I am of opinion that under all the circumstances of the case, the best
“course for you to adopt is to call upon the Members of your present
“ Executive Council to propose to you the names of the gentlemen whom they
“ would recommend to supply the vacancies which I understand to exist in
“the present Board.—Il they should be successful in submitting to you an
“ arrangement to which no valid objection arises, you will of course continue
 » to carry on the Gov‘ through them, so long as it may be possible to (p. 32)
“ do so satisfactorily, & as they possess the necessary support of the Le-
“ gislature.-— Should the present Council fail in proposing to you an arrange-
“ ment which it would be proper for you to accept, it would then be your
“natural course, in conformity with the practice of analogous cases in this
“ country, to apply to the opposite party, & should you be able, through their
“assistance to form a satisfactory Oouncil, there will be no impropriety in
“dissolving the (p. 33) Assembly upon their advice; such a measure under
“ those circumstances, being the only mode of escaping from the difiiculty
“ which would otherwise exist of carrying on the government of the province
 » upon the principles of the constitution. The object with which I recommend
“ to you this course, is that of making it apparent that any transfer which
“ may take place of political power from the hands of one party in the pro-
 » Vince to those of (p. 34) another is the result not of an act of yours but of
“the wishes of the people themselves, as shown by the difficulty experienced
“ by the retiring party in carrying on the government of the province ac-
“ cording to the forms of the Constitution. To this I attach great importance;
“ I have therefore to instruct you to abstain from changing your Executive
“Council until it shall become perfectly clear that they areunable, with
“ such fair support from yourself as they have a right to expect, to carry on
“the government (p. 35) of the province satisfactorily, & command the con-
 » fidence of the Legislature.–
 » Of whatever party your Council may be composed, it will be your duty to
,  » act strictly upon the principle you have yourself laid down in the memo-
« randum delivered to the gentlemen with whom you have communicated,
“ that, namely, “of not identifying yourself with any one party ” but in-
“ stead of this, “ making yourself both a mediator & a moderator between the
 » “influential of all parties.” In giving, therefore, all fair & (p. 36) proper
“support to your council for the time being, you Will carefully avoid any
“ acts which can possibly be supposed to imply the slightest personal

“ which may be proposed to you by your Council which may appear to you
“to involve an improper exercise of the authority of the Crown for party
“ rarther than for public objects. In exercising, however this power of
“refusing to sanction measures which may be submitted to you by (p. 37)
, “ your Council, you must recollect that this power of opposing a check upon

2 Note by Lord Grey. See House of Commons Sessional papors—-N° 621 of 1848–p. 8.

“objection to their opponents, & also refuse to assent to any measures,

ELGIN —GRE Y PAPERS 1023

“ extremes measures proposed by the party for the time in the Gov’ depends
“ entirely for its elficacy upon its being used sparingly, & with the greatest
“ possible discretion. A refusal to accept advice tendered to you by your
« Council is a legitimate ground for its members to tender to you their
“ resignation, a course they would doubtless adopt should they feel that the
“ subject on which a difference had (p. 38) arisen between you & themselves
“ was one upon which public opinion would be in their favour.——Should it
“prove to be so, concession to their views, must, sooner or later, become
“inevitable, since it cannot be too distinctly acknowledged that it is neither
“possible nor desirable to carry on the government of any of the British
“ provinces in North America in opposition to the opinion of the inhabitants.
“ —— ——Clearly understanding, therefore, that refusing to accede to the advice
“ of your (p. 39) council for the time being upon a point on which they consi-
“ der it their duty to insist, must lead to the question at issue being brought
“ultimately under the decision of public opinion, you will carefully avoid
“ allowing a.ny_matter not of very grave concern, or upon which you cannot
“ reasonably calculate upon being in the end supported by that opinion to be
“made the subject of such a dificrence.—— And if, unfortunately, such a
“ difference should arise, you will take equal care that its cause, & the
“ (p. 40) grounds of your own decision are made clearly to appear in written
“ documents capable of being publicly quoted.»-w
“The adoption of this principle of action by no means involves the
“necessity of a blind obedience to the wishes & opinions of the members of
“your Council; on the contrary, I have no doubt that if they see clearly
“that your conduct is guided, not by personal favour to any particular men
“ or party, but by 21- sincere desire to promote the public good, your
“ objections to any measures proposed will (p. 41) have great Weight with
“ the Council, or should they prove unreasonable, with the Assembly, or
“ in last resort, with the public.——
“ Such are the general principles upon which the constitutions granted
“ to the North American Colonies render it necessary that their government
“should be conducted. It ishowever, I am well aware, far easier to lay
“down these general principles than to determine in any particular case
“ what is that line of conduct which an adherence to them should (p. 42)
“prescribe.— In this your own judgment & a careful consideration of the
“circumstances in which you are placed must be your guide; as I have
“ only, in conclusion to assure you that Her Majesty will always be
“anxious to put the most favourable construction upon your conduct in
“ the discharge of the arduous duties imposed upon you by the high situation
“ you hold in Her service.”—
The despatch from which the above is an extract was communicated to
L“ Elgin previously to his proceeding to (p. 43) Canada, & in conformity with
the principles there laid down it was his object in assuming the Govt of the
Province to withdraw from the position of depending for support on one party
in the Province into which L5 Metcalfe had by unfortunate circumstances been
drawn.—— He was to act generally upon the advice of his Executive Council,
& to receive as members of that body those persons who might be pointed out

1024 ELGIN ~GRE Y PAPERS

to him as entitled to be so by their possessing the confidence of the Assembly.”
(p. 44) But he was carefully to avoid identifying himself with the party from
the ranks of which the actual Council was drawn, & to make it generally
understood that if public opinion required it he was equally ready to accept
their opponents as his advisers, uninfluenced by any personal preferences or
objections.-

In adopting this rule of conduct it was of peculiar importance to make it
manifest that all past contentions * the unhappy events of 1837 & 38 * 3 were
buried in the most complete oblivion, (p. 45) & that all the inhabitants of
Canada who would for the future act as loyal subjects of the British Crown
would be regarded with equal favour by the Governor Without reference to their
national origin or to the party to which they might belong.—— Upon this policy
L“ Elgin has steadily acted &, after passing through a crisis of great difliculty,
it has been crowned with complete success.- On his assumption of the Gov‘
he found the Provincial administration in the hands of the party which had
supported (p. 46) L“ Metcalfc, & for the first session as the members of this
administration were enabled though with much difiiculty to maintain their
majority in the Assembly they remained in office receiving from L“ Elgin all
the constitutional support they could ask for, & every facility for the attempts
they thought it right to make to strengthen their position by a junction with
some of the leaders of other parties.—— These attempts were not successful,
& at the close of the year 1847, the then Canadian administration (p. 47)
finding that they could neither form a new & stronger combination of parties nor
reckon any longer upon even the bare majority they had previously had in the
Assembly, applied to L“ Elgin for power to dissolve the Parliament, & no
objection having been made on his part, the dissolution took place & was
followed by a general election which gave a complete triumph to the party
previously in cpposition.—

When this result was ascertained, (p. 48) L4 Elgin gave to the members
of his Council the option of immediately retiring or of calling the Parl‘ together
at once.— They chose the latter.—- The Parliament met-— a vote was carried
against the Administration, & a new one was formed from their opponents, the
members of both parties concurring in expressing their sense of the perfect
fairness & impartiality with which L“ Elgin had conducted himself throughout
these transactions— With his new Council he acted in the same (p. 49) spirit
as he had done with their predecessors; without in the slightest degree com-
mitting himself as their partizan he freely gave them his confidence & the
assistance of his judgment & experience in preparing their measures for the
benefit of the Province, & without attempting by direct authority to prescribe
to them the course which they should follow he practically exercised a great
& most useful influence in the conduct of aflairs.—~ (p. 50) The consequence
of this was that the French Canadians, & the liberal party in the Western
Division of the Province * who had formerly been accused of a tendancy to
republicanism * 4 seeing that their leaders & friends were admitted to their just
share of power & influence, that no distrust of them was evinced by the

* “’ ‘These words have been scored through. “Stand” is written in the margin. See below,
P. 1018‘

*/**Thesc words have been scored through. « Adopted ” is written in the margin. See
below, p., 11748.

ELGI N -GRE Y PAPERS 1025

Governor, & that the Gov‘ really was to be carried on strictly in the spirit of
the constitution without any preference being sliewn to men of any one party
or national (p. 51) origin, became on their side reconciled to the Imperial
authority which was thus exercised, & proved themselves worthy of the con-
fidence which had been placed in them by the loyalty & attachment which they
manifested to the Crown.— So soon & so decidedly were the healing effects of
this policy experienced, that when the news of the French Revolution of Feb’
/48 reached the Province it occasioned no disturbance or alarm.— In the state
of (p. 52) public opinion & of feeling which La Elgin found prevailing on his
arrival in Canada little more than a year before, there can be no doubt that the
intelligence of this startling event would have produced most formidable
excitement, if not actual disturbance.—— Instead of this there was the most
perfect tranquility & security;5 (p. 55) all M‘ Papineau’s“ eflorts to create
opposition to the Government amongst the French Canadians utterly failed——
they heartily & steadily supported the Government, & took every opportunity
to manifest by addresses & resolutions the strongest spirit of loyalty to the
British Crown—— The Liberal party in Upper Canada manifested a similar
spirit, & (p. 56) during the Irish movement in the summer of 1848 the attempts
of the American Irish sympathizers to obtain support in Canada met with nothing
but discouragement.—~

If a different spirit had prevailed, & if the European events of 1848 falling
like a spark * on such a state of feeling as L“ Elgin found in Canada *7 in the
beginning of 1849 had produced disturbances they would probably even if slight
in the first instance have been followed (p. 57) by disastrous consequences,
since it is certain that the Gov‘ of the United States however sincerely it might
have had the wish, would have wanted the power to restrain the lawless ad-
venturers whom any outbreak in Canada would have attracted from all quarters
of the Union to take part in it— In the insurrections of 1837 & 38 the only serious
danger arose from the “sympathizers” (as they were (p. 58) called) from the
United States, & since that time the Mexican war had largely added both to the
number & to the dangerous character of the class of men in these States whom
the love of excitement & the hope of plunder are sure to gather together in any
part of North America Where there may be a prospect of that irregular warfare
in which they delight.~— An (p. 59) insurrection in Canada would therefore most
likely have involved us also in a war with the United States, & from these
calamities it is my conviction that the country could hardly have escaped, but
for the policy upon which under our direction & with our support Lord Elgin So
ably acted in the government of Canada. ‘

5 [Note by Lord Grey.] The state of the Province about this time is thus described in
the presentment of the Grand Jury of Montreal enclosed‘ in lid Elgirfs despatch of May 3/48
(11. 53). Le Grand Jury ne peut s’empécher d_e_ manifester le bonheur qu’il éprouve cle
voir le pays jouissant d’une paix et d’une tranquilité profonde, tandis qmie les peuples de la
vieille Europe se trouvent engages _duns les_troubles _et dans le feu des révolutious. Cettc
gaix dont jonit notre pays, qu’il salt apprécicr et qu’1l sgiura maintenir, est due a la forme

e notre Gouvernexnent ct surtout 41 la sagesae, :1 l’heb1leté, et :3. la fermeté des hommcs
ap elés par le Représentant de notrc Sonverain :1 le fiaire fonctionner. Avoc do tels hommes
:1 a téte des affaires, soucieux cornme ils Ie _sont_des intéréts de tons sans distinction, le pays
ne peut que prospérer, et jouir de cette max 51 nécessaire an déploieznept do son influstric
ct de son commerce. Le Grand Jury est done persuade que cetbe pain: 21 nécessaire an
bonheur du pays ne scra jamais troublée; le Gzouvernernent. pouvant comatcr sur la aymputhie
(p. 54) et Yanpui cordial et sincere de tous see habitants.-—Chambre du rand Jury, Montreal,
Avril 29. 1848.”

6″ Mr. Papineau ” has been scored through. See below 12. 1M8.

* *7 These words have been scored through. See ‘below p. 10.68.

9337—|)5

1025 ELGIN—G’REY PAPERS

But though this policy was thus successful in reconciling the alienated
French Canadians to the Imperial Govt & in gaining the affections of the great
body of the people, it was not to be expected that it sh“ not lead to some
dissatisfaction on the part of those who had (p. 60) been accustomed to
consider themselves as entitled to the exclusive possession of the favour of the
Gov‘— However necessary it was for the peace & welfare of the Colony that
former events sh‘ be buried in complete oblivion, & that all who w‘1 for the
future conduct themselves as faithful subjects of the Queen should be regarded
as possessing equal claims on the favour of the Crown, it was impossible that
this rule could be acted upon with‘? creating irritation & discontent in those who
saw in it an improper forgetfulness of their own services to the Crown during
(p. 61) the insurrection, and in supporting L‘ Metcalfe as the Queens represen-
tative By the change of administration W“ had taken place, the party long
accustomed to ascendancy & to consider themselves as the party of the English
Gov“, had seen the power & influence w“ they had grown to regard as rightfully
belonging to themselves, & W” by the support of the Home Gov‘ they had been
enabled with a brief interval to exercise for a long period, transferred to a party
composed principally of persons whom (p. 62) on account of their democratic
opinions, or of their national origin, they had been in the habit of regarding &
representing as disloyal and as the natural enemies of the British Crown.- It
was natural that such a transfer of political power should create feelings of
great displeasure & indignation in the minds of those from whom it was taken
& there was another circumstance W“ contributed to exasperatc these feelings
(p. 63) The party which was thus deprived of power happened to include in
its ranks a large proportion of those who were most deeply interested in the
trade of the Province & the years 1848 & 49 were years of great mercantile
distress in Canada which was attributed not altogether unjustly to the recent
change in the commercial policy of this country.—Thus the same persons who
felt most the transfer of political power from one party to the other, were those
on whom the heavy pecuniary losses of a period of extreme commercial difiieulty
fell also with the (p. 64) greatest severity, hence it is not surprising that as in
the mother country political parties were at that time divided principally on
the questions of free trade or protection, the irritation of the party in the Colony
which had been deprived of political power sh“ have been greatly encrcased by
the fact that the commercial policy to which they attributed their losses was
maintained by the Administration at home under which they had been refused
that active support against their political rivals which had been given to them
by L“ Metcalfe (p. 65) This was the more strongly felt because Canada had
a real grievance to complain of, & had suffered severely by the want of steadi-
ness & consistency in our commercial policy.——— By the Canada corn act of 1843
in consideration of a duty of 3/ a quarter having been imposed by the Provincial
Legislature on the importation of Foreign wheat, not only the Wheat of Canada
but also its flour, which might be manufactured from American wheat, were
admitted for consumption into this country at a nominal duty. The effect of
this enactment was obviously (p. 66) to give a large premium for the grinding
of American wheat in Canada for the British Market.— The consequence was
that much of the available capital of the Province was laid out in making
arrangements for carrying on the lucrative trade which was supposed to be

ELGIN -G RE Y PAPERS 1027

thus opened to its merchants & inil1crs.~ But almost before these arrangements

were fully completed, & the newly built mills fairly at work, the act of 1846

swept away the whole advantage conferred upon Canada in respect to the corn

trade with this (p. 67) country & thus brought upon the Province a frightful

amount of loss to individuals & a great derangement of the Colonial finances.

These evils were naturally attributed by the sufferers to the legislation of 1846,
the’ in my opinion they might more justly have been so to the short sighted &
unwise act of 1843, of which many members of the H“ of Commons (of whom
I myself was one) predicted the consequences at the time it was passed, &
therefore opposed it on the ground that even then it was obvious that a general
repeal of the existing corn law could not long (p. 68) be with~held, so that
the adoption of the partial measure recommended by the then Gov‘ could not
fail to bring in the end great losses upon Canada by creating expectations w”
must be disappointed. But whether the mistake was in passing the Act of 1843

or that of 1846 it is clear that one or the other must have been grievously wrong,
& there can be no doubt that the Province had been greatly injured by that
inconstancy of purpose which had induced the Imperial Legislature within the
short period (p. 69) of 3 years to pass two Acts entirely opposed to each other
in principle. It was only natural that the sufferers by this rapid change of
policy should condemn not the original and imprudent grant of the privilege
which had been conceded to the Colony, but its abrupt & unexpected with-
drawal. (p. 70).

From all these causes the party opposed to the Canadian administration were
disposed when the Provincial Parl‘ met in the year 1849 to carry their opposition
beyond the usual bounds of political hostility & to direct it not only against the
G0vernor’s advisers, but against the Governor himself & the administration
then existing in this country.«— With such a disposition it was not likely that
grounds for attack w“ be wanting, & they were soon found in a bill w » was
submitted by the Govt to the Assembly for making compensation to persons
in Lower Canada who had suffered losses in the (p. 71) rebellion. I am anxious
to avoid as far as possible the risk of reviving the excitement on this subject
W1‘ at the time rose to a great height & led to very deplorable consequences, I
will therefore give as brief an account as I can of transactions some explanation
of w » is indispensable in a review of colonial affairs during the last six years.
The rebellion losses bill, as it was called, was brought forward in the Provincial
Parlt in the Session of 1849 by L“ Elgin’s then advisers for the purpose of
completing what had already been done by their (p. 72) predecessors towards
giving effect to the wish expressed by the Assembly in an address to Lord
Metcalfe which had been voted so long since as the year 1845. The prayer
of the Assembly in that address was “that His Excellency wd be pleased to cause
proper measures to be adopted in order to ensure to the inhabitants of that portion
of this Province formerly Lower Canada indemnity for just losses by them
sustained during the rebellion of 1837 & 1838’’—— It is to be observed that
compensation for losses of this description had already been (p. 73) given in
Upper Canada, & that before this address was voted, under Ordinances passed
in 1838 & 1839 by the Special Council (to which at that time the power of
Legislation in L Canada was entrusted) the losses sustained by the loyal inha-

D337~—05 l‘

1028 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS ‘
bitants of the latter Province while they were supporting the Gov‘ had been
ascertained & reported upons. It was therefore clearly the intention of the then
Gov‘ which had (13. 74) concurred in the above address, & of the Assembly by
W“ it had been voted unanimously, to extend the indemnity beyond the limit
assigned to it by the Ordinances of the Special Council, & to give it not only to
those who when supporting the Gov‘ had suffered losses from the rebels, but
also to those whose property had been9 destroyed or injured by the troops;
“compensation had been given for losses of the last kind in Upper Canada, & it
had obviously been intended to adopt the same principle in L’ C8.!1ada_*1O In
consequence (p. 75) of this address Commissioners were appointed by L“ Metcalfe
to enquire into the claims of persons in L‘ Canada whose property had been
destroyed during the Rebellion & the Com“ in reporting upon these claims were
directed to distinguish the cases of those who had joined in the rebellion or
had been aiding or abetting therein. Upon enquiring in what manner this
classification was to be made they were answered by M‘ Sec)’ Daly under the
authority of the Gov‘ in Council in the following terms “In making out the
classification called for by (p. 76) your instructions of the 12”’ of Dec’ last, it
is not His Excellcncys intention that you sh“ be guided by any other description
of evidence than that furnished by the sentences of the Courts of Law”. ‘Under
these circumstances the advisers of L4 Elgin conceived that they were only
carrying into effect what had been intended by those of Lord Metcalfe when
they introduced a bill into the Provincial Parlt W” provided for the compensation
of losses sustained during the rebellion by all persons whose guilt in the
rebellion had not been legally established.*11 But notwithstanding this, a violent
outcry (p. 77) was raised against the measure’ as one of w” the object was to
reward and encourage rebels.‘ 12- In the H“ of Assembly notwithstanding
a very determined resistance the measure passed by large majorities by no means
composed exclusively of French Canadians, since L“ Elgin has shewn that in the
final division of 47 to 18 on the passing of the bill, 17 members from Up‘ Canada
voted in its favour & 14 against it, & of 10 members for L‘ Canada of British
descent 6 supported & only 4 opposed it.13 (p. 78). In the Legislative Council
the measure also encountered much opposition, but it was the opposition out of
doors which was of most importance. Petitions were got up against the bill in
dificrent parts of the Province, the great majority of which though the bill was
still in progress when they were prepared were addressed not to either branch
of the Legislature but to the Governor, & generally concluded with a prayer
that lie w » either dissolve the Parliament, or reserve the bill when it reached
him for the Siguification of Her Majestys pleasure.— Lord Elgin 14 most (p. 79)
properly determined to adopt neither of these courses, & when the bill was

3 [Note by Lord G-rey.] See Ld Elgins despatch of the 5311 of May 1849 in the “Further
iréigyézrs relative to the affairs of Canada.” presented to both 31”‘ of Pvarl‘ on ye 25”’ of May

V“wantonly” has been added in pencil.

1° * * Changed to “or volunteers, W-here suéh destruction of property cd be shown to have
been wanton & unnecessary, W11 was held to be the meaning of the somewhat awkward expres-
sion “Just losses,” W11 occurs in the Address of the Assembly already quoted.” See below. 1], 10/19.
I, Z 11 * *This sentence has been scored through. “’ not adopted ” is written in the -margin. See

a ma, . 101,9.

12 *p*’ is sentence has been scored through. « LG Es alterations adopted ” is written in the
margin. See below, 17. 1049.

19 [Note by Lord G-rey.l See the dispatch quoted above.

14“I/1 E8 change adopted” is written in the margin. See below, p. 1049.

ELGINGREY PAPERS 1029

presented to him he gave the Royal assent to it in the usual form.-— Unhappily
his doing so was made the occasion of very serious riots in w” he was himself
attacked & insulted, & the public buildings in which the Provincial Parl‘ held
its sittings were burnt with the valuable libraries they contained. For a consider-
able time after these deplorable occurrences the most violent attacks were
directed by the newspapers of the opposition personally (p. 80) against L » Elgin,
& so strongly were the feelings of a part of the populat“ of Montreal excited
against him, that he ed not go into the town with‘ the risk of insult & of a
disturbance of the public peace, but was compelled almost to confine himself
to Monklands (the country residence of the Governor)* where it was necessary
to keep a Military guard for his protcction.*15—-— By taking this line of conduct‘
& thus permitting himself to be nearly shut up in the domain of Monklands*15
L“ Elgin incurred much obloquy at the (p. 81) time & was accused both by
friends & foes of having shewn a want of proper spirit 7 determination,* 1“ but he
acted on the conviction that although it W“ have been easy with the Military
force w“ be cc‘ command, to put down any riotous proceedings w » might have
taken place, & he might with perfect security to himself have braved the popular
feeling by going into Montreal still for the permanent welfare of the Colony it
was of the utmost importance to avoid if possible any occasion for the employ-
ment of force against the mob (p. 82) since, if blood had been shed in the
necessary suppression of acts of violence this could not have failed to exasperate
the animosities already excited & still farther to inflame one class of the
population against a.nother.—— He preferred therefore to submit in silence to all
the imputations * (including the absurd one of personal cowardice) * 16 which were
directed against him, & waited patiently until the excitement W“ had been
created sh“ subside.——— At the same time however he expressed his opinion in
reporting these transactions to the Gov‘ (p. 83) at home that the clamour &
disturbances raised out of doors ought not to be allowed to prevail against the
deliberate decision of the Provincial Legislature & that submission to such
dictation would render the Govt of the Province by constitutional means
impossible. 1″ In this opinion we entirely concurred & we agreed with* hesitation
to advise Her Majesty to signify to Lord Elgin her undiminished confidence in
his ability and judgement & her entire (p. 84) approbation of his conduct which
was done by my despatch 18 of the 18”‘ of May. In this despatch in reply to
a suggestion made by L5 Elgin that “if he sh“ be unable to recover that position

’ of dignified neutrality between contending parties which it had been his unre-
, mitting study to maintain, it might be for the interests of Her Maj estys service

that he should be removed from his high ofificc to make way for a Governor
less personally obnoxious to any section of H Majestys (p. 85) subjects Within
the province;”—~— he was informed that his relinquishment of his post W » be
regarded as a most serious loss to Her Majestys scrvice,19 & that no doubt was
entertained that he w“ succeed in recovering his position of “dignified neutrality”.
To this end his elforts were directed, but their success was greatly hindered

15* *’1‘hese words have been scored through. See below, 1;. 1050.

19* ‘These Words have been scored through. See below, 57. 1050.

17 [Note by Lord Grey.] See Lord Elgins despatch of the 30th of April 1849 in the papers

presented to both Houses of Parliament in may 1849
13 [Note by ‘Lord Grey] See further papers presented to Parlt on the 2591 May 1849
19 Pages 8599 have been scored through. See below, 1). 1050. –

1 030 ELGI N -GEE Y PAPERS

for some time by the manner in which the events w“ had taken place in Canada
were made use of in this country to attack your administration. These events
were made the subject of discussion in both Houses of Parl”;— in the (p. 86)
House of Commons after some incidental notice of the subject on previous occa-
sions it was more formally brought under consideration by M‘ Gladstone on
the 14*“ of June when on the Motion for bringing up the report of the Com“
of Supply he made a long speech of severe censure on the Colonial Gov‘ which
howeverwas not followed up by submitting any distinct proposal to the House.
But though he proposed nothing after your reply to his speech M‘ Herries
following very much the same line of argument adopted by M’ Gladstone
moved an address to the (p. 87) Crown praying that H Majestys assent to the
Canadian act might be withheld until satisfactory assurance had been obtained
that no persons implicated in the rebellion W“ be allowed under its provisions
to receive compensation for their losses. This motion after 2 nights debate was
rejected by a large majority. A few days later, resolutions condemning the
proceedings of the Canadian Government were moved in the H39 of Lords by
L‘ Brougham & being supported by the whole strength of the oposition were
only rejected by the aid of proxies (p. 88) by a majority of 3; of the Peers
present a majority having voted for them.~— When the intelligence of these
discussions & especially of the close division in the H” of Lords reached the
Colony, it had naturally the eifect of keeping up the excitement which had
previously existed. In the month of August the arrest of some of the persons
accused of having been engaged in the riots in April led to a fresh & serious
riot in Montreal when a violent attack was made by the mob on the House of
M’ Lafontaine, in resisting which one man was shot & (p. 89) afterwards died
of his Wounds, this owing to the extreme forbearance of L“ Elgin & his advisers
was the only life lost throughout these unhappy disturbances. But the violence
of the passions which had been excited, was displayed not merely by the riotous
conduct of an ignorant mob, but by proceedings of a more really dangerous &
objectionable character on the part of persons of superior education & station in
life.—— In the course of the Autumn oi 184:9 there was get up in the Province
a movement W” was somewhat formidable in the first instance, in (p. 90) favour
of what was called the annexation of Canada to the United States. An address
to the people of Canada bearing a large number of signatures & advocating
this measure (the necessity of which was rested in part on the Withdrawal of the
commercial privileges formerly granted to the Colony by the Mother Country)
was printed & extensively circulated through the Province.— Though it was
the object of the Gov‘ both in Canada & in this country to act with the utmost
possible forbearance in the conviction that the excitement w“ subside, & that
those whose passions had for the moment betrayed them into (13. 91) very
objectionable proceedings were not really insensible to their duty as British
subjects; it was still considered necessary clearly to show that this forbearance
did not proceed from any disposition to yield to the intemperate opposition
w » had been given to the constituted authorities. Accordingly soon after the
riots in April, an address to the Gov‘ had been carried in the Assembly
praying that the Gov‘ in consequence of these outrages & of the destruction of
the building in W“ the sittings of the Legislature had formerly been held, would
in future summon the Provincial (p, 92) Parl” to met alternately at Toronto &

ELGI N—GRE’ Y PAPERS 1031

Quebec.— When the intelligence reached this country of the renewal of distur-
bances in Montreal in August, a despatch was addressed to L‘ Elgin pointing
out that the existence of such a spirit of insubordination in that City rendered
it a very unfit for the seat of the Provincial Govt (it for the meeting of the
Legislature2° & on the 18”‘ of Nov‘ the Gov‘ reported in reply that after full
& anxious deliberation he had resolved on the (p. 93) advice of his Council
to act on the recommendation of the Assembly that the Legislature sh‘ sit altern-
ately at Toronto and Quebec, dz with that view to summon the Provincial Parl‘
for the next Session at Toronto.21—— The removal of the seat of Gov‘ from
Montreal which was decided upon in this deliberate & unimpassioned manner
was calculated to give a very useful lesson to the inhabitants not only of that
city, but of the whole province, as to the natural consequences of acts of violence
& insubordination, to those who were guilty of them. About the same time that
this (p. 94) measure was decided upon the Governor caused a circular letter
to be addressed to all the persons holding commissions at the pleasure of the
Crown whose names had appeared amongst the signatures to the address to the
people of Canada recommending the annexation of the Province to the United
States, with the view of ascertaining whether their names had been attached to
that document with their own consent.—— Some of these letters were answered
in the negative, some in the affermative, & others by denying the right of the
Government to put the (p. 95) question & declining to reply to it. Lord Elgin 22
resolved with the advice of the Executive Council to remove from such ofliees
as are held during the pleasure of the Crown the gentlemen who admitted the
genuineness of their signatures, & those who refused to disavow them.—— In this
course we thought it right to support him & a despatch was addressed to him
conveying to him the Queens approval of his having dismissed from her service
those who had signed the address, & Her Majestys Commands (p. 96) to resist
to the utmost any attempt which might be made to bring about the separation
of Canada from the British dominions, to mark in the strongest manner Her
Majestys displeasure with all those who might directly or indirectly encourage
such a design, & to adopt legal proceedings against those whose conduct might
in the opinion of his legal advisers afford grounds for doing so}-’3 This policy
was attended with complete success. From the first the Governor had received
the decided & (p. 97) energetic support of the Great majority of the inhabitants
of the Province; & addresses in Great numbers to the Queen & to the Governor
were transmitted home from all parts of the Province condemning the riotous
proceedings at Montreal & expressing a strong determination to maintain the
connection between the Colony & the Mother Country; & by degrees both the
excitement which had been created &: the Annexation movement died away,
the authors of that movement having apparently on cooler reflection (p. 98)
become ashamed of it. So completely has Lord Elgin recovered his proper
position & avoided in supporting the authority of the Crown assuming the
character of a political partisan, that he is now once more on perfectly good terms
with the principal men of all parties & in Montreal itself he met with a reception

2° [Note by Lord Greg] See papers relating to the removal of the seat of Gov‘ & to the
Annexation movmnent in Canada presented to both Hm? of Perl‘? April 1b’— 1850
21 {Note by Lord Grey. See the above papers page B
22 [Note by Lord Grey. See the above papers 1). 10
23 [Note by Lord G~1‘ey.l See the above papers Page 23

1032 ELGI N -GEE Y PAPERS

not merely respectful but enthusiastically favourable from all classes of the
inhabitants when he visited that city, in the autumn of last year after having
attended a great railway meeting at Boston at which the President of the (p. 99)
United States was also present.“ At this moment the state of public feeling
throughout the Province is in the highest degree satisfactory, there are of course
those party divisions W“ must be expected to exist in all free governments, but
there has been a remarkable abatement of the former bitterness of party spirit
& still more so of the animositics arising from difference of national origin,
while there is every indication that all parties are becoming daily more sensible
of the advantages they derive from the form of their Gov” (p. 100) and from
their connection with the British Empire.—* Nothing Seems to have contributed
more towards removing the feelings of alienation from each other of the inhabit-
ants of French & of British descent than the arrangement by which the seat of
Gov‘ & the sittings of the Legislature are fixed alternately at Toronto & Que-
bec;*25 this has brought the French Canadians into closer communication than
formerly with the inhabitants of the western division of the Province, & an
increase of mutual (p. 101) esteem & respect & the removal of many prejudices
by which they were formerly divided have been the result of the two classes
becoming better acquainted with each other.~—~

The improved * state of feeling generally is however perhaps principally *2“
to be attributed to the recovery of the commercial & industrial interests of the
Province from the depression under which they laboured for a time. I shall
almost immediately have to call your attention to the evidence which exists of
the present prosperity (p, 102) of Canada, but before doing so it is lit that I
should mention some of the matters relating to this Colony which during the last
six years have occupied the attention of its Goverm & Legislature. Within that
period questions of much importance have required consideration & notWith~
standing the degree to which during a part of the time public attention was
occupied & distracted by party dissensions, useful legislation & measures of
improvement have been by no means neglected.-— The Provincial Parl° at an
early period availed itself (p. 103) of the power granted to it by the Act of 1846 to
repeal the difierential duties formerly imposed on imports from foreign countries
by Imperial Legislation, and Canada has now a tariff of duties levied for revenue
only & in such a Manner as to interfere as little as possible with the natural direc-
tion of capital & industry.—— It has also passed laws extending & improving the
system of municipal organisation which is now very complete in the Western
division of the Province & is beginning to be brought into operation in the Eastern
(p. 104) division also. The district Councils have been assisted in adopting
effective measures for improving their means of communication both by ordinary
roads, & by railroads ;-—~ of the former many have already been made, & steps have
been taken which there is cvery reason to believe will ensure the speedy construc-
tion of various important lines of railway. In the western division of the Province
an admirable system of general education has been brought by recent improve-
ments into complete & effective operation, & measures (p. 105) are in progress for
extending & improving in like manner the means of education in Eastern Canada.

2″ This ends pages scored through.
25* *These words have been scared through.
2° * * These words have been scored through.

ELGIN—GREY PAPERS 1033

In the years 1847 cl: 48 at the instance of the Local Gov‘ we recommended to the
Imperial Parl‘ the repeal of certain parts of the Act of Union w“ were considered
by the inhabitants of Canada to involve an improper restriction of the powers of
the Provincial Legislature to deal with their own local affairs.—— Accordingly by
the Act of the 10″‘ & 11”‘ of Victoria C 71 the provisions in the Act of (p.106)

Union relating to the Civil list of Canada were repealed & Her Majesty was
enabled to give her assent to a Provincial Act to supply their place, so that the
whole expenditure of the Colony now takes place under the authority not of
Imperial but. of Provincial Legislation.—— In the following year by the Act of the
11″‘ & 12”‘ of Vict Chap 56 other clauses of the Act of Union which required that
the English language only sh“ be used in instruments relating to the Legislative
Council & Assembly were also repcalcd.— These (13. 108) measures were not of
very practical importance in themselves, but considerable consequence was
attached to them by the inhabitants of Canada as a proof of the confidence of
the Imperial Gov‘ & Parl‘ & as removing the last traces of that distrust which
the insurrection had necessarily left behind it, & W » was evinced in the clauses of
the Union Act now repealed.-

Laws have also been passed for the protection both of the Province & of the
emigrants themselves from the evils w‘ more from the manner in which
emigration (p. 109) was formerly carried on. This subject is one of the highest
importance both to the Colony & to the Mother Country & has occupied a very
large share of public attention. In the year 1847 the arrival in the Colonies of
large numbers of Irish emigrants had been attended with great calamities, these
unhappy people flying from famine, flocked to every port that was open to them in
Noth America. The passage to the British provinces being at that time con-
siderably cheaper than that to the United States, the poorest and most destitute
of the starving multitude made the (p. 110) former their destinatiori. Neither
the Imperial Passengers Act then in force, nor the Colonial laws were calculated
to meet such an emergency, the regulations imposed by the former as to the
number of persons to be embarked in a given space, as to the accomodation to be
afforded, & the precautions to be taken on board emigrant ships, though they had
sufficed under other circumstances proved altogether inadequate when such vast
numbers of em.’ig1’ants were striving to escape from starvation, (p, 111) many of
them carrying with them the seeds of disease from the sufferings they had already
undeI’g0ne.— The consequence was that a frightful fever broke out in the
emigrant ships & in the quarantine stations where the emigrants were landed in
the Colonies, & especially in the St Lawrence, & the mortality which in former
years had been only at the rate of about 5 in every 1000 emigrants Was cncreased
eleven fold & there were no less than 55 deaths in the Same number of pas-
scngers.~ The Colonial (p. 112) Gov‘ & members of the Medical and Clerical
professions made the most strenuous and laudable efforts for the relief of the
crowds of miserable beings thrown upon their care by the arrival of the
Emigrant Ships. Every arrangement which the limited means that were avail-
able rendered practicable was made for the reception of the emigrants & for
supplying their wants & relieving their sufferings. *The Colonial Gov‘ incurred
in the measures adopted for this purpose, an expenditure of no less than

1034 ELGI N -GEE Y PAPERS

£ *27 (p. 113) while several of the medical men & clergy of diiferent per-
suasion, fcll victims to their humane exertions and died of the fever which they
caught in attending to the emigrants, whose suficriugs in spite of all that could he
done for them, were of the most hcart—rcnding description. It was obviously
necessary to take precautions against the recurrence of such calamities, accord-
ingly a temporary act for the regulation of emigrant ships to North America was
passed by Paul” early in the Session of 1848 to aflord time (p. 114) for full con-
sideration of a. permanent Law which has since been passed.-— An application was
also made to Parl‘ to relieve the N American Colonies from the heavy expense
incurred by them in the relief of emigrants and a sum of no less than at was
voted for the purpose.—- In Canada (& a similar course was adopted in the other
N American Colonies) a local act was passed on suggestions contained in a
despatch which I addressed to Lord Elgin:-—— The principal objects (10. 115) of
this act were to provide for the expenditure to be incurred by the Colony on
acct of emigration by an encrease of the emigration Tax already levied, & at
the same time to make it the interest of owners & masters of ships to take all
the precautions in their power against disease by augmenting the tax in cases
where there should be such sickness on board ships as to render it necessary
to prolong their detention in quarantine. There were also other stringent re-
gulations to meet the most serious (p, 116) of the evils which had arisen.» These
measures were attended with complete success, there has been no recurrence of
the calamities of 1847 & the severity of the restrictions judiciously imposed by the
Legislature in the first instance has been relaxed as experience has shewn that
this might safely be done, while at the same time effective arrangements are made
for the protection of ignorant emigrants from the heartless & cruel frauds to
which in New York they are too often exposedl (p 117) I cannot leave this subject
without reminding you that in the midst of the alarm & distress of the Irish
famine of 1847, we were most urgently pressed to take measures for encreasing
the tide of emigration by applying to Parlt for a Grant of ‘money to promote it,
& that it was not without considerable difliculty that we were able to resist the
very general wish that was cxprwsed that something of this kind sh‘ be attempted.
We were however so strongly convinced that it W“ be utterly impossible for the
Gov‘ to interfere directly in transferring the distressed population (p. 118) of
Ireland to the other side of the Atlantic without doing far more harm than good
& Without giving rise to great abuses, that we steadily refused to engage in such
an undertaking.— We were persuaded that the effect of any interference by the
Gov‘ in the manner which was desired would have been to paralise the exertions
of individuals, by which alone so vast a movement of the population as was
required & was in progress could be safely accomplished. Had’ the Gov‘ under-
taken the removal of the distressed inhabitants of Ireland (p. 119) it would have
brought upon itself a responsibility of the most formidable kind both as to the
selection of those who sh‘ be allowed to emigrate at the public expense, & as to the
arrangements to be made for providing for them on their arrival.— If the most
destitute and helpless had been taken (Which W‘ have been requisite for the relief
of Ireland) the evil which W“ thus have been inflicted on the places to which they

27 * *’.I‘.his sentence has been scored through. “Adopted ” has been Written in the margin.
See below 9. 1051.

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1035

were Sent would have been so great that there can be no doubt that the United
States would immediately have (p. 120) availed themselves of their right as an
independent nation to take measures for their own protection & w“ have passed
laws eiieetually preventing a destitute multitude from being cast, unprovided for,
on their shores. The Colonies w » have claimed, on such irrestible grounds of
justice to be allowed to adopt similar measures that they c“ not have been refused
permission to do so, without producing an alienation of their affections which must
have been fatal to the continuance of the authority of the British (p. 121)
Crown.——— As it was, there were great complaints as to the description of emigrants
that went to the North American Colonies & it was only by showing that the
Gov‘ had neither the power nor the right to interfere as to the selection of
emigrants that these Complaints were met.” If the emigrants had been sent out
by the Gov‘ it would also have been universally felt that the Gov‘ could not pos-
sibly repudiate its responsibility for providing for them on their arrival (p. 122)
in the Colonies & the experience of what occurred in Ireland during the famine
but too clearly shows how readily the multitude of absolutely destitute emigrants
who in the year 1847 reached the shores of America W“ have thrown themselves
upon the public had it been possible for them to do so.—-— Nothing but the pressure
of absolute necessity would have compelled them to make the exertions & submit
to the hardships by which they were in fact provided for. Nor is it to be lost
sight of that if utterly destitute labourers (p. 123) arrive in such a Country as
Canada in greater numbers than can be provided for by the existing demand
for labour they must be exposed to quite as much distress & there will be quite
as much diflioulty in maintaining them for a time at least, as if they remained at
home. In a new country where additional land is continually being reclaimed
from the wilderness, it is impossible to assign a limit to the number of labourers
who may be received with advantage if they are really industrious, & arrive in
due succession, because (p. 124) the labourers of one year become the employers
of labour of a few years later, but those who arrive without capital to enable
them to settle, & who cannot find employment, are exposed to still more hopeless
destitution than at home. It is a destitution also which it is even more diflicult to
relieve.;— It has been clearly proved by experience that without incurring an
expense far beyond what could be justified by the object in view, it is im-
practicable for the State to undertake to provide in a Colony, any more than at
home, employment for large (p. 125) numbers of labourers, & that it is still more
impossible to furnish to such labourers capital to enable them to become settlers.
~—Hence we judged it to be our duty to confine the measures we adopted on the
subject of emigration to those which had for their object to enable individual
proprietors or Poor law Unions under certain restrictions to send out emigrants,
to guard against abuses which experience had shown to be likely to arise, & to
facilitate the distribution on the other side of the Atlantic of those who arrived
seeking work, to the places (p. 126) where they could most easily find it.

We were anxious also to have adopted measures indirectly to encourage
emigration by providing for -the more regular settlement of the unoccupied lands
of the Colonies & thus encreasing the demand for labour, but the opinion of all the

_ 23 [Note by Lord Grey.l See re ort of the Colonial Land and Emigration &)mm“ » enclosed
In the despatch of Dec‘ 1———1847 :1 ready quoted.

1036 ELGIN -GRE Y PAPERS

local authorities was so adverse to the plans of this kind w » were suggested, that
none of them were carried into effect.»-

The result has shown the soundness of the views upon which we acted;
without any interference on the part of the Gov‘ & without any (p. 127) expense
to the public, the tide of Emigration has now set so strongly from Ireland to
America, that many persons are beginning to fear that the drain of the popula-
tion instead of being insufiicient will be too great. This I see no reason for
apprehending, but with the present facilities for communication I believe that
the drain will continue till the great disparity between the value of labour in
Ireland & on the other side of the Atlantic shall be put an end to, & till the
wages paid in Ireland shall be such as to alford a comfortable (p. 128) subsist-
ence to the labourer. There is every reason for desiring that till this has been
accomplished, emigration should continue to go on at its present rate, or even
more rapidly, & on the other hand it can hardly be doubted that as this alteration
in the relative value of labour takes place, emigration will reach its natural
limit & will gradually decline. It is a remarkable circumstance in the present
emigration from Ireland that it is effected not only Without charge to the public
revenue, but with comparatively little demand upon the private means of
individuals (p. 129) in the United Kingdom.—The Emigration Comm » have
ascertained that the remittances made by former emigrants to their friends &
relations in this country amounted in the course of last year to very nearly a
million of money taking into account only those remittances W” are made by
channels which admit of their being traced & without reckoning the sums sent by
private hands or other means of w“ it is known that the aggregate amount must
be very large, though individually the sums so sent are usually small.-—— The
money thus transmitted from the (p. 130) United States & from the British
Colonies is chiefly for the purpose of assisting those to whom it is Sent, to
emigrate, & it is now a common practice for several friends or relations in Ireland
to club their means, so as, to enable one or more of their number to emigrate, &
the individuals so sent save out of their wages what is necessary to carry out
the rest in succession.—- The able bodied son or husband frequently emigrates
in the first instance, & then remits to his wife or parents the means of joining
him in America, & it has been clearly ascertained that of late (p. 131) years the
great majority of Irish Emigrants who have landed at New York or in Canada
have been proceeding to join their friends or relations who had preceded them.
It is highly to the credit of the Irish national character that -there should exist
so generally amongst the lowest classes of the population such strong feelings
of family affection & such fidelity & firmness of purpose as are implied by the
great extent to which this mode of conducting emigration has been car;-ied.—« The
result of leaving (p. 132) emigration to proceed spontaneously has thus been to
effect a transfer of population from one side of the Atlantic to the other to an
extent far beyond what could have been thought of, if it had been accomplished
by the direct agency of the state, & at the same time avoiding the enormous
expense & the abuses w“ could not have been avoided had such an operation even
upon a comparatively small scale been carried on at the public expense by any
machinery w » could have been devised; but it has been objected that though
these advantages of the policy (p. 133) which has been pursued cannot be

I _, ~_~.-……_..,_

¢—— ,f7:

E1/GIN—G’REY PAPERS 1037

denied, they are to a great extent counterbalanced by the fact that under this

system the Greater part of the emigrants from the United Kingdom instead of

encreasing the population & wealth of British Colonies have gone to promote the

progress of the United States. If the United States were to be regarded as a

hostile power the force of this objection c“ not be denied, but their interests are

now so intimately (p. 134) bound up with our own, that the emigrants from our

shores in advancing the progress of the United States in wealth and popularity

are in effect contributing to promote British trade and British prosperity

*hardly less effectually than if they had gone to our own colonics* « ”—’- Canada

also it must be remembered has in proportion to her previous population and to

her means of employment, received full as many if not more of the Emigrants

from the United Kingdom than the neighbouring rcpublic~—(p. 135)

I shall have to make some further observations with regard to emigration when

I come to speak of the Australian colonies, but for the present I must revert to

the affairs of Canada with reference to which there still remain two or three

matters which it is proper for me to mention. Of these I will first notice the

endeavours which have been made to place the commercial intercourse between

Canada and the United States on a more satisfactory footing— The Parliament
of Canada having availed itself (p, 136) of the authority granted to it by the

Act of 1846 to repeal the differential duties formerly levied on imports from
Foreign Countries, the merchants and manufacturers of the United States have
now had for some time as free access as those of this country to the markets of
Canada, while the agricultural produce of those States has also as it is well
known been allowed to compete upon equal terms with that of the Colony in the
British market. In these circumstances the inhabitants of Canada have naturally
felt it as a great grievance that their own agricultural produce should (p. 137)

not be admissible for Consumption into the United States except on the Payment
of what is practically a prohibitory duty.— It has therefore for the last 4 or 5
years been an object sought with great earnestness by the inhabitants of Canada
and the other British Provinces, that an arrangement should be concluded with
the United States for allowing a reciprocally free trade between those States and
the British dominions in North America ~— in agricultural produce and a few
other artic1es—(p. 138) In order to effect this object Negotiations have been
carried on with the United States Government but though no pains have been
spared by the British minister at Washington with the assistance of Gentlemen
deputed for that purpose by the Provincial Governments, in endeavouring to
induce the Government of the United States to make a concession which is
manifestly one which in all fairness this Country is entitled to ask, hithertoo
the efforts made to obtain it have been fruitless— It is not surprising that this
refusal of the United States to meet the just expectations of the people of
Canada should have excited among the (p. 139) latter a strong disposition to
enforce retaliatory restrictions on the trade carried on between themselves and
their neighbours, and I consider it to be by no means one of the smallest services
which it was in our power to render to the Colony while we were entrusted with
the direction of aiiairs, that we succeeded in preventing the adoption of any

29* *These words have been scored through. “Adopted” has been written in the margin.
See below, p. 1051.

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

1038
measures of this kind, not by a direct and formal refusal to Sanction them, but
by unofficially discouraging their being brought forward—— Though the restric-
tions upon Canadian (p. 140)3° commerce which are still maintained by the
United States are marked by a spirit of selfish unfairness far from creditable to
the republic, or rather to those by whose influence in its councils they are kept
in force, nothing I think can be more clear than that they are infinitely more
injurious to the United States themselves than to Canada, and that on the other
hand the consequences of any retaliatory measures to which Canada might be
provoked to have recourse, would fall chiefly on hcrself—— It is of the exclusion
of their agricultural produce and particularly of their wheat from consumption
in the United States (p. 140) 30 that the Canadians principally complain, and as
wheat is at times dearer in the adjoining States of the Union than in the Province,
the Canadian farmer is no doubt a loser by the restriction to the extent of this
difference of price whatever it may be. But as the United States are upon the
whole exporters of agricultural produce, and most probably for very many years
to come must continue to be so, it is certain that the price of corn in their own
markets must in general be regulated by that which they can obtain for the
(PA 141) Surplus they export in the foreign market in which they meet the
Canadian produce on equal terms, hence it is impossible that the price of corn
in the Union can be kept for any length of time much higher than it is in Canada,
and the loss to the Canadian farmer from being deprived of this additional
market must be comparatively trifling. The injury to the United States them-
selves from the restriction is by no means so trifling.~— Since the completion of
the St. Lawrence canals and the repeal of our Navigation Laws, Canada is
(p. 1412) becoming a. formidable rival to the United States in the great trade
which is carried on in the export of flour to the various markets of the world
which draw their Supplies from the fertile lands of Western America.» Of the
two lines of communication between the great lakes and the sea, the one by the
St. Lawrence to Quebec, the other by the Erie Canal to New York, the former
possesses the great advantage of not requiring any transhipment of goods and
produce between the most remote of the Western lake ports and the seas, (p. 143)
and also of admitting of the use of much larger vessels than can be employed in
the Erie canal.—— The consequence is that a very great saving both of time and
of money can be effected by the use of this line in bringing produce from the
West, to the port of shipment, and also in Sending the various goods required
for consumption in the interior from the Seaport to the place of their destina—
tion.—— New York has a countervailing advantage over Quebec and Montreal in
the lower rate of freight to the European and other principal markets of the
world, but since the repeal of (p. 144) the Navigation laws and the opening of
the Canadian ports to the flags of all nations, this advantage has been greatly
reduced, and there is every reason to believe that the trade between the far west
and the principal ports of the world will be most cheaply carried on through
the St Lawrence. This being the case it is clear that a competition is just
beginning which promises to be a very Severe one on the part of the Canadian
ports with New York for the enormous trade which is already carried on and is
daily encreasing in the exchange of the Surplus (p. 145) agricultural produce of

3° There are two pages marked “r1410.”

. 4:-.,,‘—a.' »‘V —~—— ,—.‘,:’

ELGI N GREY PAPERS 1039

the industrious Settlers on the lands washed by the great American Lakes; for
thc various Supplies which they require.— In this exciting competition it is
obvious that the Canadian miller and merchant must be directly assisted by
the maintenance on the part of the United States of restriction on the import of
Canadian wheat, Since if these restrictions have any effect at all they must tend
to keep the price of wheat in the United States at a higher level than in the
adjoining Provinces, and in so close a race a very slight diiierence may be
material in determining which of the rivals for the trade shall be able to supply
the foreign consumer on the easiest terms. If it were possible that the law of

». the (p. 146) United States could succeed in its object and maintain a rate of

prices in the republic materially higher than in Canada, the effect of this would
probably be that in no long time a large part of the trade in flour from New
York to Europe, to Cuba and to Brazil would be transferred to Canada, and that
the manufactured goods, the sugar and other supplies required in return by the
settlers in the West would be conveyed to them by the same route. So clear
does it seem to me that this is the tendency of the existing restrictions on the
importation of the Agricultural produce of Canada into the United States, that
in the interest of the former I should wish these restrictions to be maintained
for a few years (p. 147) until her trade with the West can be thoroughly estab-
lished, were it not that I have unlimited faith in the general rule that in every
case the removal of restrictions upon the freedom of trade is certain to be
attended with advantage to all whom those restrictions affect.—— Looking at the
subject in this light, I believe that the true policy for this country\and for
Canada to pursue would be’to abstain from any further negotiation or com-
munication whatever with the United States, respecting the duties imposed by
them on Canadian produce, leaving them to deal with the question as they may
think best for their own interest, and not allowing their decision to have any
influence in regulating the Canadian (p, 148) tariff which should be determined
solely by a consideration of what rates of duty on different articles of import
may be best calculated to raise the revenue required for the public service, with
the least pressure upon the community, and the least diversion of capital and
industry from their natural channels.—— Perhaps it is hardly to be expected that
the people of Canada should acquiesce in adopting a policy so different from
that which nations have hitherto almost universally agreed in following»— but
at all events it is earnestly to be hoped that the Provincial Parliament will be
Wise enough to abstain from any legislation of a retaliatory character——(p. 149)
To exclude the United States from the markets of Canada because they are So
injudicious as not to admit Canadian produce to their own market would on the
part of’Canada be Simply to punish herself for the faults of her neighbour, and
to deprive herself of the advantages of the trade she now carries on, because
she is not allowed -to carry on a still larger one—— The Canadian consumer only
purchases goods imported from the United States because he finds that they
cost him less than Similar goods obtained from any other quarter, and there
surely would be no sense in taking from him this advantage because the Govern-
ment of -the United States will not in other cases allow (p. 150) their own people
to purchase from Canada what could be most cheaply obtained there— I have
entered into this question further than I should otherwise have done, because it

1040 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS’

involves a general principle to which I attach the highest importance, and also
because it affords an example which proves that without depriving the Colonies
of the full enjoyment of political liberty and of the right of managing their own
affairs, the Government of this country does possess the means of exercising 9.
powerful influence over their Councils, and that the connexion of the various
parts of (p. 151) the British Empire with each other need not be rendered so
merely nominal as Some persons Suppose by the abstinence of the Mother
country from exerting an imperious control over her dependencies. There can
be no doubt that a Government acting upon opposite views of commercial policy
from those which with the Support of Parliament your administration main-
tained, would have led Canada into the adoption of measures of retaliation
against the United States for their restrictions in her commerce, and as I have
Said I believe that we have rendered no slight Service to the Colony and to
the Empire (p. 152) by giving 23. different direction to her policy. Another
question which has lately much occupied public attention in Canada is that
relating to the Clergy reservcs.—* It is well known that by the Canada Act of
1791 one seventh of the ungranted lands of the Colony were set apart for the
support of a protestant clergy.*31——~ For many years this provision had excited
much discontent in both Upper and Lower Canada but especially in the former,
and in 1840 when the provinces were united it was enacted by Parliament that
these lands should be sold and the proceeds (p. 153) applied in certain propor-
tions to the endowment of the Clergy of different denominations, those of the
national Churches of England and Scotland having a share far exceeding that
which would have been assigned to them had the division been regulated by the
number of members of the Several Churches.—- I regretted this arrangement at
the time it was made, fearing that from the opinions prevailing in Canada it
would not long be acquiesced in as a permanent Settlement of the question.
This anticipation has proved correct, it was found impossible to prevent (p. 154)
the subject from being again agitated in the Province, and in the year 1850 an
address to the Queen was voted by the House of Assembly praying that Her
Majesty would recommend to Parliament a measure for the repeal of the
Imperial Act of the 3’“ & 4”‘ of Vict. ch. 78, and for enabling the Canadian
Legislature to dispose of the proceeds of the Clergy Reserves subject to the
condition of Securing to the existing holders for their lives the stipends to which
they were then entitled.~« This address was answered by a (p. 155) despatch
to Lord Elgin w“ he was instructed to lay before the Hm of the Provincial
Parl“ & in which he was informed that it had appeared to Her Majestys Gov‘ on
mature deliberation that the desire expressed by the Assembly ought to be
acceded to, and that a recommendation would be made to Parl‘ accordingly;
He was told that “in coming to this conclusion Her Majestys Gov‘ have been
mainly influenced by the consideration that great as in their judgment would
be the advantages W“ W‘ result from leaving undisturbed the existing arrange-
inent by w” a certain portion of the public lands (p. 156) of Canada are made
available for the purpose of creating a fund for the religious instruction of the
inhabitants of the province, still the question whether that arrangement is to
be maintained is one so exclusively affecting the people of Canada that its

31” *’l‘.hese words have been scored through. “Adopted” has been written in the margin.

I ELGI N ~GRE Y PAPERS 1041

l

l

decision ought not to be withdrawn from the Provincial Legislature to which it

properly belongs to regulate all matters concerning the domestic interests of the

Province” It would have been impossible in conformity with the principles

which I have endeavoured in the beginning of this letter to explain, as those on

which our whole Colonial Policy was founded (p. 157) to come to any other

decision, & it shows in my opinion the advantage of acting on those principles

& of confining the exercise of the authority of the Imperial Gov‘ to cases really

calling for it, that the Local Legislature in this instance was induced to abstain

from attempting to carry measures to which the Crown could not have been
advised to assent, only by the confidence entertained that no attempt would be

made to over rule the wishes of the people of Canada in a matter of purely

domestic interest, provided that their representatives showed due respect for

(p. 158) the honor of the Crown & the authority of the Imperial Parl°— There

were not wanting in the Assembly, members who urged that the vested interests
of those actually in the receipt of incomes from the fund with which it was
proposed to deal sh‘ be disregarded, & that with‘ waiting for the repeal of the
Imperial Act, the Local Legislature sh‘ proceed at once to alter the arrangement
resting on its authority, but fortunately the Assembly listened to the more
moderate Counsels of those who urged that to give the Royal assent to an Act
depriving (p. 159) existing encumbents of their incomes W“ be regarded by the
advisers of the Crown as inconsistent with its honor, & w‘ therefore be refused,
& that to pass, with‘ express authority for doing so, a Provincial Act for the pur-
pose of altering the provisions of an Act of the Imperial Perl’, w‘ be to assume
for the local Lcgislatiue a power with which the Constitution does not invest
it.~— From the tone of the debates which took place it is I think clearly to be
inferred that this judicious advice was made to prevail in the Assembly only by
the belief which was generally entertained that the principles wk had of late been
observed in the exercise of the authority of the Imperial Gov‘ in (p. 160) the
Province, made it certain that by taking the course wl‘ was adopted, & limiting
its demands in the manner it did, the Local Legislature w“ be sure to obtain
what it asked for. I must not omit also to mention that in the discussions on
this subject on which the popular passions had been a good deal excited, the
French Canadians, though it was the interests of the Protestant Churches that
were at stake, were generally on the side of respecting vested interests and the
authority of the Imperial Parliament, ~— (p. 161) an additional proof of the
good effects produced by treating them with confidence & kindness.

I have only further to add upon this subject that it had been our intention
to have brought under the consideration of Parl” in the Session of 1851 a bill for
carrying into eifect what we had promised, but circumstances arose which pre~
vented our doing so. We had reason to doubt the passing of such a bill through
the H“ of Lords unless it had the recommendation of having been previously
passed by a large majority of the House of Commons, we therefore thought it
expedient to defer the consideration (p. 162) of the subject until it c“ be brought
before the latter branch of the Legislature, & the attention of that House was
so long occupied by matters which could not be postponed, that there was no
Opportunity of submitting to it the intended bill until it was too late in the
Session to proceed with the measure with any prospect of success, The bill was

9337-436

1042 ELGIN —GRE Y PAPERS

therefore postponed till the present year, & was to have been proposed to the
H“ of Commons in a few days, when the division took place which led to the
breaking up of your Administration. (p. 163) In practically recognising by the
course we adopted on the various matters to which I have adverted the claim of
the Canadians to exercise the powers of Self Government, we did not lose sight

of the views I have stated in the preliminary part of this letter, as to the < corresponding duties which the exercise of the powers of Self Government imposes upon the Colonial dependencies of the Empire, & as to the propriety of their relieving the Imperial Treasury from a part of the charges it has been subject to on their account. The manner in which we proposed to (p. 164) act upon these views will be best explained by an extract from a despatch w“ was addressed to Lord Elgin in the Spring of last year in reply to one in which he had sent home an elaborate minute by his Executive Council on the Finances of the Colony.— This minute was founded on certain reports presented to the Assembly in its previous session by a Com » wl’ had been appointed to enquire into the public income and expenditure of the Province.—— Amongst other proposals for (p. 165) saving expense a reduction of the Salary attached to the office of Governor General had been brought under consideration, and with reference to this Suggestion we thought it advisable to explain fully to Lord Elgin for the information of his Council and of the Canadian Parliament the changes which the altered State of their relations in other respects Seemed to render expedient in the pecuniary arrangements between the Provinces and the Mother Country —~ The instructions Sent to Lord Elgin upon this (p. 166) Subject were so important that I must quote them at length, they were as follows—  » That portion (here insert from the beginning of Paragraph 4, page 11, of the despatch to the end 52) :— Our retirement from Office took place before these instructions could be fully acted upon;—— the demand upon Canada that she should take upon herself a larger share than heretofore of the charges incurred (p. 167) on her account was intended to be coupled with an application to Parliament not only to provide for the Salary of the Governor General but also to give the assistance of the credit of the British Treasury towards the execution of the projected line of railway for connecting together the British Provinces in North America.— The final result of the communications between the Several Provinces on this last Subject was not received until we had ceased to be the advisers of the Crown, and till it was So we were not in a Situation to bring the question under the consideration (p. 168) of Parliament, I will therefore Say nothing farther with respect to it except that I learnt with the deepest regret that the scheme for the execution of the projected railway to which the three provinces had with much difliculty been brought to agree had not met with the approbation of our Successors.-— Without however waiting for the time when the whole of the proposed arrangement would be Submitted to Parliament, We had already for Some time been taking measures for Largely reducing the expenditure of this country in Canada; With this (p. 169) View a local corps of Cavalry which had been employed in the province was discontinued, and a further reduction of the regular force stationed in the Province than” that which we had previously 32INtebyLodG Jfled tchtLo‘dEl‘ fth14‘“fM 111851‘ th apers rl:latin_ torthe rglvil Iligt :r§i1iiaMili1:0ar%v 1:EX1)8Ig1il1’l1lI‘l?1‘0 iréi Canaflo pifscented tombotfi ouses of Par iament by command on the 8″‘ 0 April 1-851. 33 This Word has been added in pencil. ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1043 made was ordered in the beginning of this year and has I believe since our retire- ment been carried into effect, steps having been at the Same time taken to enrol and settle upon land in Such a manner that their services may quickly he obtained when wanted, a considerable number of pensioners from the Army.— A plan which we fornr1ed3‘1 under consideration (p. 170) when we came into office for building barracks for the troops in Canada, and which if I remember right was to have cost not far short of a million of money was abandoned, and instead of this the Provincial Government was called upon to provide accommodation for the troops which it appeared to that Government desirable to retain in other places than the fortified posts, and in this manner quarters were provided for a regiment at Montreal.—— The Provincial Government was also called upon to defray the expense of moving (p. 171) detachments of troops when they were required in aid of the civil power.—— An arrangement had also been made for immediately reducing & altogether stopping at the end of 5 years the expense on account of what is called the Indian depart- ment in Canada which had hitherto cost this country between 13 & 14 OOO£ a year.— I have not the means of ascertaining what is the total saving to the British Treasury thus effected but it must amount to a very considerable sum.——- With regard to Canada it now only remains that I sh“ sum up (p. 172) in a few words the results of the course of policy which I have described— ———In the pre- ceding pages I have shown that within the last few years there has been a most gratifying improvement in the state of political affairs & of public feeling in the Province; that the affections of a large part of the population which had been alienated had been regained, & that all classes now evince an ardent attachment to the British Crown & to the institutions under which they live; that the hateful animosities & rancour created by civil (p. 173) war & differences of national origin have35 disappeared, & that the party divisions wl‘ still remain are not greater than those which are to be found under other free governments; that a system of constitutional government copied from our own, has been firmly established & is universally acquiesced in, while its principles are now gen- erally understood & appreciated; & that the best evidence of the successful working of this system of Gov‘ has been afforded by the passing of a variety of useful laws all tending to promote the welfare (p. 174) of the people and the progress of society. Nor has the improvement been less marked or less rapid in what relates to the material interests of the Province.——— The temporary difficulties occasioned by a sudden change in the Commercial policy of the Empire having passed away, the removal of restrictions & regulations by which the industry of the Province was hampered, or diverted into artificial channels, has produced its natural effects, & the trade & agriculture of Canada have risen from their depression to a prosperity (p. 175) which is both greater than that which they formerly enjoyed, & also far more secure, since it does not depend upon any monopoly or partial advantages granted to them in the British market, but is the result of exertion & enterprise called forth by the wholesome stimulus of competition. The most striking evidence of the degree to which Canada is now pi-ospcring is afforded by the state of her finances & her public credit.—— °*’l‘his word has been chan ed to “found.” “The word “nearly” has een added. 0337~—65! 1044 – ELGIN—GRE’Y PAPER;-S When we were appointed to ofliice in July 1846 we found Canada in a situation of some financial difliculty, (p. 176) the large expenditure occasioned by her great public works, though I believe very wisely incurred, had for the moment pressed heavily on her resources, & a member of the then Provincial Administra- tion (M‘ Cayley) who had come to Englandfor the purpose of endeavouring to raise money to meet some pressing demands on the Colonial Treasury, expe- rienced the Greatest difliculty in disposing of the 6 per cent debentures of the Province, though the state of the English money (p. 177) market was still by no means unfavourable, & if I remember right no large amount of these deben- tures could be sold even at a price somewhat below par.— In the present year M‘ Hincks who now fills the office formerly held by M’ Cayley has been in this country, & it has been his duty, as it had been that of his predecessor, to raise money for the Provincial Government, but so greatly has its credit improved that no difficulty whatever has been experienced in procuring all that was required, & I believe the 6 per cent debentures W“ (p. 178) could not formerly be disposed of at par, have easily commanded a price of 115. The revenue, the income derived from the tolls on the canals, & the trade of the Province as shown by the amount of exports & of imports have all encreased“ with extraordinary rapidity, & the indications of prosperity & of rapid progress which are every where to be seen are such as to strike the most careless observer.— The advance of the Colony (p. 179) has been most rapid during the last 3 years, but I think it right to add that its progress from very small beginning, during the whole time it has formed part of the British Empire has been most unjustly depreciated, & though it has been a sort of fashion to draw an unfavourable comparison between Canada & the flourishing republic of which she is the neighbour, careful enquiry has recently shown that far from its being true that Canada has anything to fear from such a comparison, it is one which if fairly (p. 180) made is greatly to her advantage.— She has ad- vanced & is advancing even more rapidly than her republican neighbour, in population, in wealth & in general commerce. I do not wish to encumber this letter with unnecessary statistics, I therefore abstain from going into the details, which would support what I have asserted & instead of doing so will refer you to the exceedingly able lectures delivered in March last at Toronto, by the Rev“ Adam Lillie & published in the (p. 181) Journal of Education of Upper Canada.- In these lectures it is demonstrated by a minute comparison of the statistics of Canada & of the most flourishing States of the Union, that the rate of advance has been decidedly more rapid in the former than in the latter.»- I would add that the opinion of an impartial & most intelligent observer who has in the course of the present year published a highly interesting volume giving an account of the impression made upon his mind by what he observed during a short tour (10. 182) in the United States & in Canada, is still more decidedly in favour of the latter.»-— I allude to M’ TreInenheer37 who in his “Notes on public subjects in the United States & in Canada” has shown that the Canadians are far from having any reason to envy their neighbours with res- pect either to their progress in wealth & material prosperity, or to what is of _ 35 [Note by Lord Gre .] I subjoin some statements showin the extent of the encrease which has taken place (‘In pencil) N. B. the figures to be ad ed. 37 E’. S. Tremcmkeere, Notes on Public Subjects made duriny a tour in the United States ,and in Canada, (Ltmdom 1852). 1045 ELGI N ~G‘RE Y PAPERS still higher interest, the degree to which they are in the enjoyment of all the blessings of freedom & good government, & their comparative exemption from those abuses from (p. 183) which no human institutions can be entirely free.~—— I believe you are acquainted with this very interesting volume, if not I cannot better conclude these remarks on the affairs of Canada than by recommending it to your notice.——« (Original MS) QUEBEC .. oct. 8 1852. MY DEAR GREY, Your letter of the 28″‘ Aug‘ with the accompanying manuscript, transmitted through the Colonial Office, reached me only on Saturday last. I have read with much attention and interest the account you give of events in Canada during the last 6 years. It is in many respects very gratifying to me. At the same time I cannot help feeling that a confidential Minister of the Crown undertakes the task in which you are now engaged under great disadvantages. Persons into whose hands a statement such as that which you are about to furnish to the Public, falls, take it up with the irnpressionthat they will find in it the whole strength of the writer’s case, the most favorable view that can be presented of the transactions in which he has been engaged, and reasons for what has been done of a secret or confidential character which could not in the ordinary course of oflicial business have transpired—— Now you know how falla- cious such expectations must necessarily proVe—— No man in the British Empire writes under greater constraint than you do with respect to the transactions of the last few years in which you have been the prominent and responsible actor, a constraint imposed on you partly by y‘ confidential relation to the Crown, and partly ‘by the natural and honorable desire to avoid the risk of reviving passions which passing events may have stirred, and which time or altered circumstances may be beginning to allay. I feel all this so strongly, and I am so confident that your colonial policy will find it’s best and surest justifi- cation in the prosperity of the Colonies, and in the adoption by your successors of your views and measures, that I have great difliculty, I own, in reconciling myself to the step which you are taking, in volunteering what the public will, I think, accept as your vindication or defense. However, I have no doubt that all these considerations have presented themselves to your own mind already, and that they have been weighed in the balance and found wanting—— You will pardon me, I trust, for making remarks which are prompted solely by an anxiety lest you should do anything in this matter which you may afterwards regret. The views which I have, presuming on your kindness, taken the liberty of so frankly stating, apply, as it appears to me, with especial force to Canadian affairs«-— On the one hand, the benefits that this community and every individual comprised in it are desiring from a policy, which, by establishing the constitution of the Colony on a rational and intelligible basis has suffered energies that were formerly exhausted in party conflicts to direct themselves towards the promotion of the material interests of the Province, are so palpable, that the most pre- judiced are constrained to admit their existence; and this, observe, is an argu- 1046 E’LGIN—GIi’.EY PAPERS ment from facts in favor of your policy which will only recieve a more signal illustration if attempts be made to reverse it. While, on the other, reasons of State, and a desire to heal old sores, the healing of which is essential to the complete success of the policy itself, combine to impose silence upon us with respect to many circumstances which would form, if we could bring them to light, the most conclusive vindication of those parts of it which may seem obscure or questionable. Take for example the Rebellion Losses Bill, that measure to which an importance so disproportionate has been attached in the recent history of our affairs only because the British Public bestows no attention upon us except at seasons of agitation—— Can you set forth unreservedly the arguments by which it may be demonstrated that that measure was at once perfectly justifiable in a moral point of view, and commanded, at the time at which it was mooted by my Gov‘, by imperative political necessity? Can you do full justice to our case without provoking controversies which had better be avoided? And yet, when you write, does not the public believe that it is reading the most favorable version of the transactions narrated by you which it is in your power to furnish? But before I proceed further in illustration of this point, permit me to make one preliminary observation- It is, I believe, the generally recieved opinion in England, and I fear that y’ statement as it now stands might in some degree go to confirm it, that the essential distinction between the policy of Lord Met- calfc acting under Lord Stanley’s directions, and mine while I acted under your’s, consisted in the fact, that while it was repugnant to his sense of right to extend the favor of the Crown to persons who had been compromised in the rebellion, I have felt no such scruples. Now this opinion is in a great degree founded on misconception, and it has powerfully contributed to stir a popular‘ prejudice against me— The fact is that Lord Metcalfe had no such repugnance as has been supposed to the employment of persons who had been implicated in the Rebellion-— He was quite as much satisfied as I am of the necessity of . burying the events of 1839 in oblivion— When I came to the Province M. Viger was President of the Executive Council. Papineau had received his arrears. & his family were enjoying the lion’s share of the good things of o£fiee— The distinction between Lord Metcalfe’s policy and mine» his error, as I venture to think it, was twofold~—— In the first place he profoundly distrusted the whole liberal Party in the Province—— that great party which, excepting at extra- ordinary conjunctures, has always carried with it the mass of the constituen- cies— He believed its designs to be revolutionary, just as the Tory Party in England believed those of the Whigs & Reforiners to be in 1830. And, secondly; he imagined that when circumstances forced this party upon him he could check these Revolutionary tendencies by manifesting his distrust of them more especially in the matter of the distribution of patronage: thereby relieving them in a great measure from that responsibilty which is in all free countries the most effectual security against abuse of power, and tempting them to endeavor to combine the role of popular tribunes with the prestige of Ministers of the Crown. In a Word, I contend that the essential distinction between our policy and that of our predecessors in oifice has consisted in the confidence which we have reposed in the good faith of the constitutional Reformcrs & in the loyalty of the mass of the population of‘ the Province—— ELGINGREY PAPERS 1047 But, to return to the Rebellion Losses Bill: and, firstly, as to the imperative political necessity by which it was commanded at the time when it was mooted by my Gov‘ —— You shew truly in your letter that this much decried Statute was in fact only the logical sequence of measures adopted by my predecessors and preceding Parliaments— But you do not tell, and perhaps it would not be well that you should do so, that, although it became known to the British public only in 1849, the measure itself was brought oflicially under my notice in 1848 in the midst of the excitement engendered by the French and Irish Revolution- ary movemeuts—— It was during these convulsions that I was first asked by M. La Fontaine whether I would sanction the introduction by him of a Bill to carry out the recommendations of Lord Metcalfe’s Commissioners with respect to losses sustained by the inhabitants of Lower Canada during the Rebellion-— Now, when this application was made to me I was aware of two facts—— Firstly that M. La Fontaine would be unable to retain the support of his countrymen if he failed to introduce a measure of this description, and secondly that my refusal to grant the required permission would be taken by him and his friends as a proof that that they had not my confidence-—— In a word my refusal would in all probability have broken up an administration which had been imposed upon me a few months before by a majority of nearly 3 to 1 in a recently elected House of Commons, and have thereby given for the moment almost unlimited control over the liberal Electors of all origins to agitators who were endeavoring to urge them on to desperate courses on the pleas; that no faith could be placed in the British Crown: that constitutional Gov‘ was a mockery: and that it was never intended to be worked except for the advantage of one Party in the State——- Only imagine how diflicult it would have been to discover a justification for my conduct, if at a moment when America was boiling over with bandits and desperadocs, & when the leaders of every faction in the Union, with the View of securing the Irish vote for the Presidential Election, were vying with each other in abuse of England, & subscribing funds for the Irish Republican Union, I had brought on such a crisis in Canada, by refusing to allow my administration to bring in a bill to carry out the recom- mendation of Lord Metcalfe’s Commissionersl— And then again as to the justification of the measure in a moral point of view—— You defend the Act, with perfect justice as I think, against the exception taken to it, because none are excluded by its letter from indemnity except those whose guilty participation in the Rebellion was established before the Courts or by their own voluntary ccnfessicn—- But it does not follow, (although this inference might probably be drawn from the statement by a reader unac- quainted with the details of the case) that losses arising from the destruction of property during the Rebellion are to be made good to all without discrimina- tion who do not happen to fall within that category. The act provides indemnity only for those cases in which the destruction of property was wanton & unneces- sary: and it rests with the Commissioners who are as you know Lord Mctcalfe’s Commissioners, to determine with respect to each claim brought before them whether or not it be such a claim as the Act contemplates. I believe that the Commissioners are construing the Act very. severely against persons who were compromised in the rebellion-« This, however, is a matter in which it is obviously most important that the Executive Gov‘ should not meddlew I do not therefore 1048 ELGI N ~GRE Y PAPERS like to say much about it at present. The result will probably shew how little foundation there was for the loyal apprehensions felt or feigned in 1849. As illustrative however of the character of many of these claims, I may mention an instance which came lately to my Knowledge. I saw a letter from Lord Seaton who had been applied to by one of the Commissioners for informa- tion with respect to the destruction by fire of a village, I think, St. Benoit. He stated in this letter that no resistance had been made when he occupied the village in question, and that he had given the strictest orders that no injury was to be done to property. The property of the villagers was accordingly protected as long as his troops remained in it, but as soon as he left it the volunteers set fire to it and destroyed it— Now, I am ready to assume if you please for the sake of argument, that the inhabitants of St. Benoit were implicated in the rebellion— Yet, even on this hypothesis, I would ask, how, if Lord Seaton was justified in protecting their property from destruction, can it be an immoral act on the part of the Parliament of Canada to restore that same property when it is destroyed in defiance of his orders? I should like to know how Gladstone, subtle casuist as he is, would contrive to justify Lord Seaton’s order, without also justifying the assent which, in conformity with constitutional usage, & in obedience to those rnaxims of local self Government which he is so zealous in asserting, I gave in the name of the Crown to an Act spontaneously passed by the Parliament of Canada for the purpose of making good losses occasioned by the wanton and unnecessary destruction of property, even although that Act should be construed to cover such cases as that of S‘ Benoit? And now, having submitted these general remarks with the view of shewing how far short a narrative, written at this early period, and written by you, must necessarily fall of a full exposition and vindication of our recent policy, I shall take the liberty of pointing out a few passages in your letter which I should wish you to modify lest they should produce unnecessary irritation on this side. I have ventured to draw a pencil through the words where I would suggest an alteration or omission because it makes my meaning plainer, and the mark can be easily eifaced afterwards. at page 44( omit the words “and the unhappy events of 1837 &: 38” 1 At page 50. Omit the words « who had formerly been accused of a tendency to republicanism” At Page 55. I think I would omit M. Papineaufls name so that it will read “All efforts to create opposition &c”. At page 56. I would venture to suggest a change— The expression “such a state of feeling as Lord Elgin found in Canada in the beginning of 1847” does not convey the full force of the case. The real point is, not what state of feeling I found in 1847, but what state of feeling would have existed in 1848, if I had continued to manifest the distrust of the liberal Party which had been evinced by those who went before me, I would therefore omit the reference to 1847 which is the less called for as you have already referred to it in a former page and let the sentence run thus “If the European events of 1848 falling like a spark on CL population disaffected to the Gov’ had provoked any corresponding movement in Canada’’—3 1See above 1). 1024. ‘ 2See above p. 102.5. 3See above 11. 1025. ELGIN -GRE Y PAPERS 1049 at Page 7%, « But also to those whose property had been destroyed or injured by troops or volunteers: where such destruction of property could be shewn to have been wanton and unnecessary; which was held to be the meaning of the somewhat awkward expression ‘just losses’ which occurs in the address of the Assembly already quoted.” It is most important I think that this qualification of the absolute claim to indemnity should not be lost sight of.—4 Page 75. first line “Commissioners were appointed by Lord Metcalfe to enquire” &o—— It is deserable to keep this before the public—5 Page 76. I would venture to suggest rather a material change in this page. As it now stands it conveys I think an incorrect impression of the faotew Omitting all the words from “Under these circumstances” to “legally established” ,1 Would substitute something to the following purpose. “In entire accordance with the proceedings adopted during the earlier stages in these transactions the bill which passed through the Provincial Parliament under the auspices of Lord Elgins advisers, excluded absolutely from participation in the Indemnity fund only those persons whose guilt in the Rebellion had been established by legal con- viction or by their own confession: leaving it to the Commissioners who were to be appointed to carry out the Act to determine in each case which came before them how far the destruction of property complained of had been wanton or un- necessary a duty obviously of the greatest delicacy, and for the faithful and loyal discharge of which the best security was afforded by the reappointment as Commissioners of the same Gentlemen who had been named to that ojfice by Lord M etcalfe. The Rebellion Losses Bill therefore had its origin in an address of the Assembly which was passed with the concurrence of Lord Metcalfe’s con- servative administration— Its provisions were adopted from the report of Com- missioners appointed by that administration in pursuance of the Address.— And, after it became law, its execution was confided by Lord Elgin’s advisers to the same individuals.” Page 77. omit the words « as one of which the object was to reward and encourage rebels” Page 78 last liue—- Insert “Lord Elgin feeling on the one hand that an appeal to the people would be futile, and on the other that he would not be morally justified in throwing on Her Majesty’s Imperial Gov‘ the responsibility of adopting or rejecting the Bill most properly” &o.3 Page 79. I now come to a part of your letter with respect to which I shall venture to take a great liberty. You of course know better than I can possibly do what elfect a statement of this description is likely to produce on opinion in England, though I cannot but think that it is unadviseable to pin down Glad- stone and others to the follies to which they gave utterance in 1849—— As regards this Province however I am strongly of opinion that nothing but evil can result from the publication at this period of a detailed and circumstantial statement of the disgraceful proceedings which tool: place here after the Bill passed. Most persons who were engaged in these transactions regret the part they took in them— But it is needless to say that the surest way to arrest a process of con- 4See above p. 1028. 5See above 12. 1028. fiflce above 1;. 11128. 7Sec above p. 1028. 8See above 1). 10228. 1050 A ELGIN-GRE Y ‘PAPERS version is to dwell’ on errors of the past, and to place in a broad light the con- trast between present sentiments and those of an earlier date. This consideration makes it important in my judgement to pass as lightly as may be over the scandals of 1849, and even to touch gently, in the case of Montreal especially, on the indications of a revival of better feelings— As to imputations affecting my own honor and character,~—these of course are in my own keeping, & it will be my duty to defend them if attacks be made where they can be met—-on this head I have only to observe that the motives which induced me to abstain from forcing my way into Montreal in 1849 may be correctly stated inthc words of a man whom even his enemies have not generally reproached with cowardice. The Duke of Wellington when he was asked why he did not go to the city in 1830 is reported to have said “I would have gone if the law had been equal to protect me but that was not the case. Fifty Dragoons would have done it: but that was a military force. If firing had begun, who could tell when it was to end? one guilty person would fall, and ten innocent be destroyed. Would this have been wise or humane for a little bravado or that the country might not be alarmed for a day or two?” There was this difference however between the cases, that a confliet between races, or between the soldiery and the populace of Montreal of British origin, would have sown seeds of bitterness which would have borne fruit for generations. 1 do not believe that these imputations were ha-zarded in any respectable quarter, or that they are entitled to the dignity of a place in your narrative-— on the whole I would be very glad if I could persuade you to dismiss the incidents recorded between Pages 79 & 99 of y‘ letter somewhat more summarily, I shall proceed to shew how this, as I think, might be done without omitting anything that is essential.” Page 80. Omit “where it was necessary to keep ca guard for his protection”. There is always a guard, and also omit “and thus permitting himself to be nearly shut up in the domain at M on7clands”1° Page 81. omit “And was accused both by friends and foes of having shown a V want of proper spirit and determination” Page 82 After the words “one class of the population against another” insert, “He was also in no small degree influenced by the reflerion that among those who were carried away by the excitement of the moment, some at least were worthy men, actuated by feelings of wounded pride which were entitled to all possible considero.tion”—1 1 Page 82. omit “including the absurd one of personal cowardice“? Page 85. I would recommend, if I might take the liberty of doing so, that you should stop at the words “Her Majestys service” in this Page, and, in lieu of what follows in it and the succeeding Pages to the words “United States was also present” at the top of Page 99, insert something to the following effect— “ The manner in which events which had taken place in Canada were made use of in England to attach your administration, hindered for a time the success of Lord Elgin’s cfiorts to allay ea;citement.- He steadily refused however to depart from the policy of conciliation, which was commanded as he thought by.‘ a regard for the best interests of the Prooince—— We approved of his course in; 9Sce above 11. 1029. 10 See above p. 1029. 11 See above 1:. 1029. I2 See above 1:. 1029. ELGIN-GIBE Y PAPERS 1051 this respect, as also of the resolution which, at a later period, and after full consideration, he formed to act on an address of the Assembly, passed after the disturbances in April, which prayed that the Provincial Par’ might in future be Slt)7lm07’L0d to meet alternately at Quebec and Toronto——- He fixed on Toronto for the first place of meeting, because, being in the centre of an exclusively British population, its selection negatived emphatically the allegation that the Gov’ relied solely on French Canadian support. We further approved of the measures which, with the concurrence of his council, Lord Elgin adopted to arrest a movement in favor of the annexation of Canada to the United States which took its rise in Montreal at the close of 1849. These measures were entirely effectual: and this movement, which never spread beyond the district in which it had its origin, soon began to languish there also.” 13 Page 100. I would put the following sentence a little less strongly by inverting it thus “ The arrangement by which the seat of Gov’ aft the sittings of the Legis- lature are fired alternately at Toronto and Quebec, has contributed not a little towards removing the feelings of alienation from each other of the inhabitants of French and British descent ”.14 Page 101. Might you not say “ The improved state of feeling generally is however no doubt in a great measure to be attributed ” &c—15 Page 112. At the bottom, say « The Colonial Gov’ incurred a heavy expendi- ture for these objects. As there is some soreness on the subject it is better not to specify amounts,” Page 134. Omit»-“ hardly less effectually than if they had gone to our own Colonies ”—- Comparisons of this sort grate on Colonial scnsibilities—17 page 152. amend the sentence which follows the words “that relating to the Clergy Reserves thus— “ It is well Known that the Canadian Act of 1791 set apart a seventh of the ungranted lands of the Colony for the support of a Pro- testant Clergy-— reserving however to the local legislature the power with the consent of the Imperial Parliament of varying or repealing the provisions enacted for this purpose ”.—— It is very important, I think that this feature in the Act of 1791 should not be lost sight of.” Page 178. The statistics you require are contained in a separate paper sent herewith-19 I have thus gone through the document which you have kindly permitted me to read with as much care as time has allowed, stating frankly my views with respect to statements of fact (I do not of course presume to touch on matters of opinion) which seem to me to admit of correction—— I must apologise for adopting an apparently dictatorial tone—~ It would not have been necessary if we could. have talked the subject over: but at this distance I could not other- wise make my meaning clear. A faithful representation of what has lately occurred in Canada may I think do good even here if it can be given without stirring strife and arresting the progress of salutary moral changes. My local knowledge enables me to apprehend more correctly than any person looking on 13 See above 1:. 1032. 14 See above p, 1032. 15 See above 1). 1032. 16 See above 12. 10.5.3. 17 See above 12. 1057. 13 See above p. 101,0. 10 See above p. 1051. – 1052 ELGIN—GREY PAPERS from without can possibly do, what is likely to tell on opinion herezhence the freedom with which I have ventured to suggest alterations whenever expressions in your letter seemed to me calculated in any degree to have a prejudicial tendency Yours very sincerely The Elgin & Kincardine Earl Grey [Endorsed] Lord Elgin with remark on account transact“ in Canada Oct. 8/52 [Original MS] ‘ – QUEBEC Oct 9. 1852, My DEAR GREY, Your letter through the Col. Olfxce only reached me by the last mail. I have sent it back with a long letter from myself to Merivale requesting him to forward it to you. The enclosed shews that when I am recalled I may hope to have some friends on this side of the Atlantic. Yrs in haste, The, ELGIN & KINCARDINE. EARL GREY [Enclosure] RECALL on Loan ELGIN The citizens of the United States will very generally regret to learn the recall of Lord Elgin from Canada by the Derby Ministry, and the appointment of Lord Harris in his place. The news we obtain by a telegraph report dated yesterday. During his term of oflice as Governor-General of Canada, Lord Elgin h-as done much to render himself popular on this side, and much, we would imagine, to recommend him to the people of Canada. He has certainly suc- ceeded in pacifying party feeling in 9. great degree, and in fostering the interests of the colonies. His urbanity, courtesy and generous hospitality have tended to promote a better feeling between American and Canadian citizens than has ever before existed, and has rendered him a general favorite on this side of the line. We regret much that he is about to leave us, when the benefits of his administration are beginning to be sensibly felt, and he will certainly take home with him the good Wishes and admiration of brother Jonathan”. Buffalo Commemial Advertiser. ELGI N —G’REY PAPERS 7053 W. L. MACKENZXE TO EARL GREY.1 This letter is marked private, only because it might not otherwise reach your Lordship 32 Lancaster Street, Albany, N.Y. Nov. 28th, 1846. [Original MS] MY Loan: Not contented with continuing an unjust outlawry 9 years against me——— offering rewards for me as you would for a wolf sending judges with false or otherwise unjust oaths to this city trash that I should be given up to the tender mercies of “the family compact” as Lord Durham truly describes them—~ seizing my substance which was ample, and thereby causing injustice to be done to a few individuals, (tho’ to a very small extent, for I was as economical of getting in debt as I was of the money of Canada,)—~neglecting the sincere, honest, well timed, and judicious warnings I gave to prevent the crisis of 1837 —-and persisting in a policy which was no policy—not contented with this, your leading men have often spoken of me in the most abusive terms in the British Legislature, men to whom you give hereditary rank, or titular Knighthood, accuse me, in London of crimes my whole life has proved my abhorrence of, and the New Yorlc Albion, an English journal printed in New York, comes out to revive the subject/~ to slander me here, by affirming that I and men like me, urged on revolt in Canada by giving bad advice to the British Gov‘! , This is really too much. What is it that man could do that I did not do to prevent the necessity for armed resistance in 1837 ? And yet I am obliged, in 1846, to accept the prefer of one of the most widely circulated journals in this Union, wherein to discuss British colonial politics! Your lordship is referred to a letter of mine addressed to Your lordship in the N .Y. Tribune of today. I would have preferred waiting yet a little longer, but it is too much. When I landed in Upper Canada a young man I found that it been made a crime for men to meet and petition for redress of wrongs— that my old neighbor, Cap‘ Gourlay had endeavored to improve the land granting system, been twice tried for libel and acquitted, and altho’ the owner of 800 acres of land banished for refi/.s-Eng to go away, after being kept 8 months in a jail to induce him to gel I had not been long in the country when I witnessed the spectacle of Mess“ Hagerman and Robinson in the legislature casting all manner of contumely on an old man called Bidwcll, of whom I had never before heard, because he had been elected to the Assembly, and was sitting in it. I saw him expelled by a majority of one, and a law passed to keep him out! All this time I was following the quiet pursuits of business- a merchant first at Toronto, and then at Dundee, head of Lake Ontario, as one of the firm of “MacKenzie and Lesslie”——- I meddled with no politics for years~—- saw what I believed to be gross injustice done in the courts-— no redress given for wrongm and, in my journeyings between Toronto and New York and Quebec, the vast superiority of the U.S. in Wealth and improvt, as admitted by Lord Durham since. What efiect did this produce on the mind of a young man bet’n 20 and 30 y’rs of age‘? Did I express a wish that Canada should be annexed to the U.S. Nol I resolved to publish a journal, send vast numbers to leading men in England, and endeavor to get Britain to give a spur to men in office in Canada»- ‘-Hiscclltmeaus Papers, Elg¢’n«Grcu. 1054 ELGIN-GEE Y PAPERS so that we also might prosper, and not be taunted with our poverty. Refusing a seat in the 9″‘ parl‘ I put my design in execution, spent much means on it, got involved in politics«« and found that D‘ (now Bishop) Strachan was endeavoring in London to take away the civil rights, and shake the titles to their estates, of that influential body of men who had come into Upper Canada from the US. between 1783 and 1820. The Bishop succeeded. Orders came from your oflice that laws should be passed of the most iniquitous character as respected the lands and liberties of naturalized Americans—— their naturalization was declared to be no naturaliza- tion— the King’s Bench court decided that they had no titles to their estates- the country was thrown into a ferment. I caused two reams of blank petitions to be sent throughout the colony, praying the House of Commons to hear and judge and do right— M‘ Randal secretly left my Home for London— I drew out his instructions, the central committee signed themw I drafted a letter to M‘ Canning, whose bold, manly course I much admired-—— it was delivered and his influence obtained——~ so of Sir F. Burdett, M’ Hume and Mr Warburtonl Lord Goderich decided justly— and the Canada Parliament that had passed the unjust law one session, reversed it by acclamation the next, and more strength was given to England by that great act of simple justice, in the teeth of the family compact, than any thing else I ever knew y’r departm’t to do. If I had been then disloyal what would have been more absurd than the course I persuedl The efforts I had made brought on my head, in the mean time, the vengeance of the Robinsons, Strachans & their friends— they said I was a libeller—— and so perhaps I was— but they had sheriffs, juries, judges, justice, in their own hands, and the old libel laws in their most barbarous form to punish with. Did they try me? No, my lord, but from the office of the present chief justice of Upper Canada, in open day light, in the presence of M‘ Allan (afterwards one of Head’s executive) and of M’ I-Ieward,1 Auditor General of Canada, both British magis- trates, issued Henry Sherwood, since Sol’ Gen‘ & son to the Judge, S. P. Jarvis, Sec’ of the Province and Bank director, M” Richardson, a barrister in the Chief Justice’s Oflice, since clerk of the peace, Niagara District/— M‘ Lyons, Sir Peregrine Maitland’s secretary, and since then Registrar of Wills and Records, Niagara District —— the Inspector General’s two sons —— one of the deputy clerks of the crown— and M’ Peter M°Douga1— and this mob, armed with axes, bludgeons and crow—bars, passed from Chief Justice Rolcinson’s Oifice to mine, next door but one, broke open my office, in my dwelling house, threw down my brother in law who came to see, threatened my mother, an old woman of 74, deliberately smashed and broke the establish‘ to pieces, and carried my types and material and threw them into the blue waters of lake Ontario in front of my door! I prosecuted, got $2500 damages & heavy costs— and the printer had the men criminally convicted—— they were fined 1/ or 5/ each I believe, and promo- tions and honors thereafter were their sure recompense, while some of the jurors and witnesses, as I have often shown, were thereafter made to sufier severely, while the only writer who had ventured to condemn their conduct was soon after sent 10 months to jail—— 1Charles Howard, Auditor General of Land Patents. 3; ,_….‘_,.— ._:.,r\,—… ,_:.__v,. ’______,—j ,. 0- _&—? —« =.>—- ‘-

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1055

Prosecution-after prosecution was bro‘ against me—— the county of York
where I lived became indignant— an address to me to be a candidate was signed

by 500 of the wealthiest and worthiest of the freeholders——— I consente’d—- M‘

Sol. Gen‘ Small and M‘ Attorney Gen‘ Baldwin were my opponents on the side
of the compact! but in va.in~ and no man in the legislature ever accused me of
uttering an unbecoming expression-— I was faithful, unwearied; M’ Hume was
my model— 1 have seen the vast utility of his economical course, followed it
humbly and at a vast distance, tried to aid in the redress of every wrong,
fearlessly denounced peculations, and hoping that the English Gov‘ would redress
wrongs, wrote hundreds of statements of facts, to some of which Sir George
Murray sent me his acknowledg“, as did thereafter Sir Robert Peel. But out
brmo?

I was no visionary, my lord; I was enthusiastic in the belief that Canada,
tho’ British, would yet rival the fairest parts of the Union. I was the life and
soul of several of the great committees to draft great petitions and remonstrate
ag‘ the clergy reserves, Canada Co., and Post office, and other follies The
Canada Committee of 1828, exerted hopes that that standing obstruction the
legislative council would be improved. It was 1MPROVEDlll You added a
catholic bishop to it an old tory ofl‘ieial—— the bishop having signalized himself
as the finest of the highlanders sent over to shoot the poor Irish in 1798! 1

But reform in the English Parliam” was soon after seriously attempted by
your father and other great men in Engl“. With renewed hopes I hastened to
Quebec, and tho’ wrecked by the way, and all but lost in the St. Lawrence, I
reached M‘ John Ncilson, a wise and good man, and who, like Mr Hume,
advised patience in 1836,——M‘ Neilson drafted for me, on behalf of friends in
U.C. the celebrated gen‘ petitions I bro‘ over in 1832— the committees added
& amended the drafts——— they were sent over the eolony—— other petitions were
agreed to in many counties——~ and so fearful of these petitions were the compact
party that I was almost put an end to in Hamilton to prevent the journey, burnt
in effigy at Toronto; and, denounced by Governor, Legislative Council & Assem-
bly as all that was bad, had to steal away at night in my brother—in-law’s vessel,
and secrete myself for weeks before I went to prevent violence.

Expelled and re-expelled from the legislature, since re—elected in triumph
which it was diificult to prevent being converted, even then, into local insurrec-
tion ag‘ continued misrule, I placed before yourself & Lord Goderich and the
House of Commons, thro’ M’ Hume and M‘ Vigor, a table of the wrongs of the
colonists— I told you that, with all the power of the gov‘ ag” us we would show a
majority of the legislature with us, if a dissolution on the questions embraced in
these memorials, and the enfranchisenft of 1/6th of the colonists, thro’ me, were
made the basis. You refused to do so— but the room‘ the people had the power to
elect, all the power of the banks, the landjobbers, the compact, the ‘established
church’, and every abuse in existence, with the patronage of the crown in aid,
did not prevent my prophesy being fulfilled—— the reformers of my way of
thinking had a vast majority. The report on Grievances, in exact accord“ with
what I stated to you, was adopted, printed, circulated, adopted ag’n next Yr~
answered by Lord Glenelg— and a man sent out to govern us who declared
himself, and that truly, to be ‘grossly ignor” of all that related to the colonies’.

1056 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

We had dropt the demand for an elective legislative council, trying to get some
influence in the executive council, but deceit, folly, and wanton acts of the most
injudicious kind wearied us out-—— and when I saw you, My Lord, you from
whom I had expected more than from any other man in power, on behalf of
manly measures——~ when I saw you vote for Lord John Russell’s 8th resolution,
to take the money of the Can<zd’ns with‘ their consent— when I saw no change
either in the composition or mode of election of the Leg’ve Counci1— Head
sustained— the gross and shameful perversion of all that bears the name of
equity in the legislative elections of 1837— Baldwin spurned from the door of
the colonial olfice ~—Hagerman, Boulton, the very men who had so grossly
insulted yourself and Lord Godcrich, and the crown thro’ them, caressed and
honored, I then gave up loyalty as 9. feeling» I resolved to make com’n cause
with Lower Canada, agreeable to their request, as contained in M’ 1’apineau’s
celebrated letter entered on our journals of 1836, and when a magistrate of
Montreal arrived at Toronto in Nov. 1837, with a request that we should move
in their aid, no one put his shoulder to the wheel with more zeal and vigour then
y’r correspond‘ I had all but lost my life at the 8th election, thro’ Head’s
emissaries— I had been cheated out of my seat— I had spent the best y’rs of
my life, in opposition to the wretched oligarchy who were the direct cause of the
backward cond“ of the colony— I had been unwearied in sustain’g Bn”tish——-
aye British interests—~ in the only way they could be sustained—— no sacrifice,
no risk had been too much—— some of the English Book makers say our Toronto
Movem’t was the result of a combin’n with leading men in the States. It never
was thro’ me, direct nor indirect— nor to my knowledge. Your uncle, M‘ Ellice
said in Parl‘ that we wanted to rob the banks of Toronto. Rob the banks!
Who were the men back of Toronto? Lount, Gibson, Shepard, Ralph, and
hundreds of others of the most trusted, tried and true friends of the country—
men who had much at stake— men looked up to by the popul“~ men whom,
not the dirty dress of a bank, but thousands of lives would have been trusted to.
Who was I, that I sh“ be thus described? Did I need y’r countenance to gain
popularity? My Lord, You have only to look at Lord Seaton’a despatches——-
to my position——- to see that Head was wrong where he said that your giving me
countenance was an injury. What did you do for me? What did I ask of you?
To find out what was right and adhere to it. Did your successors do it?

When Mayor of Toronto I would hardly accept my salary——when 500 of
my fellow citizens were struck down with the cholera, 1 went to the hospital,
nursed them, rubbed them down, administered to them, stood by them, as fear-
less of death as I am today———and when the cholera seized myself I struggled
thro’-—& went back to my duty. My Lord, I did not allow one dol1ar’s worth
of the city printing to enter my OfilC0——~ I never sought place-. I fearlessly met
danger at public meetings and in private— and were we likely to desire to rob
the banksl Surely M‘ Ellice saw noth’g in me to warrant the foolish assertion.
If he and you believe that I am regarded as a common plundercr, whence your
fears to withdraw the outlawiy? Whence is it that your vengeance pursues me
here, at this distance of time, and that when nominated to an office it may be
essential to me to take, while persecuted and my means witheld, the US.
authorities hesitate because I am an outlaw, and Britain has complained of me?

.,—-— —

ELGI N -G’ RE Y PAPERS 1057

Do you remember the eagerness with which I pleaded for Canada— do
you forget the anxiety I showed to get a redress of her wrongs-— do you yet
possess the many doc’ts I placed on file in the Colonial Ollice?

Has not Lord Sydenham’s experience confirmed all I told him in Whitehall?
Has not Lord Durham’s great report shewn who were the real crirninals‘I Have
not the measures you have tal:en—the reforms you have made—the changes
still owned to be necdful, proved that we only moved in self defence when
delegated tyrany became unbearable, and the example of trampling on right
was sanctioned by grave majorities in parl‘ Even Your governor, a man sent
to prevent crimes—if ours was a crime—-—boasts that he wanted to send the
troops away to risk human life—to sacrifice Colonel Moodie——to give Americans
2. chance to interfere, as an experim‘

I have no concealm’t ab‘ me. I believe that Sir F. I*lead’s stat‘ that he
knew all about it was mere gasoonadc. He was in the hands of ‘the compact,’
and as defaulters, speculators, jobbers, schemers, &c they wanted revolt, but
wanted to goad us on to make it, that if unsuccessful they might keep office,
destroy reform influence in London, throw the country into yet more confusion,
—and they induced Head to take the course he did~—they know’g as well as I
did the probable results.

If not so—— Why did they advise 6,000 stand of arms to be placed, not in
the fortress, under military men, but in the town hall, open to any one, and
unguarded? Had Moodie’s death, and the death of that gallant leader of ours
whose name I dont at this mom » remember, not taken place, and affected Lount’s
wcaried followers, those arms wd have b’n instantly in our possession— and the
province with them. Why did Head’s advisers tell him to send away all the
troops (9: empty the garrison? Look at my “Constitution” of those weeks— Did
it not threaten revolt every week? Had I not written to you years before, that
thus it would end? Had Upper Canada gone, Lower Canada would have
followed“ I know these countries well and I know this country, too, infinitely
better than I did when I had the honor, and it surely was one, of spealcg to Y’r
Lordship on the afiairs of Canada, in London.

My Lord, looking back at these things with more calm views than the
shameful death of my bosom friends Moss » Lount & Matthews, and other
circumstances, permitted for years, I feel pleased that our efforts on this side
and at Toronto failed. I do so because they aroused y’r attention to these great
countries— and because you may add them to England—~may give them, as I
suggested twenty years ago, in my oft quoted letters to Lord Dalhousie— and
as M’ Hume proposed in parl*—-and as Franklin, desired to do 76 yr’s ago-—a
direct represent“ in the House of Commons. I-lad Papineau been there in 1837,
with Vigor, Lafontaine, Rolph, Bidwell, and a few more, the folly of Lord John
Russcll’s resol’ns would never have been enacted, and there would have been
no Sir F. Head and no revolt.

Nothing on earth, my lord, can be a substitute for the power of appeal to
the people of England thro’ a seat in parl*— 0’Connel has shown that, & I
verily believe that one of two things will occur, you will let the the Canad“ be
heard thro’ the London Times & C’hrom’cle—1et their delegates have intercourse
with y’r English & Irish members«~ OR the men now busy in Mexico may

9337-437

1058 ELGI N -GRE Y PAPERS

erewhile aid in easing you of Canada. Look at the address of Your Canada tory
parl‘ of last session, in which separation is introduced as gravely as it was in
1770 in the old colonies. I never want to see more of America come under the
slave power, as I see its influence here.

I think that if Canada shall be added to the States betwixt the nctiueists
there, ‘the Camp—outs’ as I first called them— and the naitioeists here, who ex-
press such a cordial hatred of Europeans, the Scotchman, English’n & Irishman
who may emigrate will be worse off than now. I do not wish to see that— never
wished to see it-—contended agt it in Canada~— and when McNab and Robinson
joined Bidwell in preventg English lawyers from follg their profession I took
strong ground ag’st them, considering it an extension of the exclusiveness of the
oligarchy.

The newspapers say we are to have great reforms in Canada, and speak of
a Union of all the Colonies. In your last Union, Lord Sydenham found my old
friends the Reforiners his truest allies-— but the infinitely superior tact of the
tories turns everything ultimately to their advantage. Why, my lord, are the
great mass of the farmers prohibited from sitting in the Assembly, because not
assessed at £500? This leaves only the landjobbers and the rich to make laws,
and then a majority is conciliated by the distribution of patronage among party
leaders by a minister— one little place send!‘ its member; another place twelve
times larger its memberw What could be more absurd?

Why, My Lord, is it stated by Lord Metcalfe, in his reply to an address,
that all the political refugees of 1837 & 8 are placed under an act of oblivion,
except those who had committed crimes not political? This is not sow I have
committed no crime, yet you give M” Papineau $18,000 of arrears and all he
had & leave to return, to live here or do as he pleases, while I (who moved but
at his bidding) am not paid my arrears, but persecuted, slandered and injured
even here. Strange justice this !— can you call it equity? If I had more than
mortal patience, I might have borne everything, and personally I did so-— but
why I am singled out for exclusive prosecution, in the face of a declaration to
the contrary, while D‘ Rolph and others are in Canada, & D” O’Callaghan
permitted to go Where he pleases passes my comprehension. I certainly did, for
years, retaliate on those who had oppressed me, but, as I said before, observation
and reflection have satisfied me long since that I went too fast and too far.

The many old and valued friends I have in Canada make it dear to Ine~
the active years of my life were spent there—— I would, however, not even dream
of residing in it, even if permitted, as matters are new constituted. Your task,
my lord, is indeed a more important one—- to guide the destinies of half this
continent. May you deserve success

I remain,
Your most humble servant,
W” L MACKENZIE
The Right Honble EARL GREY,

Secretary of State,
Colonial Department Downing Street, London

ELGINGREY PAPERS 1059

Postcript.

I have marked, my lord, from the first newspaper I ever published in
Canada, the early sentiments of a young, ardent and liberal Scotsman. I was
for clergy reserves—- for the support of religion-« for Canada as British, and
not as American-— for education— for an university and :1 free one for helping
the Ministers of all churches—~ for canals, improvem’ts, free trade in the very
sense of the term in which you as a member for Sunderld supported it in 1843
or 4. I took that view in 1824. I belonged then to no party. Think, my lord,
what an accursed system of colonial gov‘ you must have kept in Canada, to
induce a Scotsman, who when between 20 &: 30 y’rs old wrote as I did, finally
to detest it, and use every energy of his mind in aid of upsetting it as an‘
incurable, unnatural despotism, mocking the lovely country of his adoption in
the expectations never to be realizedl And yet when I read these pages I regret
that I was a party to the occurrences of 1837, tho’, it would gain me the wealth
of India I would not now say that we were to blame and you blameless.

I tried to get my numbers, at my own expense, sent to England, &c., but
half a crown, in those days, was the postage of a single numberl This I after-
wards got reduced to 3*’, who is abused as an enemy to British connexion, altho’
he took the best means of any man in Your nation to make the Canad’ns
attached to Britain. ,

It may oflcnd you—— I cannot help it, and do not wish it— for you did
much that was good while in the Colonial Office,—but I must say, in conclusion,
that if the Colonial Ofliee had done its duty as I did mine for many years, the
strange scenes and occurrences, of 1837-8, never would have taken place.

W. L. M.
[Enclosure] COLONIAL ADVOCATE,
AND
JOURNAL or AGRICULTURE, MANUFACTURE do Commence;
N° 1.

Tuesday, May 18, 1824

THIS work will be presented and forwarded regularly to the following
individuals, free of any expense whatever; and we shall continue to add to this
list such names of public characters as, from their situations or talents, in
Britain or the United States, may be supposed to exercise an influence over public
opinion in these countries, as well as in the Colonies.

IN GREAT BRITAIN

Earl Bathurst. Sir James Macintosh, M.P.
Viscount Chateaubriand, London. Joseph Hume, Esq. M.P.

Lord Holland. . John Gladstone, Esq. M.P.

Rt. Hon. George Canning. Rev. Dr. Chalmers, St. Andrews.
Rt. Hon. F. J. Robinson, M.P. Rev. Andrew Thomson, Edinb.
Henry Brougham, Esq. M.P. Professor Leslie, Edinburgh.
Alexander Baring, Esq. M.P. Francis Jeffrey, Esq. Edinburgh.

9337-67}

1060 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

[Enclosure]
IN names 1

Marquis La Fayette. Duke de Rochefoucalt Liancourt.

Sir Charles Stewart, Paris.
IN THE BRITISH COLONIES
Nor can we deny ourselves the pleasure
of inserting in this list of free papers
the name of our Statistical writer and
exiled patriot, Robert Gourlay, London.

The Earl of Dalhousie.

Sir Peregrine Maitland, K.C.B.

Sir James Kempt, G.C.B.

Sir Tlios. Brisbane, N.S. Wales.

J as. Stuart, Esq. of L.C. now in London.

IN rrrn UNITED srmrns
Wm. H. Crawford, Esq.
Daniel Webster, Esq.

John Randolph, Esq.
Morris Birkbeck, Esq. Illinois.

The President.

Hon. De Witt Clinton.
The Vice President.

John Quincy Adams, Esq.
Henry Clay, Esq.

QUEENSTON, UPPER CANADAZ

PUBLISHED BY W. L. MACKENZIE, BOOKSELLER.

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willingly give such advertisements as, like that of the Marmora Iron Works,
are of general interest, a few insertions gratis.

Orders for the Advocate received through the Post Masters in British

America, or the following gentlemen:

John J. Daly, Esq. (Sc , Mr. Peter McPhail, York.

John Tannahill, Esq} Nwgmm J osias Taylor, Esq. Perth.

William Crooks, Esq. Grimsby. Mr. John Stills, Whitby.

Mathew Crooks, Esq. Ancaster. J. Brown, Esq. Port Hope.

William Chisholm, Esq. N elson. Wm. H. Merritt, Esq. St. C’atharines.
John M. A. Cameron, Esq. Dundas. Daniel Ross, Esq. Vittoria.

Mr. Abraham Erb, Waterloo. John Wilson, Esq. Amherstburgh.
George Hamilton, Esq. Hamilton. John Willson, Esq. Saltfleet.

mu-—…‘,,j~»—— —-…A

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1061

[Enclosure]
Charles Hayes, Esq. Marmara IronWilliam Peddio, & Co. Montreal.
works. Joseph Beckett, & Co. Montreal.

J. A. Kceler, Esq, Cramahe.

A. M. M’Pherson, Esq. Naponee.

C. J. M’Donald, Gananoque, Esq.

G. W. Whitehead,_Esq. Burford.

C. Jones, Esq. Broclcville.

Philip Van Koughnett Esq. Coinwall.
Henry Ham, Esq. Bath, and

M. S. Bidwell, Esq. Kingston.

In Lower Canada.

Messrs. Neilsou & Cowan, Quebec.
Laurie & Spence, Quebec.

Thos. Cary, Esq. Quebec.

Edward Sills, Esq. Three Rivers.
Daniel Fisher, Esq. Montreal.

Samuel Hatt, Esq. Chamblee.
In the United States

Messrs. Collins & Co. New York.
Messrs. Wells & Lilly, Boston.

E. F. Backus, Esq. Albany.

J. D. Bemis & Co. Oanandaigua.

In Great Britain
E. Smith, Esq. Mercury Ofiicc, Liverpool.
Messrs. Oliver & Boyd, Edinburgh.
Mr. Thomas Donaldson, Dundee.
Messrs. J. Lumsden & Son, Glasgow.
Messrs. Newton & Co. Warioiclc court
Newgate Street, London.

THE Lscrn COLONEL NIcHoL.*

The awful and sudden end of this unfortunate gentleman, discloses circum-
stances so full of general interest, so deeply and powerfully expressive of the
feeble tenure by which the living hold possession of their clay tenements, that
We have thought fit to devote a few of our pages to give an account of so
deplorable an event.

Canadian Reader, read and learn; it says to you as well as to me, in a
language alas too plain to be misunderstood! “be ye also ready,” for “in the
midst of life we are in death.”

On the morning of Monday the 3d, inst. the Colonel went from his residence
at Stamford, in his one horse Wagon to Niagara, taking his wife and children as
far as Queenston; he viewed the monument ground as he passed down, and
appeared in fine health and spirits; he proposed to return in the afternoon and
take home his family; he however, did not return, and Mrs. N. who had been
conveyed home by Major Leonard, became seriously alarmed at his protracted
stay.

Expresses were sent to different quarters in search of him, but in vain;
and it was only towards the evening of the next day that it began to be
imagined possible he might have fallen over the high banks of the river. When
a search was at last made, the body was found and conveyed to the ferry
house, and on Wednesday forenoon the coroner, Gilbert M’MiclE.——British—other parts of Europe——~Beyond the cape of Good
Hope (including the tea mcnopoly)——With the W. Indies and Spanish Main-—
to South Americamto the United States—Fur Trade——Whale fishery—Codfish—
ing«—Exchanges———Bounties and Drawbacks——Excise Duties and Customs, &c. «be.
Here is a wide field for speculation, but where is the enterprize to take advantage
thereof, is it extinct? No, it is only dormant.

On the subject of manufactures and trades we have prepared essays on the
paper, iron, hat, linen, cotton, woolen, maple sugar, potash, hemp, ccrdage, and
salt xnanufactures—also on Distilling, Brewing, Weaving, dyeing, printing, book-
selling, tanning, shipbuilding, and on Flour-mills, and Glassworks; these and
notices of other arts will be inserted successively as the limits of the publication
will admit.

One latent source of evil to the country exists in our laws of entail and
primogeniture; the conviction of the unsuitableness of these laws for this country
has induced politicians from time to time, to draw the attention of our provincial
legislatures to the consideration of the subject;

[Continued from p. 1061.]

W. L. Mackenzie, Book-se11er,——Forcman

David Thorburn, Merchant, William Wynn, Innkeeper,

Adam Brown, ditto, Daniel Baker, Farmer,

John Brown, ditto, John Guernsey, Butcher,

Charles E. Baker, House carpenter, John B. Coles, Queenston Hotel,
William Hepburne, Merchant, John M’Cabe, Innkeeper, and
Edward De Field, Ship Carpenter.

We took notes of the evidence, for this paper, and an abstract thereof is now
given.
The jury viewed the body, when it appeared that he had received several
Wounds and bruises in the head; his skull was fractured and his neck broken,
and a more ghastly spectacle could not well be conceived.

The jury adjourned to Mr. Wynns Inn, and heard evidence.

Elijah Place sworn—Found the body Sun half an hour high, above the
ferry»house, among the rocks. The deceased had on all his clothes, except his
hat——His head lay upwai-ds—Did not touch the body—The horse lay a oonsid~
erable distance below the body, without any harness or bridle-Supposed the
bushes and rocks tore the harness off.

The jury then proceeded to Queenston Heights——It appeared from the
wagon tracks that he had gone to the left of the road; the horse had as if aware
of his danger when he came to the edge of the awful precipice, stamped the
ground with his feet——There was very little room for turning, and the wagon
had been backed about; but whether by the driver or by the instinct of the

——o

ELGIN-GEE Y PAPERS 1075

[Enclosure]

animal does not appear. In backing the hind and fore wheels had cramped,
as was visible from the tracks in the green sward. The hind wheels, in cramp-
ing, appear to have been forced down the sloping bank beyond the horse’s
power of resistance; the seat and of consequence the rider, must have been
immediatly upset, and the latter pi-ecipitated down over two ledges of rocks,
in all from 200 to 250 feet perpendicular.

The jury then proceeded by a narrow and difficult path to the place from
whence the body had been taken. It is a dreadful place, some 60 or 70 feet
above the margin of the river—pieces of «his skull and brains and much blood
were observed on the spot where he had fallen, and a cairn of stones was piled
up to shew the blood stained ground, the very place Where not he only, but
also many Americans had years before, at the battle of Queenston, found a
grave.

“Can glory’s lust

Touch the freed spirit, or the fette7″d dustl
Small care hath he of what his tomb consists
Nought, if he sleeps.”

We observed the horse co11ar——it was not damaged!

The jury returned to Mr. Wynn’s—could not yet agree as to their verdictr—-
sent for Robert Grant, Esquire, Who had in his possession the papers and prop-
erty that had been found on the deceased. From a feeling of delicacy the
jury did not themselves examine the papers, but requested Mr. G. to do so as
a personal friend of the deceased.

Robert Grant, Esquire, sworn—Did not believe that any thing contained
in those letters could have in any way irritated or vexed the deceased——there
was forty—four or forty five dollars in York Bank notes, three half dollars, a
watch with a. seal, and a York shilling found on deceased——had no doubt but
that the dcceasecl’s death was accidental.

Robert Hamilton, Esquire, sWorn—Turned deceased down-his face was in
a clot of blood—saw that he was dead——after others arrived at the place,
examined deceased’s pockets, and delivered the articles found on his person to
Mr. Grant, a magistrate. The handkerchief round deceased’s neck was double
folded in his m0uth———fr0m all the circumstances that had come to witness’s
knowledge, doubts not but that it was an accidental death,

Moses Little sworn, Stated that on a certain night deceased desired witness
to accompany him in his wagon up the hill—Witness complied——deceased was
apt to guide his horse out of the Way——it was night~—not a dark night—~deceased
was quite sober——searched for deceased the afternoon of Tuesday—found his
hat on the middle ledge of rocks near the Waterfall, near where the body of the
Wagon lies. Examined deceased to day—found a large wound or bruise on the
left thigh,’ and another on the right shoulder—concluded that the neck was
broken.

William M. Jawis, Esquire, sworn»-deposeth that deceased stopt at noon
on Monday at Mr. M’Cormick’s—left there, but returned at half past two to
dinner—was rather reluctant to stay dinner on account of his wife——staid till
half past seven———walked over to his brother’s—1eft there about a quarter past

9337-68}

1076 ELGI N -GRE Y PAPERS

[Enclosure]

ten——returned to Mr. M’Cormick’s for his horse in company with witness, who
led his horse by the head until past the Rev. Mr. Tonney’s—deceased preferred
that road to the other past the Neptune Inn——Witness requested deceased to
remain all night in town, who refused because of his wife that he had promised
to take home from Queenston*—deceased was in no ill humour—was somewhat
the worse for his wine, but knew perfectly well what he was about—has known
deceased for a long time—never was with him in a wagon going up Queenston
heights, as far as witness can remember»—witness had no fear then of any
accident befalling deceased—believes from deceased’s own account that he was
near sighted, which with the darkness and the wine he had taken would render
him less able to take a correct road—deceased told witness that he had no fear
but that he should get home safe-——witness has no doubt but that deceased’s
death was aecidentalxl‘

Samuel P. Jarvis, Esqr. sworn~deposeth, that he was absent from home
from 9, A.M. to 7, PM. on Monday lastr~dined at 8——deeeased called on witness
accompanied by witness’s brother-deceased had come down to talk with
witness about the election, but had other business with Mr. W. J. Kerr-—took
about half a pint of port wine—ta1ked till ten—witness required deceased to
remain, who pleaded his promise to his wife—shook hands with deceased, who
left with witness’s brother—-witness has known deceased since childhood, never
met with a more upright or -a more honourable man: from Witness’s knowledge of
deceased’s character and habits he (witness) has no doubt but that his death
was acciden<tal—does not believe that deceased was afraid of way-layers or night
enemies~—deeeased’s letters from London district were highly eomplimenta.ry——he
thought of withdrawing from Niagara and starting for London—asked witness’s
opinion—~—was in high spirits-—had indeed an unusual flow of spirits-«deceased
was not affected by the pamphlets and squibs that were published about him—
laughed at the squihs.

No other evidence was called. The jury seeing no cause to believe other-
wise, returned a verdict of Acomnnrrzul DEATH.

By the evidence produced they could not have done otherwise.-~ We are,
however, suspicious that this might have been the work of some secret enemy.
There is a mystery about this man’s death that we cannot unravel. It is hard
to suppose that any one could have been so barbarous as on that stormy and
dreadful night to have forced him into certain destruction; yet it is really
marvellous how he, with a steady horse, which so well knew the way, should
have so far missed the path. Be these things, however, as they may, he is
gone to his last account, and that, as we suppose, before he could ejaculate

a supplieation for mercy.

« ‘ Mrs. Thomas Dickson, it seems, had heard deceased knocking at eleven, or thereby: when
deceased found that the family were in bed, it is supposed that he thought it best to go on, for
he did not wait till they could open the door. It )8 said that he also lmocked at Mr. Grant’!
house before he went up the mountain, which shews he was but little disordered by the wine he
had taken. M’Intyre, the servant of the deceased, says the horse was a strong animal and not
liable to mistake the mad; he has been out with deceased at all ulwurs, and 15 sure that had not
the horse been forced out of the way, he would have kept the road. Tine place where deceased
fell over is about six rods from the road.

‘I‘ We believe that this gentleman was the Ilast person who was in the company of the
deceased before his death.

ELGI N -GEE Y PAPERS 1077
[Enclosure]

Respecting Colonel Nichol’s public conduct, there are various opinions;
of his abilities as a legislator, few can doubt.

As to his conduct in parliament, if we cannot say that it met in most points
our approbation, still we will leave it as a subject for others to censure or
applaud as they may see fit. We wage no war with the dead.

In private life, Colonel Nichol was spoken of generally as a man of amiable
disposition, warm hearted feelings, and‘ active benevolence.

His body was interred in the burying ground of the Hamilton family, at
Queenston, on Thursday the 6th inst. and he has left a widow and three children
to deplore his loss.

A WoNDnR!—~His Excellency the Lieutenant Governor left this place last
Friday, for Quebec, in the Frontenac. He will review the troops at Kingston,
as he passes down. We suppose his’ Exccllency’s visit relates to the pending
union of the provinces, and that he desires to see Earl Dalhousie before his
meditated departure for England. Major Hillier and the Attorney General
transacted business with his excellency at Stamford, previous to his departure.

We may remind the readers of our address that the Vicar of Wakefield,
though like Sir Peregrine rather of sedentary habits, took one long journey in
the course of his life: and an eventful journey that was!

MEMORANDA ON EMIGRATION.

[The following papers (pp. 1077-1140) are contained in one volume of the
Elgfiin-Grey Papers. They have been arranged chronologically, in so far as it
has been possible to determine the dates.] .

No. 3—EXPERIMENTAL EMIGRATIONS IN 1823 & 1825:—ALSO THE
‘LANARK SETTLEMENT.’

The Emigrations in 1823 and 1825 under M‘ Peter Robinson were effected
by Parliamentary Grants of Money, for which no repayment was pledged.

The number sent out in 1823 amounted to 568 in all, including men, women,
and children.

The expense was £12,593 or at the rate of £22. .1. .6.

By a Return of M’ Robinson in the Appendix to the Com.mittee’s Report
of 1826 it appeared that the property in Land, produce, and Stock, in the pos-
session of the 120 Heads of Families who emigrated in 1823 was valued at
£7,662. .56. .56 Sterling.

The Emigration of 1825 consisted of 2,024 persons, among whom were 415
Heads of Families, able bodied, and capable of labor, The expense of their
removal to Canada amounted to £213,145 including their location and sustenance
up to the period at which their first Crops enabled them to provide for them-
selves. The 415 Heads of families were located upon 41,500 Acres, The value
of the produce of their first year’s labor was calculated at £11,272.——The total
expense of the emigration of 1825 was £21..5..4 per Head. ‘

1078 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

The experiments seem to have been beneficial for the people, but were too
costly to be persevered in.— .

In 1820 there was an emigration from Lanark which was assisted by ad~
Vances from Government on condition of repayment by the Emigrants within
ten years.

An advance of £8 in all was made to each Emigrant within six month’s after
arrival at the place of settlement. They paid their own passage to Quebec,
but the charge of removal to the place of settlement was borne by Government.
Each Family received 100 Acres of Land.

Unfortunately the Land proved to be bad. The young men as they grew
up gradually migrated to different parts of the Province, and in many instances
were followed by their parents. In 1829 the settlement had lost by deaths and
removals 166 Heads of Families out of 569. The Emigrants though industrious
were never in a condition to repay their advances, and after a long correspond-
ence it ended in the Government’s abandoning in 1836 any claim to repayment.

[Endorsed]

Former Emigrations

ABSTRACT OF EMIGRANT BILL IN CANADA

Cl: 1. Increases the Tax from 95/ to 510/, and imposes it on every Passenger
irrespective of age.

Cl: .9. If the Ship be placed in Quarantine, there shall be added 25/6“ for every
three days that she is so detained, provided that the whole of such addi-

. tion shall not exceed 20”/. and provided also that no charge is to be
made in respect of any detention merely for cleansing or observation.

Cl: 3 The Tax of 510/. shall be doubled on Ships arriving after the 10“’ of

Sept. and trebled after the 1“ Oct.

If Masters of Ships do not give proper Lists of any Extra Passengers

shipped after clearing, they shall pay, in addition to the Tax, a penalty

of 540/. for every such Passenger

Cl: 5. The Master shall report on arrival the name and age of every Passenger,
and shall designate each one who may be Lunatic, Idiotic, Deaf or
Dumb, Blind or Infirm, stating whether they are accompanied by
Relatives able to take care of them, and shall also designate all children
without Relatives on board, and all Widows, or other Women who have
children on board and no husband —— and for each such case which he
omits to report, he shall forfeit £5.

Cl: 6. The Medical Officer at the Quarantine Station shall search for and
report all such helpless persons as above, and for any of them whom
he may deem likely to become chargeable the Master shall give Bond
in the sum of £20 that they shall not so become a burthen within one
year,-— or may compound by paying 320/. a head:

Cl: 7. Power to levy expense incurred for Emigrants under the above Bond:

Cl.‘ 8. If the Master refuses to execute the Bond, he shall forfeit £100, and his
Vessel shall not be cleared.

Cl.‘ 4.

ELGI N -GREY PAPERS 1079

CL: 9. The Reports of the Chief Emigrant Agents to be final evidence as to
what persons & amounts are fairly chargeable under the Bond

Cl‘ 10 rfc 11. No officer of Quarantine to have an interest in the public Works
or supplies of that Establishment

Cl: 19. Masters to Land their Passengers at convenient hours 6: places.

01.13. Accounting &° to be governed by the same Rules as under the former
Emigrant Tax Act

Ct.‘ 14. In case of Wreck, the remains of the Vessel to be liable for the main-
tenance of the Passengers and their transport to their destination,

Cl‘ 15. 16, 17. & 18. relate to matters of Form/

[Endorsed]
Canada

Emigration ‘

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM LORD GREY TO SIR GEORGE GREY
DATED NOVEMBER 16″‘ 1846.

“I also return you Lord Lornws letter. Upon the Subject of Emigration
he does not seem to be quite aware of the state of the case. The Government
cannot undertake to convey Emigrants to Canada because if it were to do so,
if we were even to undertake to pay part of the cost, an enormous expense would
be thrown upon the Treasury, and after all more harm then good would be
done. Nothing is so clear from what we know of the disposition of the people
who emigrate as that if under any regulations however strict the Government
were to undertake to provide conveyances for emigrants to British America,
the shoals who now find their own way there would at once throw themselves
upon the Public, and endeavour to get sent out for nothing. But We know that
as many as 50,000 Emigrants have gone in one season to Canada alone, the Emi-
gration of next season if left to itself will probably not be less than this, if
therefore we were to adopt any plan for carrying out Emigrants all these people
would discontinue their own efforts and some £150,000 would have to be spent
in doing that which if we do not interfere will be done for nothing. Lord
Lornes seems to admit that it would not do to pay for the passage of these
people, but seems to think that leaving them to find their own way something
ought to be done to assist them after they get there, more particularly by letting
them have Land cheap. No measure of the kind is necessary. the Provincial
Government is already in the habit of taking measures to assist all Emigrants
who arrive in Canada to find employment, and upon the Whole this is successfully
done, even if a very much larger number of Emigrants should go out there would
be no real difliculty in disposing of them in the same way. But letting them
have Land cheap is not only altogether needless, but would be most mischievous.
It is of no use allowing these people to have Land unless they are assisted to
settle upon it, they must have Cottages built, a part of the ground cleared for
them, and advances of tools seeds and provisions until their first crop comes in.

1080 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

The expense of this is enormous, and the result of Wilmot Horton’s scheme clearly
proves that the idea of getting any portion of the advances repaid is visionary.
Besides it has been found by experience that converting thus into Landowners
at the public cost men who have been in a very inferior station at home encourages
improvidence and consequently that when the time comes that their own Land
ought to maintain them it does not do so, and in order to save them from
starvation the assistance they have received is of necessity continued. Hence
I am convinced that it is most unwise to attempt to assist Emigrants by settling
them on Land from the cultivation of which they are to procure a livelihood.
But I think there is another Way in which the end L“ Lornes has in view might be
accomplished. I think it would be a very good plan to prepare villages to which
bodies of Emigrants ‘from the same part of the country, and under the care of
Clergymen to whom they were known might be sent. Such villages should be
placed in the vicinity of some the great public works that are going on, or some
of the projected railroads upon which the Emigrants might find work. Each
village should consist of from 100 to 200 cottages or log houses which could
be roughly built at he very heavy cost, there should be a church and a house
for the Clergyman. N 0 Land or at most a very small garden should be attached
to each cottage, but allotments should be reserved for purchase by the settlers,
whenever they could find the means of paying for them. – Each Settler should
be required to pay weekly in advance the rent of his cottage which should be
suflicient to yield a fair return upon the cost of building it, and he should be
allowed when he pleased to buy the Freehold. .

If Such Villages were judiciously placed there would be no difficulty in find-
ing Work for the Emigrants, and the increased value which such settlements
would give to the adjoining Lands would repay the Cost of forming them. The
great difference between the two plans is that by the last the Emigrants would
remain in the Condition of weekly labourers, paid for their labour, and paying
Rent for their Cottages, until by industry they could accumulate the means of
becoming Landed proprietors. By the other these means would be advanced
to them by the State, and industry would be discouraged by the feeling that it
was not for their own profit, but merely to repay an almost hopeless debt to the
State.~——

To carry such a Scheme into execution what is wanted is that the landed
proprietors of Scotland and of Ireland should exert themselves to collect the
required bodies of Emigrants, and to assist them in paying their passage to
Canada, and their Conveyance to the Villages prepared for their Reception.
The Government could not, as I have already shewn, without extreme incon-
venience, take upon itself any part of this Cost, but I should hope (though I
cannot venture quite confidently to say so) that means might be found, (pro-
vided we had due notice) of making at the Expense of the Colonies or of this
Country all the necessary preparations for the reception of the Emigrants.
But you will observe that the success of the plan would mainly depend upon
sending out together bodies of Emigrants from the same part of the Country
under the Charge of a Clergyman or some other leader, though no leader would
I think answer so well as the Clergyman who would go out at the head of his
future flock. ——

ELGIN —G’RE Y PAPERS 1081

Let me know what you think of this Scheme. If you should find that some
of the great proprietors were prepared to adopt it, I would write out immediately
to the Governors of the North American Colonies to make preparations accord-
ingly, or at least to ascertain whether We Could obtain the Co—operation of the
Assemblies, without which as you are aware, we cannot do much.

LORNE TO GREY

Scrarroan Hovsn
Dec: 6,

DEAR LORD Gam’—I am just now in communication with some friends in
Canada on the subject of emigration. I have this morning rec“ letters giving a
most favorable report of the District of Gaspe in Lower Canada, as peculiarly
fitted for our Western Islanderswas being a maritime district, with abundant
fisheries, and also ai’l’ording great advantages to the purely agricultural settler.
This meets your suggestion that if settlements could be made for our people in
New Brunswick, the conveyance would be much cheaper. I presume the cost
of transfer to Gaspé must be as nearly as possible the same as to New Bruns-
wick.

The information I have attained respecting it is through M’ A. C. Buchanan,
Emigration Agent at Quebec. His idea is that Highlanders, will do better on
the Gulph, among the Fisheries than anywhere else in Canada, & points parti-
cularly to Gaspe, where a population of several thousands come over annually
from the Islands of_Jerscy & Guernsey to fish. He says the chief reason of this
immigration is want of Lands about the spot, to conduct their fisheries-—‘Immc-
diate employment,’ he adds, ‘might be obtained for a great many on their
arrival—-They will entirely avoid the great expence of transport which this year
was very great—about 20/ from Quebec to Toronto for each person forwarded

. by the Gov‘ and if Gov‘ here would give the sum which they would give towards

forwarding them to other destinations, to assist in locating them here, it would
go far to render them independent of farther aid.’

Mr Buchanan has sent to me a Copy of a Memorandum which had been
sent to Him on the advantages of the Gaspe District. I enclose to you a copy
of it—the copy I have being troublesome to read

You will observe that tho’ the Memorandum states that more immediate
employment, & resources are open to the emigrant than in most parts of Canada
it proceeds upon the supposition all along that the emigrant must be mainly
agricultural—It is possible however that for a certain number there may be
employment all the year round~—Bu-t in the case of a country where the produce
of the Land is slated to find so ready a market, it seems to me natural that the
settler sh“ devote his time, at least as soon as possible, to the cultivation of
the soil. I fully agreed in your idea that it would be better to make the
emigrants hire by labour, than to place Him at once on allotments of Land,
My only doubt has been whether it would be easy to find any district in Canada
Where a considerable Body of emigrants could find labour at once, suflicient to
employ them all year round. In the Gaspe district, there seems a greater pro-

1082 ELGIN ~G‘RIJ Y PAPERS

bability of this than elsewhcre—tho’ even there employment in labour is spoken
of only as an interim arrangement between the arrival of the emigrant, and the
return of His first crop-—

I sh“ think that no better district could be found for our Western Islanders.
They would be at home when near the sea, and amongst a fishing population.
The cost of conveyance is small———comparatively. In any communication you
may have with the Colonial authorities, with a view to preparing for the recep-
tion of our Islanders, would you kindly direct your attention to the District
referred to. I expect in a few days some farther information on the subject,

I am sorry to trouble you with these papers; but the subject is rather a
pressing one to us—I am Dear L“ Grey

Yrs Faithfully

[Endorsed] LORNE

Dec‘ 6/46
Lord Lorne

[Enclosure]

MEMORANDA ON THE DISTRICT OF GASPE—I’I‘S ADVANTAGES TO
POOR SETTLERS.

Furnished to M’ Buchanan by D’ G. M. Douglas.

I wish to bring under your particular notice a part of this province, hitl1e1’to,
but little noticed, which offers peculiar advantages to emigrants of small means.

This country is the district of Gaspé, or that part of it more especially
wh: fronts on the Bay de Chaleur. The want of a road to connect this valuable
part of the Province of Canada with the parishes on the S‘ Lawrence below,
Quebec, is one reason why it has hitherto attracted so little the attention of
Settlers. The appropriation of £15,000 made at the last session of Parliament
will remove all difliculty from want of communication-

This fine country having a front of more that 200 miles on the Sea coast,
along which are several excellent harbours, for vessels of all sizes, & having
fine rivers flowing through it, has advantages in point of soil & climate equal to
any part of Canada East. The forests contain pine & other timber of value, &
the Sea & rivers abound in fish, the taking & curing of which employ some
thousand people in the summer.

The soil is generally excellent & yields good returns of wheat, potatoes &c
The following extract from the report of Commissioners sent by L“ Dalhousie,
when Gov: Gen: to report on the agricul‘ capabilities of this district in 1820,
says “The country is level, & the soil of an excellent description. The Bay of
Gaspé and particularly the Bay de Chaleurs are susceptible of the most im-
proved agriculture. For the establishment of emigrants no part of Canada
offers such immediate resources of livelihood as may be derived from the Fish-
eries. It is a fact worthy of notice that in 1816 when the lower parts of the
Province were afiiicted with 9. famine from a destruction of the harvest by frost,
no such inconvenience was experienced at the Bay de Chaleurs, nor at any
other place within the tract above referred to.”

ELGI N ~GRE Y PAPERS 1083

And in the evidence taken before the Commission on Crown Lands and
Emigration, appended to L“ Durham’s Report it is stated by Robert Christie
Esq: M.P.P. for Gaspé, in reply to questions respecting the Lands in the Town-
ships of Hamilton &c in the Bay de Chaleurs “This Country is highly susceptible
of agriculture, & capable of reeieving 500 poor families. The Townships of
Hamilton, and comprehend some of the finest portions of land in the
whole District of Gaspé — possibly in lower Canada. They are well watered
& every Way adapted to immediate settlement, particularly by the poorer class
of emigrants, who if located there would find themselves in the immediate
vicinity of the fisheries which would at once afford them immediate resources of
subsistence & furnish them with a permanent & profitable market for their
produce hereafter” —— And in answer to the question “What are the capabilities
of the District of Gaspé for sustaining an agricultural population?” M’ C.
replies “ As great as any part of the District of Quebec —- its climate nearly the
same, but its soil generally superior ”

The peculiar advantages which this Section of Country offers to poor

Settlers are these
1″ The certainty of finding employment & a supply of food from the fisheries
while the first crop is growing»-
2d The proximity of Lands upon which Settlements may be formed, to the Port
of disernbarkation
3“ The ready sale of surplus produce to those engaged in the fisheries & Timber
trade.
In regard to the first —— The certainty of obtaining food & employment whilst
the first crop is growing —— In most parts of the Province the settler upon new
Land necessarily finds himself placed at a distance from employment &
from a cheap supply of food. From the nature of his location is more
or less isolated, and unless possessing money to purchase provisions, he is liable
to much suffering — as was instanced in the case of some Highlanders in the
Eastern Townships, last summer. In Gaspé the vacant Crown Lands are
situated at a short distance from the Sea coast along the whole extent of which
there is a tolerable road; and it is fringed along its whole extent by settlements
of Canadian French, by the descendants of American Loyalists & by emigrants
from G‘ Britain. Those people are all more or less actively engaged in the
Fisheries in the summer, and w“ willingly employ the labour of a resident
population, if it c“ be obtained at a low rate —— especially during the months of
July & August —- being the time when the poor settler has least to do on His
Land As a proof of the demand for labour I may state that a transient
population of from 3, to 5,000 are employed in the district during the summer
who leave it again in the Autumn. These people earn from 6 to 10 dollars a
month — and their Board. At this Season also, shoals of herring, Cod & other
fish arrive upon the Coast/—& render it an easy matter for the poor emigrant
to obtain a supply of wholesome food for the year, at the comparatively small
cost of the salt.

Next —— the proximity of the Land upon which settlements may be formed
to the port of disembarkation. To the different harbours of Restigouche, New
Richmond, Bonaventura &c and Gaspé Basin, vessels invariably arrive every
season for cargoes of timber & fish ——~ and as these vessels always come out in

‘I084 ELGIN —GRE Y PAPERS

ballast emigrants could be brought out at at as cheap, or cheaper rate than to
Quebec or Montreal. From the Ports above named, (and others) to the vacant
Crown Lands the distance is trifling —~ rarely exceeding two miles. It is well
known that the expense & loss of time to which the emigrant is exposed after dis~
embarking at Quebec or Montreal, before reaching His place of ultimate destin-
ation, is great-— I am convinced that the outlay of money necessary to transport
a family and their luggage & to find them Food to the Western parts of Canada
would go far towards meeting the cost of a log House, & clearing two acres of
Land. Taking into account the saving of time, & the probable exemption from
sickness, to which emigrants who follow in Crowds the line of the S“ Lawrence
and the canals, are particularly exposed, in the early part of the summer —-« With
reference to the expcnce of maintaining a family of emigrants until the first crop
is obtained, when they cannot find labour or food, I beg to give the following
extract from a very able Report by D‘ Gesner, Provincial Geologist of New
Brunswick, to Sir Geo: Colebrooke in November 1842. After stating that the
most fertile tracts of waste Lands in that Province are to be met with on the
tributaries of the S‘ John, & upper branches of the Restigouche rivers, which,
as I have already stated divide the Districts of Gaspé from New Brunswick the
Doctor says —~ “ By obtaining a. credit of the Gov‘ for 50 acres, of land, any
person with a family having a capital of £12 can maintain such family until the
first crop is produced & with sobriety & industry, in six years they can pay for
the Land with the interest on the first purchase. The above can be done in less
time than six years —— But I have taken this time as a medium estimate.”

These remarks of D‘ Gestner apply to the interim‘ of New Brunswick —— the
climate & soil of which are analagous to that of the Bay de Chaleurs which
divides it from Gaspé -— but where the poor settlers would not have the
advantage before alluded to. It is of the utmost importance however to the
success of the Emigrant that he arrive early in the season —— I W‘ say not later
than the end of May -— And in no case would it be prudent for any number of
emigrants to come out without arrangements having been made the year
previous —- by causing one or more temporary sheds to be erected in the vicinuty
of the Land to be occupied — where protection could be obtained from the
weather while log Huts were being erected — The allotments of Land should
also be laid out the year before

Lastly — the ready sale of surplus produce to those engaged in the Timber
& Fish Trades. It is only necessary to remark on this Head that the whole
supply of provisions consumed by those engaged in the Fisheries & Timber Trade
are brought from Canada West, & the United States; and retailed at a high rate
from 50 to 70 per cent upon the cost in Montreal. This country would, of itself,
for a long time consume all the surplus produce that could be raised”

[Endorsed]

Copy Memorandum
furnished to A. C. Buchanan.
Emigration Agent Quebec.
by G. M. Douglas.

On Gaspé District

ELGI N -GEE Y PAPERS 1085

COLONIZATION IN NORTH AMERICA
15″‘ Dec’ 1846

In considering this subject it may be convenient to possess a reference to
some of the principal past transactions. The object therefore of the present
paper, which is drawn up at Lord Grey’s desire, is to refer to facts, and not to
offer opinions.—

I. The Question of Colonization was Considered by Lord John Russell in
1840. The information and opinions offered by the Land Board at that time
are contained in three printed Reports, which it may possibly be thought worth
while to look at. (21““ and 25”’ April & 5 August 1840: Vida Parl’ Paper N° 613 –
1840 [vol, xxxiii], pp. 55. 63. 104.—) The first of the three is perhaps chiefly
material as regards the Questions now raised in respect to Canada——as at
page 58 it shews how far the Services of the respective Land Companies were
found available. It would appear that except the North American Colon.
Association -—(the purchasers of Beauharnois) none of them were in 1840 ready
to do much for settling Emigrants. But the British American Company
(Eastern Townships) had at an earlier period, offered to spend money in prepar-
ing Land for the reception of Emigrants. (P. P. 1839, N° 2, p. 63.)

The third of the reports above cited contained a more summary statement of
such views as the Commissioners could oifer on the mode of facilitating the
settlement of Emigrants. Eventually the Government did not adopt any general
measure on the subjeet.——

II. The plan of allowing small allotments to Emigrants in case of need was
revived in Canada in 1840. It was first adopted on political grounds after
the insurrection as a means to increase the resident British population. It was
continued on more general grounds. In the correspondence cited below, dated
in 1841 the Secretary of State suggested that 5 Acres to a Settler would be
enough, but Lord Sydenham and Sir George Arthur contended that nothing less
than 50 Acres would meet the wants of a Settler in Canada. These papers Con-
tain a great deal of important practical information on establishing a Settler
on Land)‘

Lord Sydenhams general views on the best mode of providing for an unusual
influx of Emigrants, are Contained in a despateh dated 26”‘ of January 1841.1“
The last sentence in this despatch contains some unfavourable Comments on the
Canadian Companies and objections to theirbeing made use of by the Govern-
ment.-

In 1842 the Commissioners expressed some objections to granting lots of
fifty Acres to poor settlers, and Sir Charles Bagot, differing from them, replied in
a dispatch which is certainly very material and well Worth reading. The Strongest
point perhaps in his reply is, that instead of any great eagerness of labourers to
acquire small lots, there was even a diflieulty in getting enough of them to accept
such lots along projected lines of Road where Labourers were wanted.——

*P. P. By Command 1841. p. 61 to 70 [Vol XV, N0. 298]
1’Lord Sydenham 26 Jan’ 1841. P. P. as above 13. 71 [VOL XV, No. 208]

1086 ELGIN~GREY PAPERS

III. The Companies at present existing are
The Canada Company (Upper Canada)
The British American Comp’ (Lower Canada)
The New Brunswick Company ‘
The North American Association (Beauharnois)
The first is understood to be doing well, but in 1840, though directly applied to,
they did not see that they could do much for Government in the way of under-
taking to settle people. The two next Companies I believe to be by no means
flourishing. Of the last of them I have no information—

IV. The Parliamentary Grant in Aid of Expenditure in Canada upon Immi-
grants has for the last two years been £1000 for Agency, and £1500 for forward-
ing or relief. The latter Item has, I think, been formerly as large as £5000 or
more, but I do not delay this memo. to verify the Amount. It will be observed
that Lord Sydenham in a despatch cited before, felt no doubt of being able
to provide with moderate means for a very large Number of Immigrants. In
1842 the Arrivals in the North American Provinces amounted to no less than
54,000, being one of the greatest years on record. Yet not much diiiiculty appears
to have been found in disposing of the Immigrants who arrived in Canada.
On this point particulars may be seen if required in the Commissioners Annual
Report for 1841. p. 26.— On the other hand distress in New Brunswick, and
even the Adjacent parts of the United States, has been frequent and extensiVe.~

T. F. E. [T. F. ELLIOT]
[Note in another hand]

P.S. The cost of a Log-hut of course varies according to quality, but for ordinary
purposes might be stated at from £10 to £12.-— There is no direct evidence of
the cost of erecting a. house fit for a Clergyman; but from the estimate supplied
from New Brunswick of the expense of a comfortable frame-house, it might
perhaps be assumed not to exceed £200.—«

EMIGRATION.

I conceive it to be impossible safely to undertake to send out emigrants to
N. America at the public expense.— Nor do I believe it to be at all necessary
to do so, I have no doubt that a very, large number of emigrants indeed will
in the ensuing season find their own way across the Atlantic.-—

All that is necessary is to assist & encourage the natural flow of emigrat » for
which purpose I sh“ recommend, 1”‘ that the Comm“ of Emigrat“ sh“ be
authorized to undertake the whole charge & risk of carrying out emigrants for
whose conveyance a certain sum per head sh“ be paid to them, so that a. landlord
or a parish wishing to obtain relief from a superabundant populat” sh“ have
nothing to do but to pay a certain sum of money to the Comm », who sh“
thereupon undertake the conveyance, to such colonial port as might be agreed
upon, of the emigrants contracted for; it being of course provided that the
intended emigrants were of a proper descript”, & not persons sick or infirm, or
otherwise incapable of labour-.——

ELGI N -—G’RE Y PAPERS 108?

2” » I sh“ recommend that arrangements sh“ be made in the colonies for the
recept » dz distribut » to places where they might find work for all the emigrants
that might arrive.— I have no doubt, if timely preparat“ are made, this may be
safely undertaken. Already we are in the habit of doing a great deal in this
way, & at a very small expense.—— The tax levied upon emigrants in the colonies
aifords the means of maintaining hospitals & giving some scanty relief in the
cases of most distress, & in addit“ to this a. sum of 1000 £ a year for agency &
1,500 :8 for forwarding (as it is called) emigrants from the ports to the places of
settlement is found to be sufficient in ordinary years for the prevent“ of any very
serious difficulty in disposing of the crowds of emigrants that arrive in Canada.
a comparatively small addit” to the money that applied w » afford the means of
distributing the emigrants as they arrive to the places where their labour is most
in request, from £4000 to £5000 added to. the present vote Wd probably be suffioient
for this pun-pose.——Thus aided, the natural demand for labour in N. America. will
absorb a very large number of emigrants. -— In the year 1842 the arrivals in
Canada alone were 54,0001 persons & this very large number of emigrants was
disposed of without any very great inconvenience.— Considering the rapid
progress that Canada is making in wealth, 1 sh“ conceive that 60,000 at least

might now be received there in one season more easily than the smaller number i

in 1842, & adding to those who go to Canada the emigrants who will proceed
to the ports of the United States, & of the Lower Provinces, I sh“ conceive that
an emigrat“ of from 100,000, to 120,000 souls might be disposed of with no other
assistance than that which I have mentioned.—

I think it however probable that the emigrat“ of next season may very con-
siderably exceed that number, & farther provis‘ is therefore needed for the recept“
of a part of the emigrants who may reach our colonies.—— With this view I sh“
propose that immediate measures sh“ be taken for preparing villages for the
recept“ of bodies of emigrants coming from the same district.—— Such villages
sh“ consist of say 200 of the ordinary log houses which are usually inhabited
by settlers with one or two of a better descript“ for a clergyman or other leader
of a party of emigrants. The cleared ground attached to each cottage sh“ be
merely enough for a garden, as the emigrants ought not to be encouraged to
depend upon the produce of their own land, or even to expect to become pos-
sessed of land until they could save from their earnings as labourers money
enough to pay for an allotment of land & to maintain them while bringing it
into cultivat“«- It would therefore be necessary to take care that settlers so
established in villages sh“ be enabled to find regular employment at fair wages.—
This might be done partly by establishing such villages in the neighbourhood of
some of the great public works now in progress, partly by finding work for
them in opening new roads & clearing land for settlement.—— The increase of
populat » in the neighbourhood of wild land adds so greatly to its value, that I
entertain no doubt that settlements formed upon this plan, though they must
of necessity require an outlay of money in the first instance, ought to occas“ no
permanent expense to this country.-—There are however some dificulties to be
got over in so conducting such a scheme of emigration as to arrive at this
result, chiefly in consequence of the surrender to the Provincial Legislatures of

1Number 54,000 written in, in pencil.

1088 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

the Territorial revenue.—— To surmount these diflficulties there are two modes of
proceeding, both of wh. ought I think to be to some extent adopted.»-— Of these
the first is to make use of the agency of the chartered companies which have
had grants made to them of a large extent of wild land in the difierent pro-
vinces of N. America.— I have little doubt that with some at least of these
companies it might be possible to make arrangements by which in consiclerat“
of an advance of money of wh. the repayment sh“ be secured on the whole of
their property these companies wd undertake to make the necessary preparat“
for receiving bodies of emigrantsra Such an arrangement ought to be the source
of large profit to the Company making it.—— The money necessary for preparing
log huts &c for the recept“ of a party of emigrants being advanced by this
country, no outlay of capital W“ be required in the first instance by the Com~
pany, & the purchase of these huts & of the land they were built upon by the
emigrants as they saved money from their wages Wd afford the means of meeting
the repayments to the public for which after a time the Company w » have to
provide, while the encreased value given by these settlements to the adjoining
lands, w“ afford a very handsome profit & an ample compensat“ for partial
losses by bad debts.~

I shd propose if this proposal sh‘ be sanctioned by the Cabinet to enter
into immediate oommunicat“ with some of the Companies adverted to.—— But
with that I sh“ recommend combining another mode of proceeding wh. I think
is still more likely to succeed.—— Five or six intelligent & active persons sh‘ be
sent out immediately to difierent districts in the N. American Provinces with
instriict“ to make arrangements on the best terms they could with the owners
of wild land for the recept“ of emigrants.— It is an ordinary practice for the
owners of such land to make grants for nothing of small allotments to settlers
merely for the sake of the encreased value thus given to the adjoin‘ lands, and
there can be little doubt that if properly dealt with by intelligent agents they
w“ eagerly close with ofifers made to them of receiv“ advances of money on
condit“ of preparing villages such as I have described above for the reeept’-“ of
emigrants.——~ The advance of money W“ of course be made on the security of the
land, the bargain w“ be that a landowner sh‘ have a given. number of log huts
ready by a certain time wh. emigrants sh“ be allowed to occupy on being sent
by the Gov” agent for emigrat“—-the terms of the occupat“ might be left to be
settled between the landowner & the emigrants subject only to certain provisoes,
33: the responsibility of the Gov‘ wd terminate when the emigrants were placed
in their huts.»—- It w“ be highly desirable to have it given out that the money
so advanced by the agents was not contributed by the public, but by landowners
anxious to provide in America for persons sent from their estates, much better
terms W“ probably be thus obtained.— Of these agents there sh‘! be one for
New Brunswick ——~ one for the district of Gaspe, another for the Eastern town-
ships oi Lower Canada & two for Upper Canada.- By leaving this country
in January they w‘ have time to put themselves in communicat“ with the
Emigrat“ Agents in the Provinces & in concert with them to make the necessary
arrangements for the recept“ of the emigrants as soon as the navigat“ opens.-
They sh‘ be pd at the rate probably of 3{)0£ a year with their actual travelling
expenses allowed besides. With respect to the cost of such a measure, it is
exceedingly dificult to form any estimate. beforehand & without having com-

ELG’IN—GREY PAPERS ‘ 1089

municated with the great companies, but I believe it to be quite safe to cal-
culate that the first outlay Wd certainly not exceed 20:6 for each family so
settled, & I certainly do feel very confident that a large proport“ of rthis first
outlay at all events w“ in two or three years be recover-ed.— No very large
sum therefore so applied might afford the means of setting ageing a permanent
stream of well regulated emig1’at“.——

The above is a very hasty & imperfect sketch of the measure I am pre-
pared to recommend for adopt“, it is however probably suflioicnt to render the
general design intelligible, & if this sh“ be approved there W“ be no diflieulty in
maturing the details of the plan,—

G. [GREY]
15/12/46

1697 CANADA (EMIGRATION)

COLONIAL LAND EMIGRATION Orrrcn,
17”‘ December 1846.
Sm,

Adverting to the distress which is now prevalent amongst the Laboring
classes in some parts of the United Kingdom, and, to the probability of there
being a large Emigration during the ensuing season, we have thought that Earl
Grey would be glad to possess some information respecting the nature of last
years Emigration at an early period. Without therefore Waiting for the general
report of M’ Buchanan the Government Emigration Agent at Quebec, which
he transmits at the close of each year, we have from his weekly Returns compiled
some information which we hope may be found useful, and which We beg to
submit herewith.

We have the honor to be,
Sir,
Your obedient
humble Servants

T. FRED ELLIOT

JAMns STEPHEN Eso. C. ALEXANDER WOOD
&e ‘ &c &c
[Endorsed]
M ” H owes

J. S. [JAMES STEPHEN]
18 Dec.
B H

This is a curious & striking report 33.000 Emigrants——naInely 21.000 from Ireland.
No distress——no lack of employ‘ & a general evidence of the possession of
means suflioient to enable the parties to maintain themselves till employ“ are
found. But little aid is wanting to increase the numbers.

B H [BENJAMIN Hziwns] *
9337-60

1090 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

[Enclosure]
INFORMATION

Extracted from the Weekly Returns of the Government Emigration Agent at
Quebec, showing generally the Class, destination &c of the Emigrants from
Great Britain in 1846.—

From the 6″’ to the 16″ » May 1846’. ‘

2.600 Emigrants have arrived. They consist chiefly of young men and
women—respectable in appearance and well clothed. The male adults are
classed in the several passenger Lists as follows,——Mechanics 52; Farmers 350;
Labourers 760; Servants 13. Among the Farmers there are a good number
possessing small Capital from £50 to £150. Their destination is principally
to the Western Section of the Province where a large number of them have
friends.—A good many of those from Limerick & Galway are going to the United
States;—they appear to have chosen this route as being the cheapest.—— One
Ship from Plymouth brought some very respectable farmers with good means
who intend settling in the New Castle and Home District,— and 35 persons
partly assisted by their Parish

17″’ to 93”’ May, 184.6‘.

The Emigrants this week are chiefly of the labouring Class.— The male
adults are classed as follows; 702 Labourers, 296 Farmers, 87 Mechanics, and
17 Servants.

In the « Charlotte” from London there were 31 persons sent out under
the superintendence of the Poor Law Commissioners. The remaining passengers
were respectable in appearance, and seemed to possess some means. They are
all proceeding to Upper Canada.

The Emigrants pr “Clio” from Padstow are all of the labouring Class and
very poor. Their destination is the New Castle & Home District Where they
have friends.

Of 247 Emigrants from Hull, &c all with the exception of 15 have proceeded
direct to Upper Canada. They are all respectable persons and generally in
good circumstances. One family assisted by Parish.

Of 154 passengers from Galway and Mayo, 6 families brought out Capital
and intend settling in Canada West. The remainder are stout able young men
and single females, some going to their friends and others seeking employment.
All able to pay their way except 3 families.

The Emigrants from Limerick, Cork and Youghal, 483 in n°, are mostly
young single men & women;– they are chiefly labourers. At least one~third
are going to their friends in the United States, as few are employed at Quebec,
the remainder have gone to different Sections of Upper Canada.

The Passengers p‘ “Aberdeen” from Liverpool are all Irish from Co: Cavan,
Cork, Waterford and Tipperary. They have gone chiefly to the Ottawa,
Johnston and Midland Districts, and were with the exception of 2 families,
able to pay their way.

On board the « Chieftain” from Beaumaris there were a number of respectable
and wealthy Welsh Emig“. They have all proceeded to their friends in the
State of Illinois. .

1091

[Enclosure]

166 from Sligo and 247 from New Ross are mostly poor people— about
75 were going to the United States, the remainder were proceeding to Upper
Canada.

Of 493 passengers from Londonderry some are very respectable farmers.
Nearly the Whole of them have come out to join their friends, a large number
of whom are settled in the Home & Simco Districts. Many had received assistance
from Canada to enable them to emigrate.

Those from Ballydehob (203, farmers & labourers) are all extremely poor.
Twenty or 30 are going to the United States—- The remainder to different
Sections of Canada.——

24″‘ to 30″‘ May 1846‘.

3741 Emigrants have landed at Quebec this week, viz‘ 1600 Male Adults,
1.284 Females, & 857 Children. Chiefly of the Agricultural Class, excepting
147 Mechanics. A good many have remained in this neighbourhood. From
300 to 400 going to their friends in the United States.

Among the Emigrants are 491 sent out by their Landlords, of Whom 481
are from Ireland,-——~from the Ports of Dublin, Waterford & Limerick.

viz‘
60 sent by Lord Ormond
129 “ “ M‘ Wandesford from Kilkenny
10 Landlord not named.
143 sent by Earl Fitzwilliam
148 “ “ Col. Wyndham ,
Of the voluntary Emigrants there were some very respectable farmers with
good means, proceeding to settle in the Western Section of the Province where
they have friends.

30″‘ May to 13″‘ June 1846

Over 4000 Emigrants have landed. They are chiefly of the labouring
Class~—the Mechanics being only 69, and more than nine—tenths are Irish.

Their destination is principally to the Westei‘n Section of the Province, but
from 800 to 1000 are going to the United States.

61 persons were sent out under sanction of Poor Law Co1nm »— from South—
ampton, and 134 by Landlords from Ireland. The means of these as well as
of a large proportion of the whole body of Emigrants, were very limited.

15”’ to 20”’ June 1846’

Over 3.300 Emigrants have landed during the week. They are chiefly
farmers & labourers; the Male Adults are classed as 527 farmers 764 labourers
& 79 Tradesmen.

192 passengers from Hamburg are all Germans, generally in good circum~
stances, & mostly going to the U: States

Nearly the whole of the remainder were Irish, with but limited means,
and seeking employment without any fixed destination in view. Of 750 Irish
from Liverpool fully half were going to the United States.

14 Emigrants were sent by Parish from Londonderry, and 121 by Landlords

from Ireland.
9337495

ELGI N ~G’RE Y PAPERS

1092 ELGIN -GRE Y PAPERS

[Enclosure]

218’ to 27″’ June 1846

4.568 Emigrants have landed, chiefly Agriculturists. The Male Adults
are classed as 662 farmers,——995 labourers, and 117 tradesmen of different
kinds.

The great majority intend settling in the Province with their friends.-
About 600 are going to the United States.—— Their means generally are but
limited.

The Emigration of this season so far had been satisfactorily provided for,
and M‘ Buchanan was not aware of any Emigrants being in distress or out
of employment. in Quebec or neighbourhood. The Reports which he had
received from the Agricultural Districts generally complained of a want of
labourers and domestic Servants.

Our total Emigration to this date is 21.533.

27″‘ June to 25”‘ July 1846

Above 3.000 Emigrants landed in the above 4 weeks, of whom more than
1.700 were Irish— The people generally are respectable in appearance but with
limited means. From 600 to 700 were going to the United States. Tlfere were
a few Scotch & English settlers who seemed in comfortable circumstances and
were going to the Western Section of the Province. There were 283 Germans
from Hamburg, respectable Agriculturists & Mechanics, mostly going to the
Western States.

Of 508 passengers from Liverpool nearly all are Irish. They are generally
poor. All but 80 appear inclined to remain in the Province.

325 from Limerick are chiefly labourers & farmers. They are generally
poor,~ about one~thirdi are going to friends in the United States, the remainder
settle in Canada.

425 from Belfast were respectable looking people. About 30 are going to
the States, the rest to the New Castle, Horne, & Simco Districts. 93 persons
were sent by their Parishes.

545 from Sligo and Donegal are all poor. One-third are going to the United
States,—a. number of young men remain at Quebec for employment, and the
remainder proceed to their friends in different parts of the Province.

25”‘ to 31″ July 1846‘

2164 Emigrants landed during the week, three fourths of whom are Irish.
About 400 in all appear to be proceeding to the United States. The remainder
settle in the Province. They consist principally of farmers & labourers and
with but limited means.

1” to 22″“ August 1846.

The Emigrants during this period were 184.5, viz“ 4.0 English, 225 Scotch
& 1447 Irish,——~ and 133 Germans. They are principally of the Agricultural
Class, with but limited means. Their destination is chiefly Upper Canada ~— a
considerable number are however going to the United States.

. .__.,.-,.

ELGI N GRE Y PAPERS 1093

[Enclosure]
92″ » August to 5”’ Sept » 1846’. ~

1.151 Emigrants have arrived. The passengers from Limerick (133) are all
coming out to friends in Canada, with the exception of 30 going to the United
States. Among 184 from Plymouth are a number of respectable farmers with
good means who intend settling in the New Castle and Huron Districts. There
was also a party of Miners proceeding to Illinois.

Several families of respectable farmers with considerable Capital come from
Bideford. The greater part intend settling in Upper Canada, and 2 or 3 families
are going to relatives in New York.

6”‘ September to 26″ » Sept’

1.282 Emigrants have arrived. They have all emigrated with a destination
in view, and are with a few exceptions, in possession of suflficient means to
enable them to reach their friends.

26″‘ Sept » to 31“ October 1846

1.396 Emigrants have arrived. They are chiefly Labourers and Farmers,
and a party of Miners from Cornwall, and have all emigrated to join friends
and relations, or with a fixed determination in view.

About one-third are going to friends & relatives in the United States. The
remaining two thirds are proceeding chiefly to the Western Sections of the
Province, and some few to friends in Quebec & Montreal. The great majority of
them are Irish and all very poor. A large number of those by one Ship from
Liverpool had left their homes at this late season in consequence of the failure
of the Potato Crop. They landed quite destitute.

The Emigration for this Season may now be considered as closed.

Abstract of the Whole Emigration

Cabin Steerage

passengers passengers Total

England . . 274 8.977 9.251
Scotland .. 134 1.504 1.698
Ireland .. .. . .. 193‘ 20.957 21.150
Germon_v………. .. 902 902
Total.. .. .. .. .. .. ., .. .. .. 601 32 400 33.001

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM COMMISSARIAT CLERK HUGHES
DATED SKIBBEREEN RESERVE DEPOT 18TH DECEMBER 1846.

“ One thing is certain, the whole face of the Country is waste and the people,
those that can, are preparing, as soon as the Spring opens, to emigrate to
America, whereas the tide of Emigration should be directed to the Cape or New
South Wales as they all take plenty of money with them.

CRAWFORD TO GREY.

24 ABBEY Srnnnr,
MY LORD, PAISLEY, 27″‘ Dec‘ 1846.
I take the liberty of sending to your Lordship a small pamphlet, entitled
Colonization and Currency, which your Lordship may perhaps honor with a
perusal.

1094 ELGIN—G’REY PAPERS’

[Enclosure]

Your Lordship is aware that “Manufacturing Distress” exists at present in
Paisley to a considerable extent—— Although some of the manufacturers are
beginning to give out work, yet it is at reduced wages, and there are still several
hundred weavers who are wholly unemployed, and have been so for 4 5 & 6
weeks, and who are now entirely supported, Along with their wives and
families, by means of a Charitable Relief fund—

The fact is the business of Hand Loom Weaving in Paisley is seemingly at
an end. Cloth woven by steam power is now brought in bales from England
by the Manufacturersw out up into Shawls— and then printed; and I dont
believe there are at the present moment a dozen harness shawls weaving in
Paisley— New branches may be introduced into Paisley in course of time but
in the meantime the weavers are doomed to non employment & privation—

If encouraged by Government, many of them who Are able bodied, and
would make good Laborers in a. new Colony, would willingly emigrate— If the
same prospects were held out to them as to the Pensioners, a Band or Regiment
could soon be raised in Paisley either for New Zealand or Canada—— Everything
could be properly organized and by the beginning of March or April the expedi-
tion could be dispatched from Greenock.

About four years ago——two Ships——the Duchess of Argyle and the Lady
Gifi’ord—were fitted out by Government for, as has been stated, the purpose of
Assisting “ Manufacturing Distress ” in Paisley by giving free passages to Paisley
weavers & their families to New Zealand; And it has been officially stated that
there is no disposition Amongst the manufacturing Artisans to emigrate as this
experiment proved a total failure inasmuch as few or none of the Paisley weavers
availed themselves of the opportunity.

My opinion is that it could not have proved otherwise than a failure— In
the first place, the Paisley weavers had memorialized Government to be assisted
to go to Canada— Without any previous intimation the ships were sent round to
take them to New Zealand—~ a place they had never heard of—— or if they had,
it was only to its disadva.ntage;— In the Second ]7lC4’«C&‘“ the Announcement or
placard issued by the Government Emigration Agent was not addressed to
Weavers but to Wrights Masons Farm Servants &°~— Weavers never having been
mentioned; and in the Third place When Weavers did apply they were told they
required, and their families required to be provided with outfits for the voyage
consisting of so many suits of clothes—- shoes— stockings «if none of which the
poor Weavers had or could provide themselves with. So far as regarded the
Weavers therefore the expedition could not but be a failure——Indeed the way
in which it was conducted looked as if it was intended to make it a failure-— for
what purpose except to Create a wrong impression in the minds of the Members
of Government and the Legislature—- I do not know. Such of the Paisley
Weavers and their wives and families who did go out in the Ships named I
venture to say make as good Settlers as are now in Auckland or its neighbour-
hood—

I humbly suggest that it is highly worthy of your Lordship’s consideration
whether Government should not at the present time assist the poor unemployed
Paisley Weavers to emigrate as a means of bettering their condition and escaping

ELGIN-GRE Y PAPERS 1095

[Enclosure]

those recurrences of bad trade to which as a class they are subject & whereby
they are so frequently plunged into poverty—— Many of the Manufacturers-
whose wish is that Laborers should always be numerous so that they may
Command cheap labor—— will not encourage the proposal— But I am sure the
Authorities and the Clergy would And I am sure if Government were holding
out proper encouragement and going about the business in a proper way it
Would be hailed with gratitude by the weavers themselves.

I have the honor to be,
My Lord,
Your L01‘dship’s’Ve1’y obed° humble
Servant
JOHN CRAWFORD.

Right Hon” EARL Gun?

Her Majc-2sty’s Principal Colonial Secretary

850, &c.

MEMORANDUM
6″‘ January. 1847.

In reference to the letter from M‘ Crawford of Paisley, which was sent to
me privately on the 2“ instant, it may be well to mention that the character of
the Writer is by no means good, and that his letter is full of misrepresentation.——

It is untrue that the Paisley people did not know to what place alone an
opportunity could be afforded them, and that they “had never heard of New
Zealand”. I have before me now a letter from M’ Morrison (an associate of
M‘ Crawford) urging the desirableness of sending these People to Australia, and
stating that “great numbers of Paisley weavers have lately got free passages
“ to Australia and New Zealand.’’— It is also not correct to say» that the people
were not aware that the outfit & requirements for the long voyage to New
Zealand were not greater than for the short passage to Canada, or that the
Government for a moment gave them any expectation that persons would be
sent out who by their habits & constitution would be entirely unfit to succeed
in a new Country. But M’ Crawford & other adventurers insisted that there
were crowds of people fit for labor out of doors who would eagerly seize any
opportunity offered to them.—~

The Government at last consented to try the experiment. At great expense
they fitted. out two large Ships for New Zealand, and they prepared to send other
Vessels afterwards when the two first should be filled. They employed an
Ofiieer of peculiar tact & experience in dealing with the Emigrating Classes in
Scotland; But the result was totally to disprove the assertions of the individuals
who had urged this undertaking. So far from a difiiculty about procuring Out-
fit, clothing was procured by subscription for any of the people who would
consent to emigrate. But they would not go. The Ships would have had. to sail
almost empty, and the great expenditure incurred would have been thrown
away, if by great exertions the Selecting Olficer had not at last collected People

1096 ELGIN-GEE Y PAPERS

from the surrounding Agricultural Districts, and also been helped by the lucky
accident that some Private Emigrant Ship to Canada put back in distress, and
thus furnished him with additional passengers.——

I afterwards learned that at the very moment when our Ships could get no
passengers at Paisley, recruiting parties were in that Town, & were equally un-
successful in obtaining r~ecruits.—-

Throughout the proceedings we were molested by the Want of truth &
character on the part of M‘ Crawford, & by actual frauds on his part which it
was necessary to repress. There also occurred in his intercourse with this Office
a very discreditable transaction, to which I think it unnecessary to do more than
allude. For without going into detail, my only object in this Memorandum has
been to let Lord Grey know, 1“, the real nature 6: result of a somewhat interesting
experiment at Paisley, & 2””, the character of this correspondent.

T.F.E. [T. F. ELLIOT]

Copy of a Memorandum sent to Lord Lzmsdowne.

ON THE QUESTION WHETHER GOVERNMENT SHOULD’ ENCOURAGE
EMIGRATION BY PAYING ALL, OR PART, OF THE
PASSAGE MONEY.

9 PARK STREET, W1rsTMINs’rmR,
23. January» 1847.

1. The first thing to be observed is the immense extent to which Emigration
has, very beneficially, proceeded on its present footing, and the danger of intcr~
ferencc. In the last 10 years, 687,000“-—— persons have removed from the United
Kingdom to North America, and such as proceeded to Canada have, with little
exception, settled themselves with a comfort and success, of which the large
sums they have been able to remit to their friends to follow them is the best
proof. £37,000 are estimated to have been received in this way at Liverpool
last year, chiefly from People who emigrated in indigent circumstances. How
much more cheaply, promptly, and in a manner exactly suited to the wants of
each individual, is so vast an Emigration likely to be conducted when managed
by the People themselves, than if Government stepped in & had any thing to
do with the Contracts for thcm.~ The moment that the Public are supposed to
undertake the matter, the exertions of Individuals would be pa.ralyzed.- Prices
would rise; many would be kept at home who now get away ; and while the
business would at once be dearer and more limited, it would after all not be
despatohcd so satisfactorily as it is now by People who know precisely what
they want and what they can afford.—

2. But besides the evil on this side of the water, another great evil would
be felt when the people arrive. The composition of the Emigration would be
very inferior. « When people are going by their own means, it is the strong & the

1Britisl1 America. . . 284,170
United States. .. 402,456

Total. . ~686,626

ELGIN -GEE Y PAPERS 997
[Enclosure]

fulfilling the requirements of the laws that should guide them. They had it
from undeniable authority that many landlords in Europe preferred paying the
expenses of transporting the paupers on their estates to paying the poor rate
taxes and they believed also that the shipment of parish poor was also carried
on to a great extent.

They also remarked, that as the immigrants arriving during the Winter
months, were more liable than others to be thrown upon the city for aid, that
the per capita tax on all immigrants leaving between the 15th of November and
the 15th of March, be increased. They also suggest the propriety of having
sworn inspectors on the other side, to examine and report, on aflidavit, whether
there are any leaving likely to become an ineumbrancc.”

These observations were made by the grand jury, for the purpose of showing
that the great excess of misdemeanors by foreigners in this city over the number
of offences committed by native citizens, was owing to the extremely destitute
condition of the majority of immigrants—poverty being the frequent parent of
crime. In suggesting a remedy for the evil, they have stated that which will
perhaps be a sufiicient answer, in the estimation of most persons, to the accusa~
tions preferred against the commissioners of emigration. Taking it for granted
that in mild weather the per capitu tax of 351,50 is enough to meet the expense
of providing for immigrants until they can procure employment by which to
earn their own livelihood, it seems apparent that, in such a severe Winter as the
present, when nearly all kinds of out—door labor are suspended, and when, owing
to the closure of canal navigation, it is difliéult for the poor to travel, even if
Work were to be had elsewhere, 8. larger sum pro rata must be required to sup-
port the destitute thus necessary dependent for a much longer period upon the
funds and good officos of the commissioners. Is it reasonable, then, that these
ofiieers should be censured because all the inmates of the lodging houses are
not quite so comfortably provided for (if that be the fact) as has been usual
under different circumstances?

The following statement compiled from the register shows the number of
immigrants chargeable to the commissioners on the 22d inst., as compared with
the 22d of January 1851.

1852. 1851.

At the Hospital and Refuge, Ward’s Island,
and Marine Hospital. .. .. .. .. 3,319 2,681

At Lodging houses in this city-—~Emigrants

waiting the opening of Navigation to go
into the Interior, or seeking Employment 1,775 402

5,094 3,083
3,083

Increase. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 2,001

Such facts as those will weigh more with thinking men, than all the denun-
ciations which have been levelled at the commissioners, by parties whose motives,
are best known to themselves. We confess that to us they appear almost eon-

998 ELGIN -GRE Y PAPERS

[Enclosure]

elusive; and feeling, as we observed yesterday, that the commissioners are en-
titled to public gratitude for the arduous labors they perform without fee, and
Without hope of reward, it becomes a duty to defend them from Wanton attack.
When any malfeasance or neglect of duty is clearly shown, we shall not care to
screen it, but it would be irrational to attribute offences for which there can
be no object, and no conceivable motive.

[Duplicate MS copy]

P7‘t’UCLt6
CLO.
Feb? 20/52

My DEAR ELGIN

I have luckily nothing of much consequence to write to you about for I
have only a minute to write—- You will receive ofificially a copy of an answer
I have returned to a letter I received from Hincks from Halifax about the
Railway,1 I am myself all for accepting the line by S“ J ohn’s in the absence of
a better, but I dont know what the Cabinet will say to investing a large sum in
constructing a railway running along so close to the U, States frontier & so
invitingly easy to attack in case of Warw
There has been a stupid blunder committed in the oflice by including among the
Acts to be confmned one Wh. seems to require being first laid before Parlt I
have written you a confidential Despatch on the subject the act will be com
firmed over again & if you have already announced the Q,ueen’s assent to it you
had better do nothing more till the legal assent arrives &: then say in consequence
of a technical error a new Order in Council has been sent out, if you by good
luck sh“ not have issued the proclamation you will of course stop it—
You will see the enemy made a bad choice of a question for the first party battle
of the Session last night in the H. of C. & got well beat in consequence, they
say they are to do much better next week on the Cape & many people suppose
we shall be beat— my impression is that we shall win but not by a large
majority, the present state of things is so disagreable that I sh“ wish it to be
put an end to by a defeat if I c‘ see a possibility of forming a Gov“ wh. ’w“
not involve the Countmy in very serious danger

(Sd) GREY
[Endorsed]

Feb 20/52
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

_‘Gr_ey to Elgin Fob, 1352, No. {$89. _In this despatch Lord Grey enclosed a letter written
at his direction by Peel, to Francis Hincks, in which he stated that the proposal which had
been set forth involved so great a deviation from the line sanctioned by Her Ma.jesty’s
Government that “until it has undergone further consideration it is out of his Lordsliip’s
power to say whether it may he Judged expedient to recommend that assistance should be
given to the progect as now proposed.’ The ]_)1:‘€?DE&1 to send a deputation to England to
treat of the ?ue§t10n, was eneoiiraged. (Peel to nicks, 20 Febriiary, 1852, “II‘urthe7- Garra-
sprmdcrwe re Minis to the Projected Ruthqay from Halifam to Quebec” presented to both
Houses of Parhwmcnt, June 14, 1852, Iflzrhaincntary Papers, 1852 [I516], «:01. XLVIII).

,,—. ».»~— ._,.._.___1… _. .-

v‘

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 999

[Original MS]

Private QUEBEC Feb 6. 1852.

MY DEAR Gnnr,
The Delegates have not yet returned from the Lower Provinces. I defer

writing at length on the subjects of Reciprocity & the Currency till I see them—

Meanwhile I enclose an extract from a Buffalo paper on the former subject:
and a letter from the London correspondent of the Hamilton Spectator which
tells some very disagreable truths with respect to the feelings which obtain
among the English Free Traders in reference to these Colonies, Very sincerely
Yours

ELGIN & KINCARDINE

The,
EARL Gsnr

[ Endorsed]
Feb » 6/52
Lord Elgin

[Enclosures]

No. 1 V
CANADIAN RECIPROCITY.

(From the Buffalo Commercial Adv.1e7’t2’ser.)

Before proceeding to the consideration of the free navigation of the St.
Lawrence as a measure of reciprocity, we propose to examine more particularly
our trade with Canada. This we are able to do, as we have been politely put in
possession of a copy of a very full report of the “ Trade and Navigation of the
Province of Canada for the year 1850,” made by Inspector General Hineks to
both Houses of Parliament, quite recently. It appears by this report that the
whole amount of exports from Canada to the United States, for the year 1850,
was about five millions of dollars. The whole amount of imports from the
United States was about five and a half millions. Among the articles of imports,
coin and bullion, tea and coffee, are included. The value of these articles is
over one million of dollars, so that it is not likely that the articles of the growth
and production of the United States, imported into Canada, will amount to as
much as the Canadian products exported to the United States. For, of the
articles of sugar, imported from the United States, a considerable portion is from
the West Indies, and is purchased in New York and transported to Canada,
subject to a drawbackof the duties in New York. Of the five millions of exports
to the United States, lumber, wheat and flour constitute over three millions!
leaving only about two millions for all other articles. In order to make three
millions of imports from the United States, some nine or ten of the principal
articles must be inoluded:——

1000 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS
[Enclosure]
Manufactures of cotton . . . . . . . ..-. . . . . . . . . , . . . . .. $850,000
Do. wool . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 450,000
Do. iron . . . . 400,000
Leather . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200,000

Hides . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200,000

Tobacco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 375,000

Sugar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 250,000

Books . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175,000

Tallow . . . . . . . . 140,000

Pork . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130,000

Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $3,170,000

The above are the heaviest items of imports from the United States in the

list, except Tea. But, as this is not the production of the United States, we do

not include it in our estimate. The above are given in round numbers, but are

near enough to the exact amount of each in the report to answer our purpose.

It appears that the largest items of imports from the United States are cotton

and woollen manufactures. But these in 1850, amounted to but little over one

million of dollars. Taking, therefore, the trade of 1850 as a basis, a fair recipro-
city of trade would seem to require that all our principal productions should be
admitted free, as an equivalent for the admission of Canadian wheat, flour and

lumber. But, according to the representation of the Newfoundland paper, which
we copied the other day, the power of the Colonial Legislatures is limited in this
respect, and the equivalent cannot be obtained without the assent of the
Imperial Government. And this could hardly be expected, inasmuch as the
admission of our manufactures would shut the Colonial market against British
products. We have our doubts, however, as to the accuracy of the Newfoundland
statement. If the Colonial government have the power to levy customs duties
for revenue, it is incredible that they should not be able to remit those duties at
pleasure. The authority to abolish, follows the authority to impose, as a
necessary sequence. The first cannot be conferred, ordinarily, independent of
the other. And yet the difliculty of rendering an equivalent—of basing an
arrangement on the principle of real reciprocity, seems to have been foreseen
and appreciated by our Canadian neighbours——hence the undue stress which
they lay upon the free navigation of the St. Lawrence. It is a little extraordinary
that if the free navigation of the St. Lawrence is considered such a boon, that
our Canadian neighbors should not use it for exportation of their own products,
instead of sending them in bond through our canals and by our railroads to
New York, to be there re-shipped to England. The principal advantage to be
derived from the free navigation of the St. Lawrence is represented to be, that
it will enable our lake craft to seek the ocean for employment during the winter,
when the navigable waters of our interior seas and rivers are bound up by frost.
The importance of this to those interested in the commerce of the lakes is rather
apparent than real. A very small proportion of our Lake craft would be suitable
for sea going vessels. Nor will the shallow harbours of our lakes admit of the
construction of vessels that would be adapted to both kinds of navigation;

__.. .._.._._-‘..__a— ——

– v———,; r—-—.»«—-——~»—‘¥

ELGIN -GEE Y PAPERS 1001
[Enclosure]

besides, the whole Canadian internal improvement policy is opposed to our own.
They have already drawn from the upper lakes, through the Welland Canal,
a large amount of the legitimate business of the Erie Canal. A portion of it
finds its way back again through Oswego, while another portion passes on to the
ports below, and is entirely diverted from its legitimate destination, the city of
New York. We are now asked to pay a bonus for diverting still another
portion of it through the St. Lawrence, out of the country entirely. Surely our
Canadian friends, or our own people at the west, who have been flattered with
the idea that it would be a fine thing to load a vessel with their own products,
at their own docks, in the fall, to be landed on her return in spring, will hardly
expect the people of the “Empire State” to advocate a policy so opposed to
her own, and which tends to subvert our own system of internal improvements,
which has contributed to develope the resources and enhance the value of the
lands, not only of our own, but of our western sister States, beyond all power
of competition. We fear it would be giving us credit for more magnanimity
then we possess, to suppose that, as citizens of western New York, we can view
this question with indiflierence, or without some grains of doubt, however it may
be considered in a National point of view.

No. 2
ENGLISH CORRESPONDENCE OF THE SPECTATOR.

No. 36, Bnoomssunr SQUARE,
LONDON, 1st January, 1852.

DEAR Srs:—-«During the three months I have spent in Europe, I have been
so completely occupied by business engagements, that I have found but little
time to write to my friends in Canada. The general elections being now over,
perhaps I may be able to interest them by a chapter of my European experience
thus far. During the year just past, so many letters have been written from all
parts of Europe, and particularly from London, by the numerous visitors to
the Great Exhibition, for American and Canadian papers, that I shall endeavor
to avoid going over old ground as much as possible, and confine myself to what
I hope may have interest with many of my old friends, who are readers of your
paper.

Of the great Exhibition I shall say nothing further than that I arrived
here in time to spend six days in the Crystal Palace before its close. Every
body, I am sure, must have had quite a surfeit of the descriptions of this wonder-
ful “lion ” of the past year, with which every paper in Christendom teemed for
months. Its results are what we must now endeavor to trace out and patiently
await in this slow moving world. That these will be the approximation towards
a more liberal and enlightened system of intercourse amongst the whole family
of nations which compose the world, I firmly believe. The fruits may be tardy
in ripening, but they are sure to follow, where so great an effort has been made,
and to all appearances completely successful, in planting, broad cast and deep
the seeds of a better and more generous commercial policy. ‘

1002 ELGI N ~GRE Y PAPERS

[Enclosure]

The great Exhibition in the completeness of its success must not be
regarded as the work of any one individual, or class in England, but of classes
——of the whole nation, combined and aided by the co-operation of the whole
world. It was in efiect the result of cause long in operation, and will itself in
turn be the cause of efl »ects of immense importance to the world, to be hereafter
developed. Or to be more explicit, it was the result of the principles of Free
Trade, which have taken a deep and permanent hold of the British nation ; and
in its time is calculated to give a wide range to those principles which cannot
now be disturbed without danger to the stability of the Empire. The numerous
foreigners who visited England last year went away home deeply impressed
with the importance of following her example. They saw collected within the
walls of the Crystal Palace, the varied productions and manufactures of all
climates and all nations, and they had practical proof of the advantages that
must result from the ability of one Country to exchange its commodities for those
of another without the vexatious restrictions of governments, too often, ruled by
interested individuals and classes. I have conversed with many intelligent and
distinguished foreigners, both in this country and on the Continent, and find
that such sentiments have received a powerful stimulant from the causes
referred to.

Whilst speaking of this subject, there is one consideration, with which I
would desire particularly to impress the minds of Canadians, and which, the
sooner they understand, the better will it be for themselves. ’I‘here are many
of them who still cling to the delusive hope, that this Country will return to its
former system of protection to agricultural products, by which the Colonies were
afforded an incidental advantage in its markets, over foreign countries. Now
that I have had every opportunity of forming a correct judgment upon the
subject on the spot, I can assure my friends in Canada, that, not even the
protectionists themselves have a hope of succeeding-—I got into a discussion
with several well informed country gentlemen, in the Coffee room of one of the
large hotels, on this subject, and they very candidly told me, that they had no
hopes of ever having another protective tariff, and only continued to agitate the
question to get a reduction of the taxes bearing most heavily on land. In fact,
the small remnant of the old party, that has for several years made so much
clamor about protection, is itself broken up into numerous sections, and is
shortly destined to total annihilation. As the Times newspaper has it, “pro-
tection is dead and buried, and has left behind only a few old women to mourn
its fate.”

If the people of Canada would only consider, that the English nation have
spent half a century in the struggle to break down the barriers erected by
selfishness and ignorance, to prevent one individual and one nation from
exchanging its products and manufactures with another, they would see how
impossible it would be to obtain a retrograde movement. It has been a great
revolution in the entire political and moral condition of England, and the
wheels of such revolutions, as old Cobbett once remarked, “seldom revolves
backwards.” Besides, in England, as estimated by the Times, four fifths of the
people are interested in having cheap bread, and even if a majority of the voters

_.~._._.._.,_.«._ __ – 4__

r-.

‘ _._V

ELGIN—GREY PAPERS 1003
[Enclosure]

of England were in favor of a return to protection, they could not——dare not,
put such a measure into effect. The days of class legislation, of bounties and
protection, of drawbacks and prohibitions, and of all the other contrivances of
selfishness to extort money from the hard earnings of labor, are at an end in
England. Her position in this respect, has doubtless been in a great measure
attained by the lead she has long taken in the commerce of the world. Commerce
may be regarded as the great civilizer of mankind——the mighty engine in the
hands of that Providence which designed that the whole family of man should
become bound together in one common tie of brotherhood, for the accomplish-
ment of its purposes. England, I firmly believe, will be true to herself and to
her high destiny, in carrying out the part assigned to her. Although the United
States still continues to adhere to the principle of a “ moderate protective tariff ”
in the distribution of her revenue imposts on the commodities of foreign nations,
protection as such may be rcga-rded as defunct there also. At the same time the
American Union affords almost the only example of a system of perfect Free
Trade amongst countries the most, varied in climate, productions and manu-
factures. To this circumstance may, in a great measure, be imputed their
unparalleled prosperity. Now there is one thing certain. If Canadians expect
ever to be anything more than the “ hewers of wood and drawers of water ” to
England and the United States, they must either become a part and parcel of the
great commercial system of America, or they must strike out some new course
of their own; as I have on former occasions pointed out at » length, the first is the
only feasible plan for their adoption. Laying the question of annexation wholly
aside, for that at present would be impracticable, if (Canada were ready and
willing?) the Canadian government should ofler to the United States perfectly
free and reciprocal commercial intercourse, and not restrict their offers to a
few of the products of the soil only. Such a measure would be at once conceded,
and we should then hear no more useless olamcur for protection in the English
market.

Whilst upon this subject, I wish to assure the Canadian people, that all
they can say or do individually, or through their legislature, with the view to
inducing this country to return to a protective tariff on grain, is wholly lost
labor. The voice of Canada is unheeded here, and I can assure them, that they
are regarded here as entirely of secondary importance, as compared with
Americans. Canadians at home think themselves somebody; but when they get
here they find themselves treated with a measure of contempt, very amusingly
described by Mr. Howe, in his own case, when landing at Liverpool. An
American gentleman presented himself to the oflicer of Customs as the bearer
of dispatches from the Government at Washington to his minister in London,
and was instantly passed through without having his baggage overhauled.
Mr. H. seeing the magic effect produced by the dispatches from Washington,
(Which after all is a mere nominal affair, for these same dispatches may have
been a few newspapers done up) stepped boldly forward and said, “I too am
the bearer of dispatches, and anxious to get on. “Where are you from, sir? ”
was the intcrrogatory put.——“ From the Government of Nova Scotia, whose
special agent I am to the British Government,” replied Mr. Howe. I am sorry

1004 ELGI N -GREY PAPERS

[Enclosure]

to say, Sir, we don’t know any such place; be so kind as to stand back; We will
attend to you presently.” This is a fair sample of the consideration which the
unfortunate Colonists meet with in England. They have no minister to consult
With, or to treat them with civility, and are in all respects worse off here than
a foreigner.

The question as to whether the English farmer can afford to grow wheat,
at present prices, is one with which Canadians have nothing whatever to do.
It is a question between the landlord and his tenant, and one which also involves
the necessity of a more improved system of agriculture. In the month of
October I made some excursions into the country, to see how they farm here,
and was surprised at the slow and clumsy way their operations are conducted.
I don’t mean to say they don’t do well what they do; but it was the modus
operandi that struck my attention—ThIee horses, harnessed‘ sometimes at
tandem, but more frequently two abreast and one leading, are used in cross
ploughing fallows, which in America are always ploughed by two horses or oxen,
and are driven by the ploughman himself, whilst here there is invariably a man
to drive.—A careful examination of the agricultural implements in the Exhibition
explained at once the reason why more power is required here than in America
to use them. Their construction would appear faultless to an inexperienced eye,
but upon comparison with those in the American department, a difierence both
in the weight and mould of the ploughs was plainly disccrnable. The ploughs
used here are much longer in their mould-boards, and consequently require more
power to drive their long wedge—shaped cutters through the ground than it does
where, as in those of American make, the mould-board is so short as to break the
ground at the very edge of the cutter. This is the simple reason why the one
requires more power than the other to perform its work. Besides, one American
or Canadian ploughman will perform nearly double work in a day, with only a
pair of horses and without a driver, that the English ploughman with his three

‘horses and driver accomplishes. This I know from practical experience, com-

pared with what I have seen here. There must, in fact, be a complete revolution
in the system of agriculture here, as well as a reduction of rents. The country
gentlemen must lessen their extravagant style of living, and spend their money
on their farms and in their neighborhood, instead of squandering it in London and
on the Continent, in riotous living. They can then aflord to lower their rents,
and will cease to clamour to have four-fifths of the nation taxed to put three or
four millions sterling, in the aggregate, into their pockets. They must improve
the morality of their tenantry, who regularly spend their Saturdays at the fairs,
where they are sure to have a jolliflcatien and spend their earnings. Let them
do these things as they should be done, and let them also teach their tenants how
to economize in the implements of Husbandry, in ploughs, threshing machines,
reapers, &c., and they will then be acting the part of rational men. I have
spoken of these matters, because the people of Canada, or at least many of them,
are apt to think that the farmers here have been dealt hardly by, by the Gov-
ernment paity, and that they have no remedy. Such, I can assure them, is not
the case. The farmers, as might be expected, have met with temporary incon-
venience, from so sudden and great a change in their relative position in the

»

‘* Y

1

fr». —_.;.-,_… …\’_r….,.._‘-,?_.

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS ‘ A 1005
[Enclosure]

nation, but no man of calm judgment can come to any other conclusion than
that, ultimately, great and lasting benefits will be conferred upon them, by
compelling the improvements I have enumerated.

There is no occasion, either, for the people of Her Majesty’s North
American Colonies to distress themselves about the imminent danger in which
the Empire is placed, by the death-blow dealt to monopolies and protection, and
the consequent prospect of losing those “bright” but very expensive “jewels
of the Crown.” Nobody here will appreciate their sufferings on this account.
An opinion very generally prevails all over England that the sooner these
brilliants are got rid of the better for the nation. If this Empire had depended
upon her Colonial commerce wholly for its sustentation, it would long ago have
dissolved into nothingness. Its stability rests on more enduring and less
expensive elements-—its vast stores of unrivalled manufactures, and her world-
wide commerce. Add to these her agriculture and the general activity and
enterprize of her people, and you combine the leading constituents of England’s
greatness. Her Colonies have ever been palpable sources of weakness and not
of strength, and have only become really valuable when completely emancipated
from her control. England’s real source of strength lies within her own sea-girt
shores and her wide-extended foreign commerce, which costs little or nothing to
protect. It would be diflicult to point out one single instance where one of her
Colonies has contributed in any degree to the success of her arms, whilst on the
contrary, they have always been her assailable points, as in the case of South
Africa at this moment, and numerous other instances recorded in history. Her
true system of Colonizing, is that of the ancient Greeks, who did not pretend to
exercise political jurisdiction over their plantations, but merely made treaties
offensive and defensive with them, and reaped the fruits of their Commerce.
The United States are of solid advantage to England, because they take some
sixteen millions sterling of her manufactured goods, and send her in return an
equal amount of bread stuffs, raw material and specie, without costing a dollar
for protection; whilst on the other hand Canada takes but two, or two and a
quarter millions, and costs far more than any profit that can result for protection,
with a few additional millions now and then to suppress a rebellion.—This is the
view of the case taken here, and Canadians who are not bigoted by preconceived
theories, or who do not still twaddle about the old exploded doctrine of “ Ships,
Colonies and Commerce,” will be able to judge of its soundness. Whether the

view thus prevailing here, be sound, or not, it is quite certain Canadians cannot

alter it. I have principally devoted this letter to these subjects, because I con-
sider them of vital importance to Canada. When I write you again I shall treat
of other matters.

You will notice that the sale here of £400,000 of Canadian six per cent.
debentures for the railroad, has had the effect to cause a falling 012? in their
quotations of about four per cent. These Stocks stood before at about 106 to
107. They are now quoted at 1025-. The late French revolution has had a
prejudicial effect on all stocks, and the funds have not yet recovered their
former quotations. To all appearances Louis Napoleon is firmly seated in
power. The nation has sustained him by such an overwhehning vote, that no

1006 ELG’IN—G’RE’ Y PAPERS

[Enclosure]

opposition will soon dare to raise its head. But so much depends upon his
single life, that this country will not feel secure for some time to come. France
may again be ranked amongst the despotic powers of Europe, and the people
here have a strong feeling for an American alliance. Such an alliance, however,
would be contrary to the principles laid down by Washington, and acted upon
ever since by America. There is no telling, however, what Kossuth’s eloquence
may effect. I deeply regret and deprecate the tendency there seems to be, both
in England and America, on the part of the people, to interfere in European
alfairs. The people on the Continent generally do not understand the principles
of free government, and if they had such governments would only abuse them,
like the republicans of France.

If, however, matters remain quiet on the Continent for another year, we
shall get all the money we want here for building our railroads. In prospect
of Continental troubles, during next summer, I think it would be wise in our
railroad directors to dispose of their securities here with as little delay as possible.
The first signal of an outbreak will cause John Bull to button up his pockets, and
there is no telling when he may open them again.

Yours, &c.,
H. B. W.

TRANSPORTATION OF THE MAILS.

[To the Editor of the Hamilton Spectator.]

HAM1L’roN, 26th Jan., 1852.

DEAR S1R,——Can you inform me if any contract has been entered into with
the Government and the Steamboat Companies, for the mail contract from and
to Montreal, and the Post Offices west of Prescott? From your general intimacy
with public matters, I seek such information at your hands as I know you will
very willingly afl°ord.

The object I have in making this enquiry is this: the present mail route from
Montreal to this port seems to me to require far more time than is at all
necessary ; and were the matter carefully looked into by our Hamilton merchants,
I am of opinion that a very important change could be brought about, the results
of which would not only be of the most vital importance to our own City trade,
but to every town and city west of us: nor would the advantages I anticipate
be confined to the West only: Brockville, Kingston, Toronto, Cobourg and Port
Hope would alike be bencfitted, while our Quebec and Montreal friends would
find a quicker medium of correspondence.

A letter mailed at Montreal only reaches Hamilton in, say, fifty—six hm//rs,
including all the detentions at Kingston and Toronto, for change of time with
the several lines. The loss of time passing the Beauharnois and Cornwall Canals
is alone a very serious drawback to obtaining the speedy interchange of cor-
respondence our business absolutely requires.

.___l

u

t .
.,._j_,,…._.,—« .—q~,,—..—v_.. ._.-..,——.—….——.._—\.a—?

‘-w —~z-—~‘——-<,—~——

__g,_._,_…._.,,__…_:,—,_~____’“

ELGIN—GRE Y PAPERS 1007
[Enclosure]

We are too slow in almost all our movements, and require improvements
in a great number of our business facilities. The postal arrangements are, I
think, not among the most prominent for extraordinary despatch.

Since the opening of the St. Johns Railroad, from St. Lambert, opposite
Montreal, to Rouse’s Point, on Lake Champlain, a new feature presents itself,
and I would like to see the attention of our Canadian merchants called to it.

A letter, mailed at Montreal for Hamilton, leaves Montreal at four in the
afternoon, and is at Ogclensburg at eleven some evening: at Kingston at four or
five next morning.‘ at Toronto in time for the Hamilton boat, at seven o’clock
r. M., and the merchant is in receipt of his Montreal correspondence in thirty-one
hours: of course, this arrangement would require the boats on Lake Ontario to
run through.

I may be in error as to exact time on both routes, but I question if this last
is not the most likely one to contribute to the commercial advantages of Canada
correspondents, from Quebec to Montreal. Were a petition got up among all
our merchants, to the Government, 1 see no reason why we could not get the
plan carried out. If it was not, I think that a mail-bag, made up at the
Montreal Exchange, for the through ports letters, would only be necessary in
the event of the Government having already made their contract by the old
Canal route. The idea of a mail coming by Canals, when, by Railroads and
regular mail steamers, we can save nearly one—half the time in our correspond-
ence! Will you favor us with your views on this matter? I trouble you with
this brief outline of the views I have, merely to invite healthful enquiry.

Yours truly
’ ’ MERCHANT.

[Original MS]

Private.
QUEBEC. April 16. 1852

MY DEAR GREY, I was rather disgusted to hear the.other day (confidentially)
that the R” I-Ion »‘° E. Ellice had been holding very shaky language on the
subject of annexation with a certain prominent Canadian Oificial now in
England. I fear that many of our absentee English Proprietors rank among
the Worst subjects the Queen has in so far as the interests of her Sovereignty in
Canada are concerned— I wonder what Lord J. Russell who reflected so
severely on Canadian Farmers whose loyalty was not proof against the hope
of acquiring an additional Shilling on the bushell of Wheat thinks of R‘ Honb“
English Gentlemen who hold similar language.

As bearing on these prospects of pecuniary benefit from annexation I send
you by this mail two copies of a number of the Quebec Gazette containing two
lectures on the growth and prospects of Canada delivered before the mechanics
Institute of Toronto by a respectable Presbyterian Minister the Rev“ A. Lillie1——

‘These papers were sent in Elgin to Packington, 15 April, 1852, No. 35 (G2 641, p. 88.)

1008 ELGIN—GRl/7 Y PAPERS’

I think you will find theznworthy 9. perusal. They shew how far the tone of
disparagement employed in contrasting the progress of Canada with that of the
States is juetr—— We are anxiously awaiting the next mail for further accounts of
Emily.

Your’s very sincerely

[Endorsed] _ ELGIN & KINCARDINE
La Elgin

April 16/52

TRAITE
SUB LA

TENUE GENERALE D’UNE TERRE
DANS LE

BAS—CANADA,

DEMONTRANT COMMENT UN SOL USE PEUT
ETRE RENDU DES PLUS FERTILES
SANS CAPITAL; Aossr,

De la Rotation des Récoltes,

Des Racines et Cultures Sarolées,
Des Instruments d’Agricu1turc,
Du Soin des Animaux, etc. etc.

Par un Habitant du District de Montréal, qui a mis en
pi-atique avec le plus grand succes pendant plus de
vingt ans le systeme qu’i1 recommande, et qui
ayant commencé sans moyens, est devenu
propriétaire de terres.

PUBLIE PAR onmm DE
SON Excnnmnom LE GOUVERNEUR GiéN:’:RAL,

et présenté et recommandé par ELLE aux CULTIVATEURS du
Bas—Canada.

1851.

AVIS AU LECTEUR.

Avmc Passentiment de l’Auteu.1‘ intelligent et cxpérimenté, j’ai fait imprimer
et distribuer ce petit traité, croyant qu’i1 pourrait étre utile aux cultivateurs du
Bas-Canada. J’ose espérer qu’on le lira. avec attention et qu’on ne dédaignera
pas les avis simples et pmtiques qu’i1 contient.

ELGIN & KINCARDINE.
Tononmo, IEB Jnnvnm, 1851.

___b._.«._..¢—-.-,_._.;—~:A—.—-L-—— –

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1009
DE LA
TENUE GENERALE D’UNE TERRE
DANS LE
BAS-CANADA.

Les habitants Canacliens sent en général frugaux et industrieux; leurs terres
out un bel aspect, malgré que, pour la plupa-rt, elles soient épuisées. Tout oe
qui manque ii. Fagrioulteur du Bas—Canada, c’est u.n bon systems. Un tel sys-
teme, pour étre valablc, doit posséder les qualités suivantes, savoir:

1° Il doit étre économiquo, ct ne pas requérir plus de capitaux que le sys-
teme aetuel, ou plutot l’absence actuelle de tout systéme, ne requiert. Il est
tres avantageux cependant d’app1iquer des eapitaux considérables sur les terres,
mais cet avantage est hors de la portée de nos cultivateurs qui, pour le plus
grand nombre, n’ont pas les sornmes sulfisantes.

2“ I1 doit ramener la fertilité du sol oil elle a été détruite, et la oonserver
ensuite avee les propres moyens de la terre. Quant aux engrais tirés <i’autres
sources que de eelles de la terre, ils sont toujours cofiteux, et loin des Villes il
serait impossible d’en avoir, si chaeun en oonnaissait lo prix.

3° Il doit étre simple et d’une application facile.

4° Enfin, et par dessus tout, il doit se recoinmander par le mérite de l’expé-
rienee et du sueces obtenu.

I/auteur do cet essai ayant pendant longtemps fait l’applieation pratique
d’un systems qui réunit tous ces avantages a un haut degré, croit qu’il est de
son clevoir, comme il en a le privilege, de ‘lo sounoettre 23. ses concitoyens
Canadiens—Frangais, et il a la conviction que si ee plan est adopté, il aura pour
cffet de rcndre le pays plus productif at par consequent plus prospére, et, dans
Yespace de six ans, de changer les tcrres ruinécs, improduotives ct empoisonnées
de mauvaises herbes, en de belles, riches et fertiles ferrnes, et des petits et mou-
rants animaux du Bas—Canada en de luxuriants troupcaux, et cela, sans de plus
grandee dépenses de travail et d’a-rgont que cellos qu’entraine le mode aetuel.

Avant toutefois do développer son systéme, l’auteur se permettra de dire
un ou deux mots des résultats qu’il en a obtenus et pour plus de clarté il parlera
a la premiere personne.

I! y a trente ans j’arrivai dans ce pays, endetté alors de la somme de £40;
je louai une terre ruinée dans le Bas—Canada—, eontenant quatre—vingt—quatre
arpents en superficie, au sein d’une population Canadienne~I<‘rang.aise, et cela au prix annuel de £45 do loyer. Eh bien! clans l’espace de Vingt~et—un ans, j’ai payé ma premiere dette, et j’ai pu économiser une somme sullisante pour acheter dans le voisinage une terre bien meilleure que la ferme par moi occupée. Le propriétaire dc la terre que j’ai aehetéc, quoique maitre de sa propriété, allait s’apauv1’issant toujours jusqu’au point d’étre oblige de vendre sa terre, tandis que fermier sur une terre moins productive, tout en payant le prix cl’un bail, je me suis rendu capable d’acheter sa terre, comme je viens de le dire. Quelle est done la raison de eette anomalie? Le Canadien était plus fort que moi, jouissait comme moi d’une bonne saute et était, comme je l’ai dit, le maitre de sa terre. Voici la raison, il ne suivait aucun systems: il laissait sa terre s’épuiser, 933744 $010 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS et les mauvaises herbes lui enlever le peu do force et de fertilite qu’elle eonservait encore: il laissait souffrir ses troupeaux de la faim; ses engrais, l’or du cultiva- teur, se perdre inutilement: tout allait en ruine faute do methods; mais quand j’eus acheté cette terre, et que j’y eus applique le systeme que j’entrep1’ends de déorire, sa fertilite se retablit champs par champs, jusqu’a ce que le tout fut en bon ordre, au bout cle six ans; depuis, la terre n’a fait que s’améliorer par ses seules ressources. Le systeme auquel je fais allusion, et qui est bien connu des bons cultiva- teurs de tous les pays comme la base de toutcs les améliorations, est le systeme des Assolernents on, LA ROTATION DES SEMENCES. Deux sortes do raisons militent en faveur des assolements: 1° Parceque les differ-antes plautes tirent du sol différentes especes de nour- riture, en sorte qu’unc plante peut venir avec abundance dans un sol épuise par rapport a une autre plante. 2° Parceque les semences etant variées, la disette sur un certain produit, clans certaines annees, n’est pas autant scntie, les autres procluits fournissant (Yabondants moycns de subsistance sans celui-la. Cultiver une proportion réguliere de toutes les varietes de procluits que la providence nous a fournis avcc profusion pour notre subsistance, doit étre con- sioléré comme le meilleur rnoyen do prevenir la famine; ct quel cultivateur sense, avec Yexemple du Canada ot de l’Irlande, voudra s’en tenir a la culture unique du ble ou de la patate? Je vais maintenant expliquer le plan des assolements que, par trente ans d’expérienee, j’ai trouve le plus convenable au sol, au climat et a l’etat actuel du Bas—Canada, et que je crois generalement applicable aux torres occupees par des Canadiens-Frangais, et dans cet expose je ne dirai rien que je n’ai fait moi—ménoe et pratiqué avec succes. PLAN n’AssoLnMENr. Divisez la partie cultivable de la terre, quelle que soit sa grandeur, en six champs aussi égaux que possible, avec une communication directe de Yenclos de la grange a ehaque champ, ct d’un champ a Yautre, afin que les troupeaux puissent passer (is Fun 5» Yautre a discretion. Cette division en six champs demandera pour la plupart des terres de nouvelles clétures, et 11 faut cl’abord examiner comment le faire avec la moindre dépense possible. Je suppose maintenant la torre preparée a recevoir Yapplieation de ce sys- teme, ct e’est celui que j’ai trouve le plus eonvenable pour celui qui n’a pas de ~ capital a appliquer: 1° Culture des legumes, comme patates, carottes, betteraves, panets (par- snips), &c. et dans le oas ou la terre ne serait pas assez meuble pour une semaille de ce genre, il faudrait laisscr lc champ en friche. 2° Culture du Blé ou de l’Orge. 3° Culture du Foin. 4° Paturage. 5° Paturage. 6° Culture dc l’AVoine ou des Pois. ___…..b_.¢’…,,__.;._…§.—,__. __.. ELGIN-GRE Y PAPERS 1011 En commengant Papplication de ce systeme, 1e champ qui sera dans le meilleur etat pour recevoir une semence dc legumes devra s’appelerle champ, .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. A Le plus propre pour le Blé cu l’Orge, .. .. .. .. .. B Le champ qui est actuellement en foin, .. .. .. .. C Lescliampsenpaturage, .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. D 46:13 Le plus propre pour Avoine ou Pois, .. .. . . .. .. F Chaque champ, pour la premiere annee, doit etre destiné aux récoltes ci- dessus mentionnees, et dans la maniere maintenant pratiquee par les habitants du Bas-Canada, excepté pour le champ A. Par cette disposition, ils retireront, la premiere annee clans tous les cas, autant de produits de cinq de leurs champs qu’ils en retircnt maintenant. La culture du champ A et de l’un des produits du N° 1 qui se présentent ensemble la premiere annee, doivent etre l’objet d’une attention particuliere comme etant la clef cle tout le systems; car, la bonne culture de ce champ a pour but, et doit avoir pour eflet, non seulement de produire une bonne recolte la premiere annee, mais encore d’amelioror la terre pour les oinq autres annees de ce systeme de rotation des semences. L’annee suivante, les cultures des divers produits seront dans l’ord_re suivant: Le produit 2° au champ A do 3° do V B do 4° do C do 5° do D do 6° do E do 1° do F et ainsi de suite, en variant chaque annee jusqu’a ce que la septieme année, le produit 1°, arrive dc nouveau au champ A, et alors le tout sera dans un bon état de production, et exempt de mauvaises herbcs. Ce systeme a prouvé son efficacité a ameliorer la terre et a detruire les mauvaises herbes. Maintonant, pour rendre la chose simple et facile a comprendre, je me supposerai oblige de prendre dc nouvcau une terre ruinec, a Yautomne de 1849. La premiere chose que je ferais, serait de diviser cette terre on six champs par des clétures oapables d’empeche1’ les animaux de passer d’un champ a l’autre. Et de suite, je prcndrais pour le champ A celui qui serait le plus propre 5. pro- duire des legumes ou plantes sarclées; je recueillerais tout Yengrais que jo pour- rais trouver, soit dans ou hors des batisses; j’enleverais le pave des écuries, etables et des soues, et jc prendrais autant que possible de la terre qui so trouve dessous les paves, car cette terre est l’essence des ongrais; une charge de cette terre vaut autant que quatre ou cinq charges de fumier ordinaire. La portion ainsi enlevée doit etre remplacée par une egale quantité de terre ordinaire, ou si la chose est possible, on doit la remplacer par de la terre noire, qu’on pourra renouveler au besoin par la suite. Le fumicr et les autres engrais ainsi arnassés seraient places sur le champ A en Septembre ou au commencement d’Octobre, etendus avec soin et enfouis par un léger sillon. Les engrais aident a la decomposition du ehaume et des plantes nuisibles a la surface du sol, et les delivrent de ces plantes, servant a retenir la matierc soluble contenue dans ces engrais jusqu’a ce que les sues 933744} 1012 ELGIN-GEE Y PAPERS deviennent necessaires aux semences des années suivantes. Plus il y aura de variete dans les semenoes de ce champ, le mieux sera, si la terre est convenable pour elles. Ainsi, cc champ doit approclier en apparence un jardin potager. Sous les circonstances actuelles du pays, j’attirerai avec force Pattention dc tous les agriculteurs sur la culture de la earotte, comme bien adaptée 5. notro sol et a notre climat. La earotte a moins d’en.nemis que toutes les autres plantes, que jc sache. La meilleure espece pour la culture en grand est la earotte rouge d’Altringham: la maniere de la cultiver est la suivante: CULTURE DE LA CAROTTE. La terre engraissee Pautomne, comme on vient de le dire, doit etre labouree au moins deux fois le printemps, les deux labours devant se croiser et etre aussi profonds que possible: on doit ensuite la herser jusqu’a ce qu’elle soit bien pre- paree. On fait, ensuite, a la char-rue, des sillons separes de deux pieds a deux pieds trois pouces, en ayant soin dc relever la terre entre ces sillons autant que possible: on passe le rouleau sur ce labour, puis on ouvre avec le coin d’une houe (pioche) un petit sillon le long et sur le sornmet des rangs; déposez-y la graine et passez do nouveau le rouleau, cette derniere operation suliit pour couvrir la semence. Quand on peut se procurer une brouette a sillon (semeur de graine) cela simplifie de beaucoup le travail. Le rouleau dent on vient de parlor est essentiel pour la culture des plantes bulbeuses (legumes) qui viennent de petites semences, mais aussi, il est a la portee de tous les cultivateurs. Un billot de pin de vingt pouces dc diametre et dc einq pieds de long, avee des timons fixes a see extremités, peut faire Yafifaire admirablement. La graine de earotte (et on peut en dire autant des autres graines), doit étre trempée dans dc l’eau de pluie ou de l’eau douce, et y demeurer jusqu’e ce qu’e1le soit prete a germer, et ensuite on la roule dans de la chaux vive jusqu’e. ce qu’elle soit assez seche pour que les grains n’adhercnt pas les uns aux autres. Quant on 11’s pas de chaux, on peut se servir de eendre de bois. Une livre de graine, si elle est bonne, et on on doit faire l’épreuve avant de la semer, peut suffire pour un arpent de terre. Par le moyen dont on vient dc parler, la jeune plante poussera avant les mauvaises herbes, en sorte qu’il sera facile do distinguer les rangs de la earotte avant que les mauvaises herbes apparaissent. Ceci rend le nettoyage comparativcment plus facile, puisqu’il peut se faire (excepté Yeclaircissement) avec la herse a sillon. Cette herse est un instrument que tout cultivateur doit avoir, et qui, comme ceux deja decrits, est extremement simple dans sa construction: clle est composée de trois barres en bois réunies is leur extrémite antérieure, et separées en arriere en proportion de la largeur des rangs que l’on veut nettoyer. Get instrument, qu’on appelle la houe F1 clieval, la herse a sillon, ou le cultivateur, peut etre tire par un cheval bien facilement, et ai-me de mcmchons comme une eliarrue, mais plus legers; un homme 011 um jeune garcon peut la diriger de fagon a ne pas toucher aux rangs des carottes ou autres legumes, mais seulement pour soulever la terre a une plus ou moins grande profondeur, a volonte. Des que les mauvaises herbes font leur appari- tion, on traine cette herse entre les rangs, de maniere a amener la terre aussi pres que possible des jeunes pousses sans lcur touchcr ni les couvrir. Ce iv .- —, 4..e.._.__ _.___…___ ._ .___.__._ 4/ ‘J ELGIN—G’REY PAPERS 1013 procédé tiendra. les pousses dans un état de propreté jusqu’a.u temps venu d’éclaircir les plants et de les laisser distants de quatre ou cinq pouees. Peu apres, on pourra labourer entre les rangs ainsi hersés et renchaussés. Ces pro~ cédés font du bien en la plante en pcrmettant E Fair et 9. Phumidité de se faire jour, et facilitant Pévaporation. Ma maniére de récolter les carottes Yautomne consiste $1 passer la charrue le long du cote’ clroit des plantes aussi pres que possible sans les endommager; ccei les dégage d’un cété, et la tige est assez forte pour ensuite arracher les racincsl Cctte espéce de culture requiert un travail considerable, mais le revenu est plus que sulfisant pour réeompenser le cultivateur. Quand on consldére la grande quantité do principes nutritifs que cette racine contient, et I’application générale qu’on peut en faire pour la nourriture dc tout ce qui a vie dans la. ferme, on ne saurait trop en rccommander la culture; c’est en outre un aliment aimé de tous les animaux, et surtout des chevaux de travail, auxquels on peut en dunner in la. place cle 1’avo’me. J’ai eppuyé particuliéremcnt sur la. maniére de cultiver la earotte, parceque la meme méthode peut s’appliquer 9, la culture de prcsque tous les légumes qui peuvent se cultiver avec avantage dans ce pays, comme les Panets, Betteraves de toute espéce, et Navets. Les Panets peuvcnt pousser dans un sol dur, approchant meme de la glaise, et n’ont pas besoin de caves, pouvant, sans souflrir, dcmeurer dans la terre tout Phiver; dans ce cas on les retrouve au printcmps comme une nouvelle alimenta- tion dans le temps ou elle devient plus néceésaire. Tous les animaux mangent les panets avec gout, et les vaohcs qui en sont nourries donnent un lait trés rlche. La Betterave oi-dinaire, et la grosse Betterave, sont de la méme valeur comme culture et comme aliment des vaches laiticres; mais je ne les crois pas beaucoup propres A engraisser les animaux. Les Navets viennent bien quand ils peuvent échapper ér la mouohe; mais on nc peut compter liar-dessus; et depuis que la maladie a. pris Ia Patate, on peut en dire mutant de ee légume dont la culture d’2.illeurs est bien comiue. DE LA FEVE A CHEVAL ET DES roIs.—Si la terre est trop lourde pour la culture des légumes A racines, les Féves et meme les Pois peuvent convenir pour la culture No. 1, tout en fa-isant attention I; semer au sillon, et a préparer la terre comma on vient de le recommander pour la culture des legumes 3 racines. L/u30m1.——Si You croit absolument nécessaire de déchaumer, c’es13—é-dire labourer sans semer, ce qui arrive seulement dans le ces ou le sol est si dur et si lourd qu’il ne peut se pulvériser par un autre moyen, on ne doit pas étendre les engrais sur la terre Pautomne precedent, mais on doit labourer la terre et Passe- cher, c’est-it-dire, faire les tranohées ct sillons avec autant de soins que pour le dépfit d’une semence. On ne doit pas retoucher a la terre avant le mois de juin, temps auquel il faut la, labourer de nouveau, et la herser de maniere e la rendre égale et 5. détruirc les racines des mauvaises herbes. On doit ensuite tirer les sillons en ligne droite en leur dormant une largeur uniforme, ct clans une direction propre Er faciliter 1’assechement. Vers 1e milieu de juillet, i1 faut de nouveau labourer et seiner aveo abundance du sari-asin. A la fin de sep- tcmbre, on doit labourer de nouvcau, aprés avoir. répandu les engrais sur la 1014 ELGIN-G’REY PAPERS terre. Le sarrasin, dans ce cas, est enfoui avec les autres engrais, ct sert a les augmenter beaucoup. La terre ainsi préparée devra étre ensemencée de blé le printemps suivant, et on clevra y ajouter une semence de Mil et de Trefle; un minot de Mil sufiira pour oinq arpents, et trois ou quatre livros de Tréfle pour eliaque arpent. En suivant avec soin la. méthocle oi-dessus décrito, on aura. en l’année 1851 quadruple la fcrtilité du sol, et peut~ét1’e plus que quadruplé. Maintenant, j’ai fait tout ce que je pouvais faire pour le champ A. Je l’ai nettoyé et engraissé autant que je le pouvais, et apros avoir enlevé la réeolte de légumes et la. réeolte de blé ou d’orge 1’an11éc suivante, je laisse le champ se reposer jusqu’a oe que les autres champs aient été améliorés de la meme maniére, et d’apres Ia méthodc plus haut décrite. Quand ceci aura été aceompli, c’est-a- dire dams l’espace de six années, ou en Pannée 1856, le pire sera. fait, et on pourra considérer la bataille coinme gagnée. Les champs seront alors dans un état de propreté et de production, et la richcsse, par consequent, en sera de beaucoup augmentée; la terre de 70 a 80 arpents qui on 1849 ne nourrissait que trois ou quatre misérables vaehes et uu nombre guere plus considerable do moutons maladifs, sera capable en moins de dix ans de fournir une abondante subsistence e dix ou douze Vaches ct s d’autres troupeaux dans la meme proportion. U11 des grands avantages de ce systéme de rotation des scmences vient de ee que les paturages qui fournisscnt aux troupeaux la nourriture de Fété sent en proportion de la. quantité do légumes et de foin olcstinés a les hivemer, et en proportion de la paille que la culture des grains donne pour les litiéres des animaux. J e remarquerai iei que les habitants, exeepté ceux qui demeurent clans le voisinage des villes, on ils peuvent aisément se procurer des engrais, ne devraicnt jamais vendre une seule charge de leur foin, paille ou légumes, le tout devant étre mangé sur la terre, dans le but d’enreti1-er des engrais sufiisants pour entretenir la fertilité du sol. Mais si le eultivateur nc vend ni foin, ni paille, ni legumes, que Vendra~t-i1? je réponds, le tiers de la. terre étant employé, sous ce systéme, a produire du grain, il sera toujours en son pouvoir d’en vendre une grande partie. La moitié de la terre étant en foin et en paturage, lui perrnettra dc produire une granule quantité dc beurre, de fromage, cle visndes ct de laine, et d’en vendre une bonne partie apres avoir pris les besoins de sa famille. On pourra. dire que six années sent bien longues a attendre pour l’améliom~ ‘(ion de la terre entiere; mais je réponclrai que je ne connais aucun autre moyen do Paccomplir en mains de temps avec ses seules ressouroes, et il est digne de rcmarque que la terre s’améliore graduellement et ehaque année. Le produit est plus grand, meme pour la. premiere année, sous ce systeme, qu’i1 ne l’est sous la mode aotuel de culture, et d’année en année la terre s’améliore champ par champ, et produit de plus en plus dc maniere 23. payer bcaueoup mieux le cultivateur qu’il ne l’est maintenant, et 5. 1e récompenser doublement aprés, quant le tout aura été amélioré par un systéme de rotation. On pourra objecter que deux années de pfzturage pour le meme champ est un trop long repos pour la. terre; mais on devra remarquer que la terre ne demeurc pas improductive durant ee temps de repos. Ceci ne contribue pas seulement E rétablir la fertilité presque épuisée du sol (et personne ne peut nier ,— 0 ~» ELGIN-GREY PAPERS _ 1015 que ce procécle est le seul employé aujourd’hui par l’habitant Canadien), mais est encore le meilleur moycn do fournir au cultivateur les premieres nécessités de la vie, et les articles, pour ainsi dire, qui puissent trouver le plus facilement un débouché sur nos marches, tels que le boeuf, le lard, le rnouton, le beurre, le fromage, la laine, et autres produits déja nommés. ENGRAIS.——Les engrais sent de la plus haute importance pour le cultivateur, et il doit faire tout on son pouvoir pour on augmenter la quantité. Le systeme propose’ ici est calculé de maniere a augrnenter la quantite des engrais en pro- portion que le sol s’améliore. Comme on l’a déja dit, le cultivateur ne doit vcndre aucune partie de son foin, ni ole sa paille, parce que ces produits sont les matieres prinoipales des engrais, et par consequent, il est infinimcnt plus mauvais encore de vendre les cngrais. Les engrais ainsi mémzgés seront suilisants chaque année pour arneliorer le champ qui doit reocvoir la culture des legumes, (semence N° 1). Aprés la culture do l’avoine (semence, N“ 6), la terre nc so trouve pas encore épuiséc, et pourrait a la rigueur produlre une autre récolte de grain: il vaut mieux cependant lui conserver sa fertilité, que de se mettre dans Pobligation de ramener de nouveau cette fertilité. Dans co petit abrégé, il In’est impossible de signalor la centiéme partie des moycus que nous pouvons avoir d’augmenter la quantité des engrais dans le Bas—Canada; je me contentcrai cle signaler les riches depots de matieres vegétales que eoiitiennent nos savanes et la quantite de pierre a chaux qui se trouVe- presque partout: les niauvaiscs herbes meme, qui sont la pesto des champs, pcuvent etre converties en de bons engrais. A.SSf1CI—IEMENT.–Blen que Yasséchement des terres soit une amelioration‘ profitable, il est si cofiteux, que je ne dirai rien de plus sur ce sujet, que ce que connaissent deja les cultivateurs Cauadiens, c’est—a-dire, qu’on doit avoir soin dc bien fossoyor lo terrain afin que les eaux ne puissent sejourner sur la terre, et la rendre improductive. DES TROUPEAUX Quant aux especes d’animaux qu’il conviont de garcler, je conseillerais une proportion réguliere ole tous les animaux qui peuvcnt prosperer sur le sol, parccqu’une espece se nourrit d’un aliinent dont une autre espéce ne peut faire usage. Par exemple, les moutons dévorent et vivent bien aveo des liaricots, dont nulle creature, autro que l’h0nm:ne, ne peut faire usage. CHEVAUX.**L9S chevaux canadiens sent, tout considéré, la meilleure race pour le pays, mais on doit avoir soin de ohoisir les meilleurs individus pour élever. Le systeme de laisser entiers, pour la. procreation, tous les petits chétifs etalons, est propre a détériorer la race. Les poulins doivent étre nourris avec soin, surtout le premier hiver apres les sevres. On ne peut avancer rien de plus; absurde que de dire qu’on doive laisser souffrir un jeune poulin pendant les deux ou trois premiers hivers pour le rendre vigoureux; cependant on entretient assez généralcment cette idée. Les jeunes chevaux, comme les enfants, ont besoin de beaucoup de liberté et de beaucoup de nourriture sucoulente. Burns A conNrs.—La meilleure especc et la plus productive du lait, du beurre et autres produits, dans ce pays, est probablernent la race canadicnne, 1015 ELGI N ~GREY PAPERS pourvu qu’on en ait grand soin, en ne choisissant que les plus bcaux taureaux et les plus belles vaches pour propager la race. On ne peut apporter trop de soin sur ce point, et il faut nourrir los Veaux aveo des aliments d’une bonne qualité, et en abundance. Si l’on veut faire quelque oroisement de race afin cl’augrnentcr la quantité et qualité du lait, ce no peut étre qu’aVec la race dite Ayrshire; car les animaux d’une grancle taille no peuvent convenir a oe pays, du moins clans l’état actuel de scs paturages. Une bcnne vache canaolienne, dans nion opinion, olonnera plus de lait pour la meme quantité de nourriture qu’aucune vache d’une‘autre race que je connaisse. MoUroNs.~—La race do Leicester est la meilleure pour donner cle gros et gras moutons, mais n’est pas si avantageuse sous le rapport de la laine; ce qui est peut~étre l’objot principal pour lequel on éleve des moutcns. Une race qui possédcrait une combinaison dcs deux qualites de vianrle grasse et laine fine, et avec cela une constitution vigoureuse, scrait la meillcure pour le Bas- Canacla. Pour ohtonir ce but, on pourrait croiser la brebis commune du pays d’abord avec un belier do Leicester, afin de grossir la race, et rnelcr ensuite les produits de ce premier croisement avee un bélier de Cheviot pour lcur donner une lainc plus fine, ou d’abord avec un bélier dc Cheviot, puis avec un belier dc Leicester. De cette manierc j’ai procure do vigourcux troupcaux dont les individus donneront chacun de 6 5. 8 livrcs de laine fine, et do 22 a 25 livres do viande par quartier. Dans l’élévc, i1 faut apporter le plus grand soin a clioisir toujours les meilleurs beliers et a conserver les meillcurs agneaux, et sous aucun pretexte on ne doit vendre les plus beaux. DE LA Mimntnn on TENIR LE5 Mou’roNs.~—Comme ceci est de la plus grande importance, et bien peu connu, j’ajouterai quelques remarques qu’on me par- donnera sans doute, puisque cette occupation a été celle de presque toute ma vie. On ne doit pas laisser errer les moutons dc champ en champ le printenops, parccque cela leur donne des ha-bitudcs vagabondes dont ils souifrent ensuite tout l’éte. Quand les moutons sont bien traités et bien nourris, ils peuvent suivre la personne qui en a soin partout on elle voudra les mener; ct si on les mcne clans un bon paturage, et qu’on les y enferine, ils donneront moins de trouble pour les y garder qu’aucune autre espéce d’animaux. Il est encore de la plus grande importance d’oindre les nioutons vers le milieu dc Novcmbre, ct j’ai fait usage a cet efifet, du melange suivant, qui m’a réussi 5. znerveille. Les quantités indiquees ici peuvent suifire pour vingt moutons: Résine, 4 lbs., Huile commune, 3 pintes, Beurre, 3 livres. L’huile doit étre chauffée au point cle fondre la résine, et on y ajoute le beurre lorsque l’huile a cessé de bouillir, ce a quoi i1 faut bien faire attention. Le tout doit étre brassé jusqu’a parfait mélange, et dans le cas ou la composition serait trop épaisse pour étre employee, on doit y ajouter du lait de beurre ou de la creme, en ayant toujours soin de bien méler le tout. Oet onguent, on Papplique sur la peau des moutons en lignes paralleles éloignees d’un pouce l’une de l’autrc, et s’étendant sur toute la longueur dc Panimal. Cette application détruit la verminc, active la croissance de la lainc, et protege l’ani1nal centre lo froid: cette precaution est essentielle e Pentretien d’un bon troupeau dc moutons. .__._.~…_ u o.l._,Fé~?,fi,_____ »_» ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1017 Voici une nutre chose ole la plus grande conséquence, c’est dc ne jamais enfermer les moutons dans un endroit fermé, et sans air; ’11 vaudrait mieux les reléguer dans un coin quelconque de la grange que de les enfermer ainsi. Le mouton, par sa nature, peut endurer un degré considérable de froid, mais ne peut se passer d’air frais; en consequence, la ber,g;e1‘ie a besoin d’6tre bien aérée. Il est trés mauvais de laisser en-er les béliers avcc les troupeaux Pautomne, parceque ceci est la cause que les brebis (mouiaonnes) font leurs petits trap tot le p1-intemps. Le bélicr (et un seul peut suffirc pour cinq cultivateurs) doit étre mis a part depuis le 15 Septembre jusqu’au 22 Novembre, et si ‘a cette derniére époquc on les met avec les brebis, les petits naitront vers le 17 d’Av1’i1, et les méres n’auront pas le temps d’étre épuisées par Pallaitement avant d’a1ler an paturage. Cocnoms.-——La meilleure espéce pour le pays est 12. race dite Berkshire, ou la race Chinoise, et on doit en garder sur chaque terre autant qu’on peut, dest- a—dire autant qu’i1 en faut pour dépenser tout le lait et autres restes de la laiterie, ct qu’on peut engraisser pour ‘uuer Yautomne. Cet animal vorace, cfilanqué, aux longues pattes et au long nez, qu’on appelle le cochon Canadian, doit étre pour toujours banni. Une bonne race produira le double de lard avec moitié moins de nourriture, Le vermt Chinois ou Berkshire, croisé avec la race du pays pendant trois ou quatre ans, cffectuera le changcment nécessaire. INSTRUMENTS n’Ac.n1cULT\mE.——Ccux dont on so sert généralement, en y ajoutanf. les deux que j’ai déja mentionnés (savoir: 1e rouleau et la herse 5. sillon), peuvent suffire jusqu’a ce que les progrés nouveaux requiérent Yusage de nouveaux instruments. LA1TE1um.—-La femme Canadiennc est industrieuse, propre, at par consequent peut confectionner dc bon beurre et de bon fromage dés qu’el1e saura la maniére de les bien faire; mais ceci ne peut entrer dans les limites de ce petit traité; d’aiIleurs, les vaches doivent étre bien nourries avant qu’on puisse en espérer un lait sufiisamment riche pour la confection de ces articles de la laiterie. Je me suis done borné a indiquer ces préliminaires. CON CLUSION . On pourra dire que les sociétés d’Agricu1ture sent destinées a amcner les améliorations dont le pays a besoin; mais si ces sociétés se contentent d’ofi‘rir des prix pour les beaux animaux et les beaux produits, sans enseigner la maniére dc produire do beaux animaux ct dc belles récoltes, elles feronb ce que fcrait que1qu’un qui montrerait fa. un autre une belle grappe de fruit au haut d’un mur sans lui dunner une échelle pour y parvenir; celui-ci sera réduit 5; les regarder, at a les désirer sans espoir de parvenir a s’en emparer. La publication et la circulation de conscils pratiques comme ceux qui précédent, seront ce que serait a cet individu l’éche1le dont il a besoin. 1018 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS [The following manuscript is the chapter dealing with Canada in Earl Grcy’s, The Colonial Policy of Lord John Russell’s Administration (London 1863). It was sent to Lord Elgin for Criticism. For Lord Elgin’s comments see below, p. 1046.] BRITISH NORTH AMERICA.~—-CANADA [Original MS] I will now turn to those large & flourishing Provinces which constitute the British Territory in North America.— In the history of these Provinces the last six years will form a memorable epoch since within that period their system of government which was previously in a state of great doubt & uncer~ tainty may be said to have been established on what there is good reason to hope may be a permanent footing, & the diflicult & embarassing questions (p. 2) which had arisen as to the rules to be observed in conducting their affairs have received a solution in which all parties have practically acquiescedw This has not been accomplished without discussions & controversies which during their progress were the source of much anxiety, but We may congratulate ourselves upon having succeeded before the breaking up of your administrat“ in bringing all these various discussions & controversies to a satisfactory termination & upon having left these the most important of the Colonial dependancies of the (p. 3) British Empire with their affairs in a state not only far better than that which we found cxisting on our assumption of oflice but one which1 affords the most encouraging prospects for their future welfare & rapid progress, both in moral & material prosperity.— A very slight sketch of the various transactions & events through which this result has been arrived at is all that I can attempt.—— Without going back to occurrences of an earlier date I would begin by observing that a new era in the history of British N. Amer- ica may be said to have opened with (p. 4) the passing of the Act of 1840 for the Union of the former Provinces of Upper & Lower Canada, & with the consequent re-establishment in the latter of Constitutional Government of which the unhappy insurrections of 1837 & 38 had necessarily occasioned the temporary suspension.—— A simple return to the former system of Constitutional Gov‘ was after. those events impossible, they had been the bitter fruit of defects & abuses in that system which had been fully exposed in Lord Durham’s well known report, & the publication of that report had naturally created a desire for the reform of the evils (p. 5) it pointed out not only in Canada but in the Lower Provinces to which many of Lord Durham’s remarks were equally applicable.~—— When our lamented friend L“ Sydenham (then Mr. Poulett Thomson) went to Canada as Governor General in the autumn of 1839 there was much excitement on the question of establishing what was called “Responsible Government”, while the notions generally enter- tained as to what was meant by these words, & as to the manner in which such a Government was to be carried (p. 6) on were exceedingly vague & ill-defined.— You held at that time the oflice of Secretary of State for the Colonies & made the first attempt to give something like shape & consistency to these vague ideas, & to carry into eifect the reform desired by the Colonists so far as this could be done with safety.— In two despatchcs addressed to Mr. P. Thomson on the 14”“ & 16”‘ of Oct./39 you pointed out the necessary distinctions between b 1“one which” has been bvro.cketted in pencil -and the words “such as to” are written a ove. i J i s I l 1 l ELGI N ~GRE Y PAPERS 1019 the Government of this country & that of a Colony, but at the same time you stated that while you saw (p. 7) insuperable objections to the adoption of the principle of the responsibility of the local Gov‘ to the Assemblies in the manner in which it had been stated in the Colonies, you saw none to the practical views of Colonial Gov‘ recommended by Lord Durham as you your- self understood them; & you announced that for the future the principal Offices of the Colonial Governments in N. America would not be considered as being held by a tenure equivalent to one during good (p. 8) behaviour but that the holders would be liable to be called upon to retire whenever from motives of public policy or for other reasons this should be found to be expedient.—– ’ You explained that this rule was to be applicable without limitation to per- sons appointed to the oflices in question subsequently to the date of your despatch, & to the existing holders of office so far as was clearly necessary for the public good but at the same time with due regard to the fair expectations of individuals, to whom pecuniary (p. 9) compensations should be awarded when it might appear unjust to dispose with their services without such an indem- nity.*—~ These instructions were written in apparent contemplation of the adoption of some such mode as that now established of carrying on the government of the North American Colonies, but up to July 1846 the problem of bringing into satisfactory operation this system (p. 10) of administration had certainly not been solved.—In Canada during L“ Sydenham’s administration the insurrection was still too recent & its eiiect in creating animosity & disaffection among one division of the population had been too great to allow the principles of constitutional freedom to be fully acted upon; & on the union of the Provinces it is not to be denied that arrangements were made & means were adopted which secured the election for the first Parliament of the United Provinces of a House (p. 11) of Assembly in which the French Canadians were practically deprived of their just weight.—« L“ Sydenham was also enabled by circumstances to exercise great influence over the Legislature, & the power which he in fact assumed & his personal share in the administration of aiiairs were much larger than he was entitled to by the strict principles of the constitution—- In the then state of things & of mcn’s minds it would have been impossible otherwise to (p. 12) carry on the Government; & the power which was thus in fact assumed by Lord Sydenham was wisely used in carrying into cifcct various measures required to promote the material welfare dz improvement of the Country & to prepare the way, by a firm & just administration which should allow the passions & animosities excited by previous events to subside, for the safe introduction of a more constitutional system of Government.—— (p. 13) In this respect the policy of Lord Sydenham was highly successful, & it greatly contributed to facilitate the adoption of the liberal & enlightened measures taken by his successor Sir C. Bagot, during whose brief government a much nearer approach was made to the establishment of a really constitutional system; but the death of Sir C. Bagot took place so soon, that the establishment of such a system could only be imperfectly effected by him nor is it easy to judge whether if he had lived he would have been able (p. 14) to avoid those difficulties in which L“’Metcalfe by whom he was succeeded became involved.— ‘ *[Notc by Lord Grey] V ’ ‘ _ _ _ I See for the two d1spatol1.§_s6con.tainxng these instructions the House of Commons Sessional paper. No. 621 of 1848. pp. 1020 _ ELGIN-GREY PAPERS A difi°erence of opinion arose between L“ Metcalfe & his Council upon a question relating to the distribution of patronage into which it is neither neces- sary nor expedient that I should enter, it is sufficient to state that this difierence led to the retirement of the members of the Executive Council who were sup- ported by a majority of the Assembly.— Eventually though not without con- siderable delay (p. 15) L‘1 Metcalfe was enabled to form another Council for which by means of a dissolution of the previous Parliament he obtained the support of a new Asembly.———- But this was only accomplished by L“ Metca.lfe’s personal popularity & influence which were made use of to procure the return of members favorable to his policy, the effect of which was that he was placed in direct hostility ‘with one of the great parties into which the Colony was (p. 16) divided, & though for the moment the difliculty of carrying on the Government was obviated as the party into the hands of which he had thrown himself pos- sessed a small majority in the Assembly, this advantage was dearly purchased by the circumstance that the Parliamentary opposition was no longer directed merely against the advisers of the Governor, but against the Governor himself & the British Government of which he was the organ.-— Hence as it is the nature of all Popular (p. 17) Assemblies to undergo from time to time changes by which the minority of one year becomes the majority of another, & there could be no doubt that sooner or later the party with which Lord Metcalfe had quarelled would recover its ascendancy, there was a certain prospect of great future embar- assment from the state of things which had arisen.— Nor was this all; the Gov- ernor by his rupture with one party was placed to a (p. 18) far greater degree than was desirable in the power of the other by which he was supported, & lost the means of exercising his proper authority in checking any departure from modera- tion in those by whose assistance he was compelled to carry on the Government.-— The danger of his position was fully understood by L“ Metoalfe & in a very remarkable confidential correspondance which he had on the subject with the Secretary (p. 19) of State (La Derby) it is apparent that he foresaw difficulties in the future administration of the Colony, which the replies to his communica- tions suggested no means of sunnounting. —— When L“ Metcalfe was at length compelled to relinquish his post by the frightful disease in‘ spite of which he had continued to the last to discharge his public duties with such heroic patience & resolution, L“ Cathcart succeeded him (p. 20) first as administrator of the Government in virtue of the military command which he held, & afterwards as Governor General to which ofiice he was appointed on the advice of M‘ Glad- stone shortly before the formation of your administration.-« Lord Cathcart had as it appeared been appointed Governor General in consequence of the threaten- ing state of our relations with the United States which rendered it desirable at the (p. 21) time the appointment was made that the chief civil & military authority in Canada should be vested in the same hands.-— But when we assumed the direction of affairs, the Oregon dispute had just been happily settled, & the danger of an interruption of peace with the United States had passed away, while on the other hand the position of the Governor as regarded the internal affairs of Canada to which Lord Gathcart had succeeeded was one which as (p. 22) I have explained was calculated to create much anxiety for the future & which seemed to require that the management of these aifairs ELGI N -GRE Y PAPERS 1021 should be entrusted to a person possessing a knowledge of the principles & prac~ tice of the constitution of this country, an experience of popular Assemblies, & a familiarity with the political questions of the day, which could not reasonably be expected from a military oflicer who like Lord Cathcart had hitherto been (p. 23) almost entirely occupied by the duties of his profession, & had not been accustomed to take any active part in English politics.— Accordingly it was my opinion, in which you & our colleagues agreed, that another Governor General should be appointed, & after much consideration it was determined that Lord Elgin should be selected for this important post/.~ He was at that time personally altogether unknown to me, but he had (p. 24) conducted the government of Jamaica with great ability & success, & had also during the very short time he had sat in the H“ of Commons given proof of no ordinary talents.” The speech by which he had principally distinguished himself in the House of Commons was certainly not one which gave him any claims upon us as a party since it was one which he made in seconding the amendment on the address which led to the downfall of (p. 25) Lord Melbourne’s administration in August 1841, but as our object was not to make a selection with a view to party interests, but to entrust the management of the largest &, most important of the British Colonies in a season of great difficulty to the ablest hands we could find, Ld Elgin was recom~ mended to the Queen for this appointment in preference to any of our party or personal friends.—— I cannot forbear remarking (p. 26) that as the Government of Canada is literally the only civil oifice in that Colony which is practically in the gift of the Home Government & is the greatest prize in the Colonial service, the manner in which it was on this occasion disposed of affords a proof of the injustice of the common allegation that the Colonies are retained only for the sake of the patronage they ‘afford.— As Lord Elgin though appointed at an earlier period did not leave this country to assume the (p. 27) Government of Canada until the month of J any 1847 I had the opportunity of communicating with him very fully previously to his departure with respect to the line of con- duct to be pursued by him & the means to be adopted for the purpose of bringing into full & successful operation the system of constitutional Government which it seemed to be the desire of the inhabitants of British North America to have established among them. He was thus before he assumed the duties (p. 28) of his office placed very completely in possession of our views on the various ques~ tions which the introduction of this system of Gov‘ naturally raises.~ The best explanation I can give of these views, & of the principles which have guided our whole policy towards the North American Colonies will be afforded by an extract from a despatch which I had occasion to address to Sir J. Harvey the L‘ Gov’ of Nova Scotia on the 3”“ of Nov. 1846 in answer to an application from him for instructions as to the course he should adopt in (p. 29) circumstances of considerable difficulty in that Province.— It had appeared from Sir J. Harvey’s report on the state of affairs in Nova Scotia on his assumption of the Gov‘ that the actual Executive Council was incomplete, that there was reason to doubt it’s being able to continue to conduct the affairs of the Province with advantage, 6: that he had been urged by the members of the opposition with whom he had been in communication to dissolve the existing Assembly (p. 30) in the belief that by so doing a new Assembly would be elected in which they would have a 1022 ELGIN~GREY PAPERS majority showing public opinion to be in their favour.— With reference to this state of things I transmitted to Sir John Harvey the following instructions which it will be observed involve principles of general application to all colonies having a similar form of gov‘? “ I am of opinion that under all the circumstances of the case, the best “course for you to adopt is to call upon the Members of your present “ Executive Council to propose to you the names of the gentlemen whom they “ would recommend to supply the Vacancies which I understand to exist in “ the present Board.—If they should be successful in submitting to you an “ arrangement to which no valid objection arises, you will of course continue “ to carry on the Gov‘ through them, so long as it may be possible to (p. 32) “ do so satisfactorily, & as they possess the necessary support of the Le- “ gislature.—— Should the present Council fail in proposing to you an arrange- “ ment which it would be proper for you to accept, it would then be your “ natural course, in conformity with the practice of analogous cases in this “ country, to apply to the opposite party, & should you be able, through their “ assistance to form a satisfactory Council, there will be no impropriety in “ dissolving the (p. 33) Assembly upon their advice; such a measure under “ those circumstances, being the only mode of escaping from the difliculty “ which would otherwise exist of carrying on the government of the province “ upon the principles of the constitution. The object with which I recommend “ to you this course, is that of making it apparent that any transfer which “ may take place of political power from the hands of one party in the pro- “ Vince to those of (p. 34) another is the result not of an act of yours but of “ the wishes of the people themselves, as shown by the difficulty experienced “ by the retiring party in carrying on the government of the province ae~ “ cording to the forms of the Constitution. To this I attach great importance;  » I have therefore to instruct you to abstain from changing your Executive “Council until it shall become perfectly clear that they are_unable, with “ such fair support from yourself as they have a right to expect, to carry on “the government (p. 35) of the province satisfactorily, & command the con- “ fidenoe of the Legislature.—- “ Of whatever party your Council may be composed, it will be your duty to “ act strictly upon the principle you have yourself laid down in the memo- “randurn delivered to the gentlemen with whom you have communicated, “ that, namely, “ of not identifying yourself with any one party” but in- “ stead of this, “ making yourself both a mediator & a moderator between the “ “ influential of all parties.” In giving, therefore, all fair & (p. 36) proper “ support to your council for the time being, you will carefully avoid any “ acts which can possibly be supposed to imply the slightest personal “ objection to their opponents, & also refuse to assent to any measures “ which may be proposed to you by your Council which may appear to you “ to involve an improper exercise of the authority of the Crown for party “ rather than for public objects. In exercising, however this power of “ refusing to sanction measures which may be submitted to you by (p. 37) “ your Council, you must recollect that this power of opposing a check upon 2Note by Lord Grey. See House of Commons Sessional papers—N° 621 of 1848——p. 8. ELGIN—GItEY PAPERS 1023 “ extremes measures proposed by the party for the time in the Gov‘ depends “entirely for its efficacy upon its being used sparingly, & with the greatest “possible discretion. A refusal to accept advice tendered to you by your “Council is a legitimate ground for its members to tender to you their “ resignation, a course they would doubtless adopt should they feel that the “ subject on which a difference had (p. 38) arisen between you & themselves “ was one upon which public opinion would be in their favour.—Should it “prove to be so, concession to their views, must, sooner or later, become “ inevitable, since it cannot be too distinctly acknowledged that it is neither “ possible nor desirable to carry on the government of any of the British “ provinces in North America in opposition to the opinion of the inhabitants. “ —— —~—Clcarly understanding, therefore, that refusing to accede to the advice “ of your (p. 39) council for the time being upon a point on which they consi- “ der it their duty to insist, must lcad to the question at issue being brought “ultimately under the decision of public opinion, you will carefully avoid “ allowing any matter not of very grave concern, or upon which you cannot “ reasonably calculate upon being in the end supported by that opinion to be “ made the subject of such a difi’o1’ence.— And. if, unfortunately, such a “difference should arise, you will take equal care that its cause, & the “ (p. 40) grounds of your own decision are made clearly to appear in written  » documents capable of being publicly quoted’.-— “Thc adoption of this principle of action by no means involves the “ necessity of a blind obedience to the wishes & opinions of the members of  » your Council; on the contrary, I have no doubt that if they see clearly “that your conduct is guided, not by personal favour to any particular men “or party, but by a. sincere desire to promote the public good, your “objections to any measures proposed will (p. 41) have greatlwcight with “the Council, or should they prove unreasonable, with the Assembly, or “ in last resort, with the public.—— “ Such are the general principles upon which the constitutions granted “ to the North American Colonies render it necessary that their government “should be conducted. It is however, I am well aware, far easier to lay “down these general principles than to determine in any particular case “ what is that line of conduct which an adherence to them should (p. 42) “prescribe,—— In this your own judgment & a careful consideration of the “circumstances in which you are placed must be your guide; as I have “ only, in conclusion to assure you that Her Majesty will always be “anxious to put the most favourable construction upon your conduct in “the discharge of the arduous duties imposed upon you by the high situation “ you hold in Her service.”—— The despatch from which the above is an extract was communicated to L‘ Elgin previously to his proceeding to (p. 43) Canada, & in conformity with the principles there laid down it was his object in assuming the Gov‘ of the Province to Withdraw from the position of depending for support on one party in the Province into which L“ Mctcalfe had by unfortunate circumstances been drawn.—— He was to act generally upon the advice of his Executive Council, & to receive as members of that body those persons who might be pointed out 1024 ELGIN~GREY PAPERS to him as entitled to be so by their possessing the confidence of the Assembly.—— (p. 44) But he was carefully to avoid identifying himself with the party from the ranks of which the actual Council was drawn, & to make it generally understood that if public opinion required it he was equally ready to accept their opponents as his advisers, uninfluenced by any personal preferences or objections.—— In adopting this rule of conduct it was of peculiar importance to make it manifest that all past contentions * the unhappy events of 1837 & 38 * 3 were buried in the most complete oblivion, (p. 45) & that all the inhabitants of Canada who would for the future act as loyal subjects of the British Crown would be regarded with equal favour by the Governor without reference to their national origin or to the party to which they might belong.—— Upon this policy L“ Elgin has steadily acted &, after passing through a crisis of great difliculty, it has been crowned with complete success.— On his assumption of the Gov‘ he found the Provincial administration in the hands of the party which had supported (p. 46) L“ Metcalfe, & for the first session as the members of this administration were enabled though with much difliculty to maintain their majority in the Assembly they remained in oflice receiving from L“ Elgin all the constitutional support they could ask for, & every facility for the attempts they thought it right to make to strengthen their position by a junction with some of the leaders of other parties.— These attempts were not successful, & at the close of the year 1847, the then Canadian administration (p. 47) finding that they could neither form a new & stronger combination of parties nor reckon any longer upon even the bare majority they had previously had in the Assembly, applied to L“ Elgin for power to dissolve the Parliament, & no objection having been made on his part, the dissolution took place & was followed by a general election which gave a complete triumph to the party previously in opposition.— When this result was ascertained, (p. 48) L“ Elgin gave to the members of his Council the option of immediately retiring; or of calling the Parl” together at once.— They chose the la-ttcr.— The Parliament met— a vote was carried against the Administration, & a new one was formed from their opponents, the members of both parties concurring in expressing their sense of the perfect fairness & impartiality with which L“ Elgin had conducted himself throughout these transactions— With his new Council he acted in the same (p. 49) spirit as he had done with their predecessors; without in the slightest degree com— mitting himself as their partizan he freely gave them his confidence & the assistance of his judgment & experience in preparing their measures for the benefit of the Province, & without attempting by direct authority to prescribe to them the course Which they should follow he practically exercised a great & most useful influence in the conduct of affairs.— (p. 50) The consequence of this was that the French Canadians, & the liberal party in the Western Division of the Province * who had formerly been accused of a tendency to republicanism * 4 seeing that their leaders & friends were admitted to their just share of power & influence, that no distrust of them was evinced by the * “‘ “These words have been scored through. “Stand” is written in the margin. See below, fl. 10.’8. *l*4Thsse Words have been scared through. See below, p., 1048. ’‘’Adopted’’ is written in the margin. ELGI N —GRE Y PAPERS 1025 Governor, & that the Gov‘ really was to be carried on strictly in the spirit of the constitution Without any preference being shewn to men of any one party or national (p. 51) origin, became on their side reconciled to the Imperial authority which was thus exercised, & proved themselves worthy of the con- fidence which had been placed in them by the loyalty & attachment which they manifested to the Crown.—— So soon & so decidedly were the healing effects of this policy experienced, that when the news of the French Revolution of Feb’ /48 reached the Province it occasioned no disturbance or alarm.— In the state of (p. 52) public opinion & of feeling which L“ Elgin found prevailing on his arrival in Canada little more than a year before, there can be no doubt that the intelligence of this startling event would have produced most formidable excitement, if not actual disturbance.—- Instead of this there was the most perfect tranquility & security;5 (p. 55) all M’ Papineau’s5 efforts to create opposition to the Government amongst the French Canadians utterly failed—— they heartily & steadily supported the Government, & took every opportunity to manifest by addresses & resolutions the strongest spirit of loyalty to the British Crown—— The Liberal party in Upper Canada manifested a similar spirit, & (p. 56) during the Irish movement in the summer of 1848 the attempts of the American Irish sympathizers to obtain support in Canada met with nothing but discour-agement.— If a different spirit had prevailed, & if the European events of 184.8 falling like a spark * on such a state of feeling as L“ Elgin found in Canada *7 in the beginning of 1849 had produced disturbances they would probably even if slight in the first instance have been followed (p. 57) by disastrous consequences, since it is certain that the Gov‘ of the United States however sincerely it might have had the wish, would have wanted the power to restrain the lawless ad- venturers Whom any outbreak in Canada would have attracted from all quarters of the Union to take part in it—~ In the insurrections of 1837 & 38 the only serious danger arose from the “sympathizers” (as they were (p. 58) called) from the United States, & since that time the Mexican war had largely added both to the number & to the dangerous character of the class of men in these States whom the love of excitement & the hope of plunder are sure to gather together in any part of North America where there may be a prospect of that irregular warfare in which they delight.— An (p. 59) insurrection in Canada would therefore most likely have involved us also in a war with the United States, & from these calamities it is my conviction that the country could hardly have escaped, but for the policy upon which under our direction & with our support Lord Elgin So ably acted in the government of Canada. 5 [Note by Lord (}rey.] The state of the Province about this time is thus described in the presentment of the Grand Jury of Montreal enclosed in L5 Elgixfs despatoh of May 3/48 (‘p_. 53). Le Grand Jury ne peut s’empéoher d_e_ manifester le bonheur qu’il éprouve dc voir le ys jouissant d’une paix et d’une tranquilité profonde, tandis que les peuples de la vieille lurope se trouvent engages dune lesjzroubles _ct dans le feu des révolutions. Cette paix dont jouit nctre pays, qu’i1 sait apprécxcr et qu’il saura maintenir, est due ii la forme de notre Gouvernement ct surtout in la sagesse, e l’l\§.bilcl:é, et iv. la fermeté des hommes appelés par le Représentant de notre Souveram :3 le farre fonctionner. Avec do tels hommcs 21 la téte des afiaires, soucieux eomme ils le sont_des intéréts de tous sans distinction, le pays ne peut que prospérer, et jouir de cette par: 51 nécessaire au déplorement de son ingzlustrie cl: de son commerce. Le Grand Jury est done persuade que cette paix si nécessaire a_u bonlieur du pays ne sera jamais troublée; le Grouvernement pouvant eomgter sur la aympatlne (p. 54) et l’a:>pui cordial et sincere de tous sea ha’b1tants.——Chambre du rand Jury, Montreal,
Avril 29. 1848.”

*5″ Mr. Papineau ” has been scored through. See below p. 147.58.

“’ *7’l‘hcse words have been scored through. See below p, 10/,8.

D337-05

1026 ELGIN—G’REY PAPERS

But though this policy was thus successful in reconciling the alienated
French Canadians to the Imperial Gov‘ & in gaining the affections of the great
body of the people, it was not to be expected that it sh“ not lead to some
dissatisfaction on the part of those who had (p. 60) been accustomed to
consider themselves as entitled to the exclusive possession of the favour of the
Gov”— However necessary it was for the peace & welfare of the Colony that
former events sh“ be buried in complete oblivion, & that all who w » for the
future conduct themselves as faithful subjects of the Queen should be regarded
as possessing equal claims on the favour of the Crown, it was impossible that
this rule could be acted upon with‘ creating irritation & discontent in those who
saw in it an improper forgctfulness of their own services to the Crown during
(p. 61) the insurrection, and in supporting L“ Metcalfe as the Queens represen-
tative By the change of administration wl‘ had taken place, the party long
accustomed to ascendancy & to consider themselves as the party of the English
Gov‘, had seen the power & influence W“ they had grown to regard as rightfully
belonging to themselves, & w“ by the support of the Home Gov‘ they had been
enabled with a brief interval to exercise for a long period, transferred to a party
composed principally of persons whom (p. 62) on account of their democratic
opinions, or of their national origin, they had been in the habit of regarding &
representing as disloyal and as the natural enemies of the British Crown.»-— It
was natural that such a transfer of political power should create feelings of
great displeasure & indignation in the minds of those from Whom it was taken
& there was another circumstance wl‘ contributed to exasperate these feelings
(p. 63) The party which was thus deprived of power happened to include in
its ranks a large proportion of those who were most deeply interested in the
trade of the Province & the years 1848 & 49 were years of great mercantile
distress in Canada which was attributed not altogether unjustly to the recent
change in the commercial policy of this country.——Thus the same persons who
felt most the transfer of political power from one party to the other, were those
on whom the heavy pecuniary losses of a period of extreme comrnercial’difliculty-
fell also with the (p. 64) greatest severity, hence it is not surprising that as in
the mother country political parties were at that time divided principally on
the questions of free trade or protection, the irritation of the party in the Colony
which had been deprived of political power sh‘ have been greatly enci-cased by
the fact that the commercial policy to which they attributed their losses was
maintained by the Administration at home under which they had been refused
that active support against their political rivals which had been given to them
by L“ Metcalfe (p. 65) This was the more strongly felt because Canada had
a real grievance to complain of, & had suffered severely by the want of steadi~
ness & consistency in our commercial policy,— By the Canada corn act of 1843
in consideration of a duty of 3/ a quarter having been imposed by the Provincial
Legislature on the importation of Foreign wheat, not only the wheat of Canada
but also its flour, which might be manufactured from American wheat, were
admitted for consumption into this country at a nominal duty, The efiect of
this enactment was obviously (p. 66) to give a large premium for the grinding
of American wheat in Canada for the British Market.—— The consequence was
that much of the available capital of the Province was laid out in making
arrangements for cariying on the lucrative trade which was supposed to be

ELGIN —G RE Y PAPERS 1027

thus opened to its merchants & milIers.—~ But almost before these arrangements

were fully completed, & the newly built mills fairly at work, the act of 1846

swept away the whole advantage conferred upon Canada in respect to the corn

trade with this (p. 67) country & thus brought upon the Province 2. frightful

amount of loss to individuals & a great derangement of the Colonial finances.

These evils were naturally attributed by the sufierers to the legislation of 1846,

tho’ in my opinion they might more justly have been so to the short sighted &

unwise act of 1843, of which many members of the H“ of Commons (of whom

I myself was one) predicted the consequences at the time it was passed, &
therefore opposed it on the ground that even then it was obvious that a general

repeal of the existing corn law could not long (p. 68) be with-held, so that
the adoption of the partial measure recommended by the then Gov‘ could not
fail to bring in the end great losses upon Canada by creating expectations wk

must be disappointed. But whether the mistake was in passing the Act of 1843

or that of 1846 it is clear that one or the other must have been grievously wrong,

& there can be no doubt that the Province had been greatly injured by that
inconstancy of purpose which had induced the Imperial Legislature within the
short period (p. 69) of 3 years to pass two Acts entirely opposed to each other
in principle. It was only natural that the sufferers by this rapid change of
policy should condemn not the original and imprudent grant of the privilege
which had been conceded to the Colony, but its abrupt & unexpected with-
drawal. (p. 70).

From all these causes the party opposed to the Canadian administration were
disposed when the Provincial Parl‘ met in the year 1849 to carry their opposition
beyond the usual bounds of political hostility & to direct it not only against the
Governor’s advisers, but against the Governor himself & the administration
then existing in this country.— With such a disposition it was not likely that
grounds for attack wt‘ be wanting, & they were soon found in a bill w“ was
submitted by the Gov‘ to the Assembly for making compensation to persons
in Lower Canada who had sufl’ered losses in the (p. 71) rebellion, I am anxious
to avoid as far as possible the risk of reviving the excitement on this subject
W“ at the time rose to a great height & led to very deplorable consequences, I
will therefore give as brief an account as I can of transactions some explanation
of w’* is indispensable in a review of colonial afiairs during the last six years.
The rebellion losses bill, as it was called, was brought forward in the Provincial
Parl° in the Session of 1849 by L“ Elgin’s then advisers for the purpose of
completing what had already been done by their (p. 72) predecessors towards
giving effect to the wish expressed by the Assembly in an address to Lord
Metcalfe which had been voted so long since as the year 1845. The prayer
of the Assembly in that address was “that His Excellency wd be pleased to cause
proper measures to be adopted in order to ensure to the inhabitants of that portion
of this Province formerly Lower Canada indemnity for just losses by them
sustained during the rebellion of 1837 & 1838 ”— It is to be observed that
compensation for losses of this description had already been (p. 73) given in
Upper Canada, & that before this address was voted, under Ordinances passed
in 1838 & 1839 by the Special Council (to which at that time the power of
Legislation in L Canada was entrusted) the losses sustained by the loyal inha-

033745}

1028 E/LG’IN—GREY PAPERS

bitants of the latter Province while they were supporting the Gov‘ had been
ascertained & reported upons. It was therefore clearly the intention of the then
Gov‘ which had (p. 74) concurred in the above address, & of the Assembly by
W“ it l1ad been voted unanimously, to extend the indemnity beyond the limit
assigned to it by the Ordinances of the Special Council, & to give it not only to
those who when supporting the Gov‘ had suffered losses from the rebels, but
also to those Whose property had been‘) destroyed or injured by the troops;
*compensation had been given for losses of the last kind in Upper Canada, & it
had obviously been intended to adopt the same principle in L‘ Canadajuo In
consequence (p. 75) of this address Commissioners were appointed by L“ Metcalfe
to enquire into the claims of persons in L’ Canada whose property had been
destroyed during the Rebellion & the Com” in reporting upon these claims were
directed to distinguish the cases of those who had joined in the rebellion or
had been aiding or abetting therein. Upon enquiring in what manner this
classification was to be made they were answered by M’ Secy Daly under the
authority of the Gov” in Council in the following terms “In making out the
classification called for by (p. 76) your instructions of the 12”’ of Dec‘ last, it
is not His Excellencys intention that you sh“ be guided by any other description
of evidence than that furnished by the sentences of the Courts of Law”. ‘Under
these circumstances the advisers of L“ Elgin conceived that they were only
carrying into effect what had been intended by those of Lord Metcalfe when
they introduced a bill into the Provincial Parlt W1‘ provided for the compensation
of losses sustained during the rebellion by all persons whose guilt in the
rebellion had not been legally established.*11 But notwithstanding this, a violent
outcry (p. 77) was raised against the measure* as one of W“ the object was to
reward and encourage rebels.* 12—~ In the H” of Assembly notwithstanding
a very determined resistance the measure passed by large majorities by no means
composed exclusively of French Canadians, since L5 Elgin has shewn that in the
final division of 47 to 18 on the passing of the bill, 17 members from Up’ Canada
voted in its favour & 14 against it, & of 10 members for L’ Canada of British
descent 6 supported & only 4 opposed it.13 (p. 78). In the Legislative Council
the measure also encountered much opposition, but it was the opposition out of
doors which was of most importance. Petitions were got up against the bill in
different parts of the Province, the great majority of which though the bill was
still in progress when they were prepared were addressed not to either branch
of the Legislature but to the Governor, & generally concluded with a prayer
that he W“ either dissolve the Parliament, or reserve the bill when it reached
him for the Signification of Her Majestys pleasure.— Lord Elgin 14 most (p. 79)
properly determined to adopt neither of these courses, & when the bill was

3 [Note by Lord Grey.] See L4 Elgins dcspatch of the 5th of May 1849 in the “Further
pérfgrs relative to the affairs of Canada” presented to both 11”‘ of Bari‘ on ye 25”’ of May

l“‘wantonIy” has been added ‘ ‘’1.

1°  » * Changed to “or volunteer-.19? such destruction of property ed be shown to have
been wanton 85 unnecessary, wh was held to be the meaning of the somewhat awlcwarrl expres~
sion “just losses,” wh occurs in the Address of the Assembly already quoted.” See below. 17. 1069.
6 Z 11 * *This sentence has been scored through. “not adopted ” is Written in the margin. See

9 ma, . 1049.

1? f*él‘11isbsclentence has been scored through. “L41 Es alterations adopted” is written in the
margin. ee cow 1). 1049.

13 [Note by Ldrd Grey.l See the dispatch quoted above.

1‘*“Ifl Es change adopted” is written in the margin. See below, 17. 101,9.

ELGI N -GREY PAPERS 1029

presented to him he gave the Royal assent to it in the usual form.— Unhappily
his doing so was made the occasion of very serious riots in w“ he was himself
attacked & insulted, & the public buildings in which the Provincial Parl° held
its sittings were burnt with the valuable libraries they contained. For a censider~
able time after these deplorable occurrences the most violent attacks were
directed by the newspapers of the opposition personally (p. 80) against L“ Elgin,
& so strongly were the feelings of a part of the populat“ of Montreal excited
against him, that he c“ not go into the town with‘ the risk of insult & of a
disturbance of the public peace, but was compelled almost to confine himself
to Monklands (the country residence of the Governor)* where it was necessary
to keep a Military guard for his protection.“15—- By taking this line of conduct*
& thus permitting himself to be nearly shut up in the domain of Monklands*15
L“ Elgin incurred much obloquy at the (p. 81) time & was accused both by
friends & foes of having shown a want of proper spirit 7 determination)‘ 1“ but he
acted on the conviction that although it w“ have been easy with the Military
force w“ he ed command, to put down any riotous proceedings w“ might have
taken place, & he might with perfect security to himself have braved the popular
feeling by going into Montreal still for the permanent welfare of the Colony it
was of the utmost importance to avoid if possible any occasion for the employ-
ment of force against the mob (p. 82) since, if blood had been shed in the
necessary suppression of acts of violence this could not have failed to exasperate
the animosities already excited & still farther to inflame one class of the
population against another.—~ He preferred therefore to submit in silence to all
the imputations * (including the absurd one of personal cowardice) * 16 which were
directed against him, & waited patiently until the excitement w » had been
created sh“ subside.— At the same time however he expressed his opinion in
reporting these transactions to the Gov‘ (p. 83) at home that the clamour &
disturbances raised out of doors ought not to be allowed to prevail against the
deliberate decision of the Provincial Legislature & that submission to such
dictation would render the Govt of the Province by constitutional means
impossible. 17 In this opinion we entirely concurred & we agreed with‘ hesitation
to advise Her Majesty to signify to Lord Elgin her undiminished confidence in
his ability and judgement & her entire (p. 84) approbation of his conduct which
was done by my despatch 13 of the 18”‘ of May. In this despatch in reply to
a suggestion made by L“ Elgin that “if he sh“ be unable to recover that position
of dignified neutrality between contending parties which it had been his unre-
mitting study to maintain, it might be for the interests of Her Majestys service
that he should be removed from his high office to make way for a Governor
less personally obnoxious to any section of H Majestys (p. 85) subjects within
the provinee;”— he was informed that his relinquishment of his post w“ be
regarded as a most serious loss to Her Majestys service,19 & that no doubt was
entertained that he W » succeed in recovering his position of “dignified neutrality”.
To this end his efforts were directed, but their success was greatly hindered

15* *’l.‘hese words have been scored through. See below, 1:. 1050.

1° * ‘ These words have been scored through. See below, 1). 1050.

17 [Note by Lord Grey.] «See Lord Elgms despatch of the 30th of April 1849 in the papers

presented to both Houses of Parliament in may 1849
13 [Note by -Lord Grey.] See further papers presented to Parlfi on the 25111 May 1849
19 Pages 8599 have been scored through. See below, p. 1050. r

1030 ELGIN -GEE Y PAPERS

for some time by the manner in which the events w » had taken place in Canada
were made use of in this country to attack your administration. These events
were made the subject of discussion in both Houses of Parl*;——- in the (p. 86)
House of Commons after some incidental notice of the subject on previous occa-
sions it was more formally brought under consideration by M’ Gladstone on
the 14″‘ of June when on the Motion for bringing up the report of the Com“
of Supply he made a long speech of severe censure on the Colonial Gov” which
however was not followed up by submitting any distinct proposal to the House.
But though he proposed nothing after your reply to his speech M‘ Hcrries
following very much the same line of argument adopted by M‘ Gladstone
moved an address to the (p. 87) ‘Crown praying that H Majestys assent to the
Canadian act might be withheld until satisfactory assurance had been obtained
that no persons implicated in the rebellion w“ be allowed under its provisions
to receive compensation for their losses. This motion after 2 nights debate was
rejected by a large majority. A few days later, resolutions condemning the
proceedings of the Canadian Government were moved in the H“ of Lords by
L‘ Brougham & being supported by the whole strength of the oposition were
only rejected by the aid of proxies (p. 88) by a majority of 3; of the Peers
present a majority having voted for them.-— When the intelligence of these
discussions & especially of the close division in the H“ of Lords reached the
Colony, it had naturally the effect of keeping up the excitement which had
previously existed. In the month of August the arrest of some of the persons
accused of having been engaged in the riots in April led to a fresh & serious
riot in Montreal when a violent attack was made by the mob on the House of
M’ Lafontaine, in resisting which one man was shot & (p. 89) afterwards died
of his wounds, this owing to the extreme forbearance of L“ Elgin & his advisers
was the only life lost throughout these unhappy disturbances. But the violence
of the passions which had been excited, was displayed not merely by the riotous
conduct of an ignorant mob, but by proceedings of a more really dangerous &
objectionable character on the part of persons of superior education & station in
life.-— In the course ofthe Autumn of 1849 there was get up in the Province
a movement W“ was somewhat formidable in the first instance, in (p. 90) favour
of what was called the annexation of Canada to the United States. An address
to the people of Canada bearing a large number of siwatures & advocating
this measure (the necessity of which was rested in part on the Withdrawal of the
commercial privileges formerly granted to the Colony by the Mother Country)
was printed & extensively circulated through the Province.—~ Though it was
the object of the Gov‘ both in Canada & in this country to act with the utmost
possible forbearance in the conviction that the excitement w“ subside, & that
those whose passions had for the moment betrayed them into (p. 91) very
objectionable proceedings were not really insensible to their duty as British
subjects; it was still considered necessary clearly to show that this forbearance
did not proceed from any disposition to yield to the intcmpcrate opposition
W“ had been given to the constituted authorities. Accordingly soon after the
riots in April, an address to the Gov’ had been carried in the Assembly
praying that the Gov‘ in consequence of these outrages & of the destruction of
the building in W“ the sittings of the Legislature had formerly been held, would
in future summon the Provincial (p. 92) Pearl” to met alternately at Toronto &

ELGI N -GEE’ Y PAPERS 1031

Quebec.—— When the intelligence reached this country of the renewal of distur-
bances in Montreal in August, a despatch was addressed to L‘ Elgin pointing
out that the existence of such a spirit of insubordination in that City rendered
it a very unfit for the seat of the Provincial Gov‘ & for the meeting of the
Legislature“ & on the 18”‘ of Nov‘ the Gov‘ reported in reply that after full
& anxious deliberation he had resolved on the (p. 93) advice of his Council
to act on the recommendation of the Assembly that the Legislature sh‘ sit altern-
ately at Toronto and Quebec, & with that View to summon the Provincial Parl‘
for the next Session at Toronto.“— The removal of the seat of Gov‘ from
Montreal which was decided upon in this deliberate & unimpassioned manner
was calculated to give a very useful lesson to the inhabitants not only of that
city, but of the Whole province, as to the natural consequences of acts of violence
& insubordination, to those who were guilty of them. About the same time that
this (p. 94) measure was decided upon the Governor caused a circular letter
to be addressed to all the persons holding commissions at the pleasure of the
Crown whose names had appeared amongst the signatures to the address to the
people of Canada recommending the annexation of the Province to the United
States, with the view of ascertaining whether their names had been attached to
that document with their own consent.—— Some of these letters were answered
in the negative, some in the aifermative, & others by denying the right of the
Government to put the (p. 95) question & declining to reply to it. Lord Elgin 22
resolved with the advice of the Executive Council to remove from such ofiices
as are held during the pleasure of the Crown the gentlemen who admitted the
genuineness of their signatures, & those who refused to disavow them.— In this
course we thought it right to support him & a despatch was addressed to him
conveying to him the Queens approval of his having dismissed from her service
those who had signed the address, & Her Majestys Commands (p. 96) to resist
to the utmost any attempt which might be made to bring about the separation
of Canada from the British dominions, to mark in the strongest manner Her
Majestys displeasure with all those who might directly or indirectly encourage
such a design, & to adopt legal proceedings against those whose conduct might
in the opinion of his legal advisers afford grounds for doing so.23 This policy
was attended with complete success. From the first the Governor had received
the decided & (p. 97) energetic support of the Great majority of the inhabitants
of the Province; & addresses in Great numbers to the Queen & to the Governor
were transmitted home from all parts of the Province condemning the riotous
proceedings at Montreal & expressing a strong determination to maintain the
connection between the Colony & the Mother Country; & by degrees both the
excitement which had been created & the Annexation movement died away,
the authors of that movement having apparently on cooler reflection (p. 98)
become ashamed of it. So completely has Lord Elgin recovered his proper
position & avoided in supporting the authority of the Crown assuming the
character of a political partisan, that he is now once more on perfectly good terms
with the principal men of all parties & in Montreal itself he met with a reception

2° m_’ote by Lord Grey.] See papers relating to the removal of the seat of Gov‘ & to the
Annexation movement in Canada presented to «both H508 of Panlt April 15- 1850
21 [Note by Lord Grey. See the above papers page 8
22 Note by Lord Grey. See the above papers 1). 10
23 ote by Lord G1’ey.l See the above papers Page 23

1032 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

not merely respectful but enthusiastically favourable from all classes of the
inhabitants when he visited that city, in the autumn of last year after having
attended a great railway meeting at Boston at which the President of the (p. 99)
United States was also present.“ At this moment the state of public feeling
throughout the Province is in the highest degree satisfactory, there are of course
those party divisions Wh must be expected to exist in all free governments, but
there has been a remarkable abatement of the former bitterness of party spirit
& still more so of the animosities arising from difference of national origin,
while there is every indication that all parties are becoming daily more sensible
of the advantages they derive from the form of their Gov“ (p. 100) and from
their connection with the British Empire»-* Nothing Seems to have contributed
more towards removing the feelings of alienation from each other of the inhabit~
ants of French & of British descent than the arrangement by which the seat of
Gov‘ & the sittings of the Legislature are fixed alternately at Toronto & Que~
bec;*25 this has brought the French Canadians into closer communication than
formerly with the inhabitants of the Western division of the Province, & an
increase of mutual (p. 101) esteem & respect & the removal of many prejudices
by which they were formerly divided have been the result of the two classes
becoming better acquainted with each other.—~

The improved * state of feeling generally is however perhaps principally *2“
to be attributed to the recovery of the commercial & industrial interests of the
Province from the depression under which they laboured for a time. I shall
almost immediately have to call your attention to the evidence which exists of
the present prosperity (p. 102) of Canada, but before doing so it is fit that I
should mention some of the matters relating to this Colony which during the last
six years have occupied the attention of its Goverm & Legislature. Within that
period questions of much importance have required consideration & notwith-
standing the degree to which during a part of the time public attention was
occupied & distracted by party disscnsions, useful legislation & measures of
improvement have been by no means neglected.—— The Provincial Parli at an
early period availed itself (p. 103) of the power granted to it by the Act of 1846 to
repeal the differential duties formerly imposed on imports from foreign countries
by Imperial Legislation, and Canada has new a tariff of duties levied for revenue
only & in such a Manner as to interfere as little as possible with the natural direc~
tion of capital & industry.— It has also passed laws extending & improving the
system of municipal organisation which is now very complete in the Western
division of the Province & is beginning to be brought into operation in the Eastern
(p. 104) division also. The district Councils have been assisted in adopting
effective measures for improving their means of communication both by ordinary
roads, & by railroads ;— of the former many have already been made, & steps have
been taken which there is every reason to believe will ensure the speedy construc-
tion of various important lines of railway. In the western division of the Province
an admirable system of general education has been brought by recent improve-
ments into complete & effective operation, & measures (p. 105) are in progress for
extending & improving in like manner the means of education in Eastern Canada.

9″This ends pages scored through.
25* *These words have been scored 1’.hrou.g-h.
2° * * These words have been scored through.

ELGI N -GIBE Y PAPERS 1033

In the years 1847 & 48 at the instance of the Local Gov‘ we recommended to the

Imperial Parl” the repeal of certain parts of the Act of Union wl‘ were considered

by the inhabitants of Canada to involve an improper restriction of the powers of
the Provincial Legislature to deal with their own local afTairs.—— Accordingly by

the Act of the 10″‘ & 11″’ of Victoria 0 71 the provisions in the Act of (p.106)

Union relating to the Civil list of Canada were repealed & Her Majesty was

enabled to give her assent to a Provincial Act to supply their place, so that the
whole expenditure of the Colony now takes place under the authority not of
Imperial but of Provincial LegisIation.— In the following year by the Act of the
11″‘ & 12“ of Vict Chap 56 other clauses of the Act of Union which required that
the English language only sh‘ be used in instruments relating to the Legislative
Council & Assembly were also repealed.——~ These (p. 108) measures were not of
very practical importance in themselves, but considerable consequence was
attached to them. by the inhabitants of Canada as a proof of the confidence of
the Imperial Gov‘ & Parl‘ & as removing the last traces of that distrust which
the insurrection had necessarily left behind it, & W“ was evinced in the clauses of
the Union Act now repealed.~—

Laws have also been passed for the protection both of the Province & of the
emigrants themselves from the evils W‘ more from the manner in which
emigration (p. 109) was formerly carried on. This subject is one of the highest
importance both to the Colony & to the Mother Country & has occupied a very
large share of public attention. In the year 1847 the arrival in the Colonies of
large numbers of Irish emigrants had been attended with great calamities, these
unhappy people flying from famine, flocked to every port that was open to them in
Noth America. The passage to the British provinces being at that time con-
siderably cheaper than that to the United States, the poorest and most destitute
of the starving multitude made the (p. 110) former their destination. Neither
the Imperial Passengers Act then in force, nor the Colonial laws were calculated
to meet such an emergency, the regulations imposed by the former as to the
number of persons to be embarked in a given space, as to the accomodation to be
afforded, & the precautions to be taken on board emigrant ships, though they had
sufliced under other circumstances proved altogether inadequate when such vast
numbers of emigrants were striving to escape from starvation, (p. 111) many of
them carrying with them the seeds of disease from the sufferings they had already
undergone.—— The consequence was that a frightful fever broke out in the
emigrant ships & in the quarantine stations where the emigrants were landed in
the Colonies, & especially in the St Lawrence, & the mortality which in former
years had been only at the rate of about 5 in every 1000 emigrants was encreased
eleven fold & there were no less than 55 deaths in the Same number of pas-
sengers.— The Colonial (p. 112) Gov‘ & members of the Medical and Clerical
professions made the most strenuous and laudable efforts for the relief of the
crowds of miserable beings thrown upon their care by the airival of the
Emigrant Ships. Every arrangement which the limited means that were avail-
able rendered practicable was made for the reception of the emigrants & for
supplying their Wants & relieving their sufferings. “The Colonial Gov‘ incurred
in the measures adopted for this purpose, an expenditure of no less than

1034 ELGIN -GEE Y PAPERS

£ *27 (p. 113) while several of the medical men & clergy of different per-
suasion, fell victims to their humane exertions and died of the fever which they
caught in attending to the emigrants, whose sufierings in spite of all that could be
done for them, were of the most heart-rending description. It was obviously
necessary to take precautions against the recurrence of such calamities, accord-
ingly a temporary act for the regulation of emigrant ships to North America was
passed by Parl” early in the Session of 1848 to afford time (p. 114) for full con-
sideration of a permanent Law which has since been passed.—— An application was
also made to Parl‘ to relieve the N American Colonies from the heavy expense
incurred by them in the relief of emigrants and a sum of no less than :t‘ was
voted for the purpose:-— In Canada (& a. similar course was adopted in the other
N American Colonies) a local act was passed on suggestions contained in a
despatch which I addressed to Lord EIgin.—— The principal objects (p. 115) of
this act were to provide for the expenditure to be incurred by the Colony on
acct of emigration by an encrease of the emigration Tax already levied, & at
the same time to make it the interest of owners & masters of ships to take all
the precautions in their power against disease by augmenting the tax in cases
where there should be such sickness on board ships as to render it necessary
to prolong their detention in quarantine. There were also other stringent re—
gulations to meet the most serious (p. 116) of the evils which had arisen.—- These
measures were attended with complete success, there has been no recurrence of
the calamities of 1847 & the severity of the restrictions judiciously imposed by the
Legislature in the first instance has been relaxed as experience has shewn that
this might safely be done, while at the same time effective arrangements are made
for the protection of ignorant emigrants from the heartless & cruel frauds to
which in New York they are too often exposed. (p 117) I cannot leave this subject
without reminding you. that in the midst of the alarm & distress of the Irish
famine of 1847, we were most urgently pressed to take measures for enereasing
the tide of emigration by applying to Parlt for a Grant of money to promote it,
& that it was not without considerable dilficulty that we were able to resist the
very general wish that was expressed that something of this kind sh‘ be attempted.
We were however so strongly convinced that it W“ be utterly impossible for the
Gov‘ to interfere directly in transferring the distressed population (p. 118) of
Ireland to the other side of the Atlantic without doing far more harm than good
& without giving rise to great abuses, that we steadily refused to engage in such
an undertaking.— We were persuaded that the efleet of any interference by the
Gov‘ in the manner which was desired would have been to paralise the exertions
of individuals, by which alone so vast a, movement of the population as was
required & was in progress could be safely accomplished. Had the Gov‘ under~
taken the removal of the distressed inhabitants of Ireland (p. 119) it would have
brought upon itself a responsibility of the most formidable kind both as to the
selection of those who sh‘ be allowed to emigrate at the public expense, & as to the
arrangements to be made for providing for them on their arrival.- If the most
destitute and helpless had been taken (which W‘ have been requisite for the relief
of Ireland) the evil which w“ thus have been inflicted on the places to which they

27 * «  ».UJ1is sentence has been scored through. « Adopted ” has been written in the margin.
See below 1;. 1051.

ELGIN —G’RE Y PAPERS 1035

were Sent would have been so great that there can be no doubt that the United
States would immediately have (p. 120) availed themselves of their right as an
independent nation to take measures for their own protection & w“ have passed
laws effectually preventing a destitute multitude from being cast, uuprovided for,
on their shores. The Colonies W‘ have claimed, on such irrestible grounds of
justice to be allowed to adopt similar measures that they c‘ not have been refused
permission to do so, Without producing an alienation of their afiections which must
have been fatal to the continuance of the authority of the British (p. 121)
Orown.—~ As it was, there were great complaints as to the description of emigrants
that went to the North American Colonies & it was only by showing that the
Gov‘ had neither the power nor the right to interfere as to the selection of
emigrants that these Complaints were met?-3 If the emigrants had been sent out
by the Gov‘ it would also have been universally felt that the Gov‘ could not pos-
sibly repudiate its responsibility for providing for them on their arrival (p. 122)
in the Colonies & the experience of what occurred in Ireland during the famine
but too clearly shows how readily the multitude of absolutely destitute emigrants
who in the year 1847 reached the shores of America W“ have thrown themselves
upon the public had it been possible for them to do so.-~ Nothing but the pressure
of absolute necessity would have compelled them to make the exertions & submit
to the hardships by which they were in fact provided for. Nor is it to be lost
sight of that if utterly destitute labourers (p. 123) arrive in such a Country as
Canada in greater numbers than can be provided for by the existing demand
for labour they must be exposed to quite as much distress & there will be quite
as much difficulty in maintaining them for a time at least, as if they remained at
home. In a. new country where additional land is continually being reclaimed
from the Wilderness, it is impossible to assign a limit to the number of labourers
who may be received with advantage if they are really industrious, & arrive in
due succession, because (p. 124) the labourers of one year become the employers
of labour of a few years later, but those who arrive without capital to enable
them to settle, & who cannot find employment, are exposed to still more hopeless
destitution than at home. It is a destitution also which it is even more diflicult to
relieve.;— It has been clearly proved by experience that without incurring an
expense far beyond what could be justified by the object in view, it is im-
practicable for the State to undertake to provide in a. Colony, any more than at
home, employment for large (p. 125) numbers of labourers, & that it is still more
impossible to furnish to such labourers capital to enable them to become settlers.
—Hence we judged it to be our duty to confine the measures we adopted on the
subject of emigration to those which had for their object to enable individual
proprietors or Poor law Unions under certain restrictions to send out emigrants,
to guard against abuses which experience had shown to be likely to arise, & to
facilitate the distribution on the other side of the Atlantic of those Who arrived
seeking work, to the places (p. 126) where they could most easily find it.

We were anxious also to have adopted measures indirectly to encourage
emigration by providing for «the more regular settlement of the unoccupied lands
of the Colonies & thus encreasing the demand for labour, but the opinion of all the

_ 33 [Note by Lord Grey.l See report of the Colonial Land and Emigration Comm » enclosed
in the despatch of Dec’ 1-4847 already quoted.

1036 ELGIN—G1€EY PAPERS

local authorities was so adverse to the plans of this kind W“ were suggested, that
none of them were carried into effect.~—~
The result has shown the soundness of the views upon which we acted;
without any interference on the part of the Gov‘ & without any (p. 127) expense
to the public, the tide of Emigration has now set so strongly from Ireland to
America, that many persons are beginning to fear that the drain of the popula-
tion instead of being insuflicient will be too great. This I see no reason for
apprehending, but with the present facilities for communication I believe that
the drain will continue till the great disparity between the value of labour in
Ireland & on the other side of the Atlantic shall be put an end to, & till the
wages paid in Ireland shall be such as to afiord a comfortable (p. 128) subsist-
ence to the labourer. There is every reason for desiring that till this has been
accomplished, emigration should continue to go on at its present rate, or even
more rapidly, & on the other hand it can hardly be doubted that as this alteration
in the relative value of labour takes place, emigration will reach its natural
limit & will gradually decline. It is a remarkable circumstance in the present
emigration from Ireland that it is effected not only Without charge to the public
revenue, but with comparatively little demand upon the private means of
individuals (19. 129) in the United Kingdom.——The Emigration Comm » have
ascertained that the remittances made by former emigrants to their friends &
relations in this country amounted in the course of last year to very nearly a
million of money taking into account only those reinittances W” are made by
channels which admit of their being traced & without reckoning the sums sent by
private hands or other means of w” it is known that the aggregate amount must
be very large, though individually the sums so sent are usually small.——- The
money thus transmitted from the (p. 130) United States & from the British
Colonies is chiefly for the purpose of assisting those to Whom it is Sent, to
emigrate, & it is now a common practice for several friends or relations in Ireland
to club their means, so as to enable one or more of their number to emigrate, &
the individuals so sent save out of their wages what is necessary -to carry out
the rest in succession.——— The able bodied son or husband frequently emigratcs
in the first instance, & then remits to his wife or parents the means of joining
him in America, & it has been clearly ascertained that of late (p. 131) years the
great majority of Irish Emigrants who have landed at New York or in Canada
have been proceeding to join their friends or relations who had preceded them.
It is highly to the credit of the Irish national character that there should exist
so generally amongst the lowest classes of the population such strong feelings
of family affection & such fidelity & firmness of purpose as are implied by the
great extent to which this mode of conducting emigration has been carried.~« The
result of leaving (p. 132) emigration to proceed spontaneously has thus been to
effect a transfer of population from one side of the Atlantic to the other to an
extent far beyond what could have been thought of, if it had been accomplished
by the direct agency of the state, & at the same time avoiding the enormous
expense & the abuses wk could not have been avoided had such an operation even
upon a comparatively small scale been carried on at the public expense by any
machinery wl‘ could have been devised; but it has been objected that though
these advantages of the policy (p. 133) which has been pursued cannot be

.o…_ _.

.1»

« )“’T » »: »‘

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1037

denied, they are to a great extent counterbalanced by the fact that under this
system the Greater part of the emigrants from the United Kingdom instead of
encreasing the population & wealth of British Colonies have gone to promote the
progress of the United States. If the United States were to be regarded as a
hostile power the force of this objection c“ not be denied, but their interests are
now so intimately (p. 134) bound up with our own, that the emigrants from our
shores in advancing the progress of the United States in wealth and popularity
are in cifect contributing to promote British trade and British prosperity
*hardly less effectually than if they had gone to our own colonies* 2″—~ Canada
also it must be remembered has in proportion to her previous population and to
her means of employment, received full as many if not more of the Emigrants
from the United Kingdom than the neighbouring republic——(p. 135}

I shall have to make some further observations with regard to emigration when
I come to speak of the Australian colonies, but for the present I must revert to
the affairs of Canada with reference to which there still remain two or three
matters which it is proper for me to mention. Of these I will first notice the
endeavours which have been made to place the commercial intercourse between
Canada and the United States on a more satisfactory footing— The Parliament
of Canada having availed itself (p. 136) of the authority granted to it by the
Act of 1846 to repeal the differential duties formerly levied on imports from
Foreign Countries, the merchants and manufacturers of the United States have
now had for some time as free access as those of this country to the markets of
Canada, while the agricultural produce of those States has also as it is well
known been allowed to compete upon equal terms with that of the Colony in the
British market. In these circumstances the inhabitants of Canada have naturally
felt it as a great grievance that their own agricultural produce should (p. 137)
not be admissible for Consumption into the United States except on the Payment
of what is practically a prohibitory duty.—— It has therefore for the last 4 or 5
years been an object sought with great earnestness by the inhabitants of Canada
and the other British Provinces, that an arrangement should be concluded with
the United States for allowing a reciprocally free trade between those States and
the British dominions in North America —— in agricultural produce and a few
other articles—-«(p. 138) In order to effect this object Negotiations have been
carried on with the United States Government but though no pains have been
spared by the British minister at Washington with the assistance of Gentlemen
deputed for that purpose by the Provincial Governments, in endeavouring to
induce the Government of the United States to make a concession which is
manifestly one which in all fairness this Country is entitled to ask, hithertoo
the efforts made to obtain it have been fruitless— It is not surprising that this
refusal of the United States to meet the just expectations of the people of
Canada should have excited among the (pl 139) latter a strong disposition to
enforce retaliatory restrictions on the trade carried on between themselves and
their neighbours, and I consider it ‘L0 be by no means one of the smallest services
which it was in our power to render to the Colony while we were entrusted with
the direction of affairs, that we succeeded in preventing the adoption of any

29* “These words have been scored through.

“Adopted” has been written in the margin.
See below, p. 1051, .

1038 ELGIN-GEE Y PAPERS

measures of this kind, not by a direct and formal refusal to Sanction them, but
by unoflicially discouraging their being brought forward~—— Though the restric~
tions upon Canadian (p. 140)“ commerce which are still maintained by the
United States are marked by a spirit of selfish unfairness far from creditable to
the republic, or rather to those by Whose influence in its councils they are kept
in force, nothing I think can be more clear than that they are infinitely more
injurious to the United States themselves than to Canada, and that on the other
hand the consequences of any retaliatory measures to which Canada might be
provoked to have recourse, would fall chiefly on herself—— It is of the exclusion
of their agricultural produce and particularly of their wheat from consumption
in the United States (p. 140) 30 that the Canadians principally complain, and as
wheat is at times clearer in the adjoining States of the Union than in the Province,
the Canadian farmer is no doubt a loser by the restriction to the extent of this
difi »erence of price whatever it may be. But as the United States are upon the
whole exporters of agricultural produce, and most probably for very many years
to come must continue to be so, it is certain that the price of corn in their own
markets must in general be regulated by that which they can obtain for the
(p, 141) Surplus they export in the foreign market in which they meet the
Canadian produce on equal terms, hence it is impossible that the price of corn
in the Union can be kept for any length of time much higher than it is in Canada,
and the loss to the Canadian farmer from being deprived of this additional
market must be comparatively trifling. The injury to the United States them-
selves from the restriction is by no means so trifling.~— Since the completion of
the St. Lawrence canals and the repeal of our Navigation Laws, Canada is
(p. 142) becoming a formidable rival to the United States in the great trade
which is carried on in the export of flour to the various markets of the world
which draw their Supplies from the fertile lands of Western America.— Of the
two lines of communication between the great lakes and the sea, the one by the
St. Lawrence to Quebec, the other by the Erie Canal to New York, the former
possesses the great advantage of not requiring any transhipment of goods and
produce between the most remote of the Western lake ports and the seas, (p. 148)
and also of admitting of the use of much larger vessels than can be employed in
the Erie canal.—~ The consequence is that a very great saving both of time and
of money can be effected by the use of this line in bringing produce from the
West, to the port of shipment, and also in Sending the various goods required
for consumption in the interior from the Seaport to the place of their destina-
tion.—— New York has a countervailing advantage over Quebec and Montreal in
the lower rate of freight to the European and other principal markets of the
world, but since the repeal of (p. 144) the Navigation laws and the opening of
the Canadian ports to the flags of all nations, this advantage has been greatly
reduced, and there is every reason to believe that the trade between the far west
and the principal ports of the world will be most cheaply carried on through
the St Lawrence. This being the case it is clear that a competition is just
beginning which promises to be a very Severe one on the part of the Canadian
ports with New York for the enormous trade which is already carried on and is
daily encreasing in -the exchange of the Surplus (p. 145) agricultural produce of

3° There are two pages marked “i140.”

I ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1039

, .— » »“ »‘. » ~..:‘._ »”..;:w“’“*~– ‘-

,,«.Ta‘-<):«§-“*>,”-+’»‘*‘*~v’*‘;r

the industrious Settlers on the lands washed by the great American Lakes; for
the various Supplies which they require.-~ In this exciting competition it is
obvious that the Canadian miller and merchant must be directly assisted by
the maintenance on the part of the United States of restriction on the import of
Canadian wheat, Since if these restrictions have any effect at all they must tend
to keep the price of wheat in the United States at a higher level than in the
adjoining Provinces, and in so close a race a very slight clifiference may be
material in determining which of the rivals for the trade shall be able to Supply
the foreign consumer on -the easiest terms. If it were possible that the law of

i the (p. 146) United States could succeed in its objectand maintain a rate of

prices in the republic materially higher than in Canada, the effect of this would

probably be that in no long time a large part of the trade in flour from New

York to Europe, to Cuba and to Brazil would be transferred to Canada, and that

the manufactured goods, the sugar and other supplies required in return by the

settlers in -the West would be conveyed to them by the same route. So clear

does it seem to me that this is the tendency of the existing restrictions on the

importation of the Agricultural produce of Canada into the United States, that

in the interest of the former I should wish these restrictions to be maintained

for a few years (p. 147) until her trade with the West can be thoroughly estab-

lished, were it not that I have unlimited faith in the general rule that in every

case the removal of restrictions upon the freedom of trade is certain to be
attended with advantage to all whom those restrictions affect.»- Looking at the
subject in this light, I believe that the true policy for this country\and for
Canada to pursue would be’to abstain from any further negotiation or com—
munication whatever with the United States, respecting the duties imposed by
them on Canadian produce, leaving them to deal with the question as they may
think best for their own interest, and not allowing their decision to have any
influence in regulating the Canadian (p. 148) tariff which should be determined
solely by a consideration of what rates of duty on different articles of import
may be best calculated to raise the revenue required for the public service, with
the least pressure upon the community, and the least diversion of capital and
industry from their natural channels.— Perhaps it is hardly to be expected that
the people of Canada should acquiesce in adopting a policy so different from
that which nations have hitherto almost universally agreed in following—-« but
at all events it is earnestly to be hoped that the Provincial Parliament will be
wise enough to abstain from any legislation of a retaliatory character——(p. 149)
To exclude the United States from the markets of Canada because they are So
injudicious as not to admit Canadian produce to their own market would on the
part of Canada be Simply to punish herself for the faults of her neighbour, and
to deprive herself of the advantages of the trade she now carries on, because
she is not allowed to carry on a still larger one— The Canadian consumer only
purchases goods imported from the United States because he finds that they
cost him less than Similar goods obtained from any other quarter, and there
surely would be no sense in taking from him this advantage because the Govern-
ment of the United States will not in other cases allow (p. 150) their own people
to purchase from Canada what could be most cheaply obtained there—— I have
entered into this question further than I should otherwise have done, because it

1040 ELGI N —GREY PAPERS

involves a general principle to which I attach the highest importance, and also
because it affords an example which proves that without depriving the Colonies
of the full enjoyment of political liberty and of the right of managing their own
affairs, the Government of this country does possess the means of exercising a
powerful influence over their Councils, and that the connexion of the various
parts of (p. 151) the British Empire with each other need not be rendered so
merely nominal as Some persons Suppose by the abstinence of the Mother
country from exerting an imperious control over her dependencies. There can
be no doubt that a Government acting upon opposite views of commercial policy
from those which with the Support of Parliament your administration main~
tained, would have led Canada into the adoption of measures of retaliation
against the United States for their restrictions in her commerce, and as I have
Said I believe that we have rendered no slight Service to the Colony and to
the Empire (p. 152) by giving a different direction to her policy. Another
question which has lately much occupied public attention in Canada is that
relating to the Clergy resorves.—-* It is well known that by the Canada Act of
1791 one seventh of the ungranted lands of the Colony were set apart for the
support of a protestant clergy.*31- For many years this provision had excited
much discontent in both Upper and Lower Canada but especially in the former,
and in 1840 when the provinces were united it was enacted by Parliament that
these lands should be sold and the proceeds (p. 153) applied in certain propor-
tions to the endowment of the Clergy of different denominations, those of -the
national Churches of England and Scotland having a share far exceeding that
which would have been assigned to them had the division been regulated by the
number of members of the Several Churches.—— I regretted this arrangement at
the time it was made, fearing that from the opinions prevailing in Canada it
would not long be acquiesced in as a permanent Settlement of the question.
This anticipation has proved correct, it was found impossible to prevent (p. 154)
the subject from being again agitated in the Province, and in the year 1850 an
address to the Queen was voted by the House of Assembly praying that Her
Majesty would recommend to Parliament a measure for the repeal of the
Imperial Act of the 3″ & 4”‘ of Vict. ch. 78, and for enabling the Canadian
Legislature to dispose of the proceeds of the Clergy Reserves subject to the
condition of Securing to the existing holders for their lives the stipends to which
they were then entitled.—— This address was answered by a (p. 155) despatch
to Lord Elgin W” he was instructed to lay before the H5” of the Provincial
Parl‘ & in which he was informed that it had appeared to Her Majestys Gov” on
mature deliberation that the desire expressed by the Assembly ought to be
acceded to, and that a recommendation would be made to Parlt accordingly;
He was told that “in coming to this conclusion Her Majestys Gov‘ have been
mainly influenced by the consideration that great as in their judgment would
be the advantages w’‘ w‘ result from leaving undisturbed the existing arrange-
inent by W‘‘ a certain portion of the public lands (p. 156) of Canada are made
available for the purpose of creating a fund for the religious instruction of the
inhabitants of the province, still the question whether that arrangement is to
be maintained is one so exclusively affecting the people of Canada that its

51″ “‘T.hese words have been scored through. “Adopted” has been written in the margin.

I

l

*\7-I-sisj-6:~:—-T‘,.:;.__< gt”
J/4 4 V’ t ‘ } -C

ELGI N —GRE Y PAPERS 1041

decision ought not to be withdrawn from the Provincial Legislature to which it
properly belongs to regulate all matters concerning the domestic interests of the
Province” It would have been impossible in conformity with the principles
which I have endeavoured in the beginning of this letter to explain, as those on
which our whole Colonial Policy was founded (p. 157) to come to any other
decision, & it shows in my opinion the advantage of acting on those principles
& of confining the exercise of the authority of the Imperial Gov‘ to cases really
calling for it, that the Local Legislature in this instance was induced to abstain
from attempting to carry measures to which the Crown could not have been
advised to assent, only_by the confidence entertained that no attempt would be
made to over rule the wishes of the people of Canada in a matter of purely
domestic interest, provided that their representatives showed due respect for
(p. 158) the h_onor of the Crown & the authority of the Imperial Parl*— There
were not wanting in the Assembly, members who urged that the vested interests
of those actually in the receipt of incomes from the fund with which it was
proposed to deal sh“ be disregarded, & that with‘ waiting for the repeal of the
Imperial Act, the Local Legislature sh“ proceed at once to alter the arrangement
resting on its authority, but fortunately the Assembly listened to the more
moderate Oounsels of those who urged that to give the Royal assent to an Act
depriving (p. 159) existing encumbents of their incomes w » be regarded by the
advisers of the Crown as inconsistent with its honor, & w » therefore be refused,
& that to pass, with* express authority for doing so, a Provincial Act for the pur-
pose of altering the provisions of an Act of the Imperial Perl‘, w“ be to assume
for the local Legislature a power with which the Constitution does not invest
it.~— From the tone of the debates which took place it is I think clearly to be
inferred that this judicious advice was made to prevail in the Assembly only by
the belief which was generally entertained that the principles W” had of late been
observed in the exercise of the authority of the Imperial Gov‘ in (p. 160) the
Province, made it certain that by taking the course wh was adopted, & limiting
its demands in the manner it did, the Local Legislature w“ be sure to obtain
what it asked for. I must not omit also to mention that in the discussions on
this subject on which the popular passions had been a good deal excited, the
French Canadians, though it was the interests of the Protestant Churches that
were at stake, were generally on the side of respecting vested interests and the
authority of the Imperial Parliament, — (p. 161) an additional proof of the
good effects produced by treating them with confidence & kindness.

I have only further to add upon this subject that it had been our intention
to have brought under the consideration of Perl‘ in the Session of 1851 a bill for
carrying into efifect what we had promised, but circumstances arose which pre-
vented our doing so. We had reason to doubt the passing of such a bill through
the H“ of Lords unless it had the recommendation of having been previously
passed by a large majority of the House of Commons, we therefore thought it
expedient to defer the consideration (p. 162) of the subject until it c“ be brought
before the latter branch of the Legislature, & the attention of that House was
so long occupied by matters which could not be postponed, that there was no
opportunity of submitting to it the intended bill until it was too late in the
Session to proceed with the measure with any prospect of success, The bill was

D337—8fl

1042 ELGIN —G’RE Y PAPERS

therefore postponed till the present year, & was to have been proposed to the
H » of Commons in a few days, when the division took place which led to the
breaking up of your Administration. (p. 163) In practically recognising by the
course we adopted on the various matters to which I have adverted the claim of
the Canadians to exercise the powers of Self Government, wedid not lose sight
of the views I have stated in the preliminary part of this letter, as to the
corresponding duties which the exercise of the powers of Self Government imposes
upon the Colonial dependencies of the Empire, & as to the propriety of their
relieving the Imperial Treasury from a part of the charges it has been subject to
on their account. The manner in which we proposed to (p. 164) act upon
these views will be best explained by an extract from a despatch w” was addressed
to Lord Elgin in the Spring of last year in reply to one in which he had sent
home an elaborate minute by his Executive Council on the Finances of the
Colony.— This minute was founded on certain reports presented to the Assembly
in its previous session by a Corn” W” had been appointed to enquire into the
public income and expenditure of the Province.—- Amongst other proposals for
(p. 165) saving expense :1 reduction of the Salary attached to the ofiice of
Governor General had been brought under consideration, and with reference to
this Suggestion we thought it advisable to explain fully to Lord Elgin for the
information of his Council and of the Canadian Parliament the changes which
the altered! State of their relations in other respects Seemed to render expedient
in the pecuniary arrangements between the Provinces and thc Mother Country
—- The instructions Sent to Lord Elgin upon this (p. 166) Subject were so
important that I must quote them at length, they were as fol1ows- “That

‘portion (here insert from the beginning of Paragraph 4, page 11, of the despatch

to the end 32) :-— Our retirement from Olificc took place before these instructions
could be fully acted upon;— the demand upon Canada that she should take
upon herself a larger share than heretofore of the charges incurred (p. 167) on
her account was intended to be coupled with an application to Parliament not
only to provide for the Salary of the Governor General but also to give the
assistance of the credit of the British Treasury towards the execution of the
projected line of railway for connecting together the British Provinces in North
Ar.ncrica.– Tho final result of the communicastions between the Several Provinces
on this last Subject was not received until we had ceased. to be the advisers of
the Crown, and till it was So we were not in a Situation to bring the question
under the consideration (p. 168) of Parliament, I will therefore Say nothing
farther with respect to it except that I learnt with the deepest regret that the
scheme for the execution of the projected railway to which the three provinces
had with much difficulty been brought to agree had not met with the approbation
of our Succcssors.— Without however waiting for the time when the whole of
the proposed arrangement would be Submitted to Parliament, We had already
for Some time been taking measures for largely reducing the expenditure of this
country in Canada; With this (p. 169) view a local corps of Cavalry which had
been employed in the province was discontinued, and a further reduction of the
regular force stationed in the Province than” that which we had previously

32 [Note ‘by Lord Gr6y.l, See des1:atcl1_ to Lord Elgin of the 14“ of March 1851 in the
gtpers I-elat1n_ to the N11 List and M1l1tflT¥ Expenditure in Canada. presented to both
ouses of Par iament by command on the 8″‘ 0 April 1851.
33 This word has been added in pencil.

.3. -r*— ~z—<,—————~._._..‘

—-.-…_._..;.

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1043

made was ordered in the beginning of this year and has I believe since our retire—
ment been carried into effect, steps having been at the Same time taken to enrol
and settle upon land in Such a manner that their services may quickly be
obtained when wanted, a considerable number of pensioners from the Army.-

A plan which we forrned“ under consideration (p. 170) when we came into
office for building barracks for the troops in Canada, and which if I remember
right was to have cost not far short of a million of money was abandoned,
and instead of this the Provincial Government was called upon to provide
accommodation for the troops which it appeared to that Government desirable
to retain in other places than the fortified posts, and in this manner quarters
were provided for a regiment at Montreal.—- The Provincial Government was
also called upon to defray the expense of moving (p. 171) detachments of
troops when they were required in aid of the civil power.- An arrangement
had also been made for immediately reducing & altogether stopping at the
end of 5 years the expense on account of what is called the Indian depart-
ment in Canada which had hitherto cost this country between 13 & 14: 000£ a
year.— I have not the means of asce1’tu.inii1g what is the total saving to the
British Treasury thus effected but it must amount to a very considerable sum.——
With regard to Canada it now only remains that I sh“ sum up (p. 172) in a few
words the results of the course of policy which I have described— —In the pre-
ceding pages I have shewn that within the last few years there has been a most
gratifying improvement in the state of political affairs & of public feeling in the
Province; that the affections of a large part of the population which had been
alienated had been regained, & that all classes new evince an ardent attachment
to the British Crown & to the institutions under which they live; that the hateful
animosities & rancour created by civil (p. 173) war & differences of national
origin have” disappeared, & that the party divisions wl‘ still remain are not

‘ greater than those which are to be found under other free governments; that a

system of constitutional government copied from our own, has been firmly
established & is universally acquiesced in, While its principles are now gen-
erally understood & appreciated; & that the best evidence of the successful
working of this system of Gov” has been afforded by the passing of a variety of
useful laws all tending to promote the welfare (p. 174) of the people and the
progress of society. Nor has the improvement been less marked or less rapid
in what relates to the material interests of the ,l?rovince.——— The temporary
diificulties occasioned by a sudden change in the Commercial policy of the
Empire having passed away, the removal of restrictions & regulations by which
the industry of the Province was hampered, or diverted into artificial channels,
has produced its natural effects, & the trade & agriculture of Canada have risen
from their depression to a prosperity (p. 175) which is both greater than that
which they formerly enjoyed, & also far more secure, since it does not depend
upon any monopoly or partial advantages granted to them in the British market,
but is the result of exertion & enterprise called forth by the wholesome stimulus
of competition. The most striking evidence of the degree to which Canada is
now prospering is afforded by the state of her finances & her public credit.-

“This word has been chap ed to “found.”
55 The word “nearly” has een added.

9337~65Q

1044 ELGI N —GREY PAPERS

When we were appointed to ofliice in July 1846 we found Canada in a situation
of some financial difliculty, (p. 176) the large expenditure occasioned by her
great public works, though I believe very wisely incurred, had for the moment
pressed heavily on her resources, & a member of the then Provincial Administra-
tion (M‘ Cayley) who had come to England for the purpose of endeavouring to
raise money to meet some pressing demands on the Colonial Treasury, expe-
rienced the Greatest diliiculty in disposing of the 6 per cent debentures of the
Province, though the state of the English money (p. 177) market was still by
no means unfavourable, & if I remember right no large amount of these deben-
tures could be sold even at a price somewhat below par.-— In the present year
M‘ Hincks who now fills the office formerly held by M‘ Cayley has been in this
country, & it has been his duty, as it had been that of his predecessor, to raise
money for the Provincial Government, but so greatly has its credit improved
that no difficulty whatever has been experienced in procuring all that was
required, & I believe the 6 per cent debentures W1‘ (p. 178) could not formerly be
disposed of at par, have easily commanded 9. price of 115.

The revenue, the income derived from the tolls on the canals, & the trade
of the Province as shown by the amount of exports & of imports have all
encreased“ with extraordinary rapidity, & the indications of prosperity & of
rapid progress which are every where to be seen are such as to strike the most
careless observer.— The advance of the Colony (p. 179) has been most rapid
during the last 3 years, but I think it right to add that its progress from very
small beginning, during the whole time it has formed part of the British Empire
has been most unjustly depreciated, & though it has been a sort of fashion to
draw an unfavourable comparison between Canada & the flourishing republic
of which she is the neighbour, careful enquiry has recently shown that far from
its being true that Canada has anything to fear from such a comparison, it is
one which if fairly (p. 180) made is greatly to her advantage.— She has ad-
vanced & is advancing even more rapidly than her republican neighbour, in
population, in wealth & in general commerce. I do not wish to encumber this
letter with unnecessary statistics, I therefore abstain from going into the details,
which would support what I have asserted & instead of doing so will refer you
to the exceedingly able lectures delivered in March last at Toronto, by the
Rev“ Adam Lillie & published in the (p. 181) Journal of Education of Upper
Canada.—— In these lectures it is demonstrated by a minute comparison of the
statistics of Canada & of the most flourishing States of the Union, that the rate
of advance has been decidedly more rapid in the former than in the latter.—-
I would add that the opinion of an impartial & most intelligent observer who
has in the course of the present year published a highly interesting volume
giving an account of the impression made upon his mind by what he observed
during a short tour (13. 182) in the United States & in Canada, is still more
decidedly in favour of the latter.——7 I allude to M‘ TreInenheer37 who in his
“Notes on public subjects in the United States & in Canada” has shown that the
Canadians are far from having any reason to envy their neighbours with res-
pect either to their progress in wealth & material prosperity, or to what is of

‘ 35 [Note by Lord Gre .l I subjoin some statements showing the extent of the encrease
which has taken place. In pencil) N. B. the figures to be ad ed.
37_.H. S. Trcmenheere, Notes on Public Subjects made during a tour in the United States
‘and m Canada, (London: 1852).

ELG’IN—GREY PAPERS 1045

still higher interest, the degree to which they are in the enjoyment of all the
blessings of freedom & good government, & their comparative exemption from
those abuses from (p. 183) which no human institutions can be entirely free.—-
I believe you are acquainted with this very interesting volume, if not I cannot
better conclude these remarks on the affairs of Canada than by recommending
it to your notice.———

(Original MS)

Qonsno .. oct. 8 1852.

MY DEAR GREY,

Your letter of the 28” Aug‘ with the accompanying manuscript, transmitted
through the Colonial Office, reached me only on Saturday last. I have read
with much attention and interest the account you give of events in Canada
during the last 6 years. It is in many respects very gratifying to me. At the
same time I cannot help feeling that a confidential Minister of the Crown
undertakes the task in which you are now engaged under great disadvantages.
Persons into whose hands a statement such as that which you are about to
furnish to the Public, falls, take it up with the impression that they will find
in it the Whole strength of the writer’s case, the most favorable view that can
be presented of the transactions in which he has been engaged, and reasons for
what has been done of a secret or confidential character which could not in the
ordinary course of oiiieial business have transpired— Now you know how falla-
cious such expectations must necessarily prove—— No man in the British Empire
writes under greater constraint than you do with respect to the transactions
of the last few years in which you have been the prominent and responsible
actor, a constraint imposed on you partly by y‘ confidential relation to the
Crown, and partly « by the natural and honorable desire to avoid the risk of
reviving passions which passing events may have stirred, and which time or
altered circumstances may be beginning to allay. I feel all this so strongly, and
I am so confident that your colonial policy will find it’s best and surest justifi-
cation in the prosperity of the Colonies, and in the adoption by your successors
of your views and measures, that I have great difliculty, I own, in reconciling
myself to the step which you are taking, in volunteering what the public will, I
think, accept as your vindication or defense. However, I have no doubt that
all these considerations have presented themselves to your own mind already,
and that they have been weighed in the balance and found wanting—— You will
pardon me, I trust, for making remarks which are prompted solely by an anxiety
lest you should do anything in this matter which you may afterwards regret.

The views which I have, presuming on your kindness, taken the liberty of
so frankly stating, apply, as it appears to me, with especial force to Canadian
afI”airs—— On the one hand, the benefits that this community and every individual
comprised in it are desiring from a policy, which, by establishing the constitution
of the Colony on a rational and intelligible basis has suffered energies that were
formerly exhausted in party conflicts to direct themselves towards the promotion
of the material interests of the Province, are so palpable, that the most pre-
judiced are constrained to admit their existence; and this, observe, is an argu-

1046 ELGIN—GREY PAPERS

ment from facts in favor of your policy which will only recieve a more signal
illustration if attempts be made to reverse it. While, on the other, reasons of
State, and a desire to heal old sores, the healing of which is essential to the
complete success of the policy itself, combine to impose silence upon us with
respect to many circumstances which would form, if we could bring them to
light, the most conclusive vindication of those parts of it which may seem
obscure or questionable. Take for example the Rebellion Losses Bill, that
measure to which an importance so disproportionate has been attached in the
recent history of our afiairs only because the British Public bestows no attention
upon us except at seasons of agitation— Can you set forth unreservedly the
arguments by which it may be demonstrated that that measure was at once
perfectly justifiable in a moral point of view, and commanded, at the time at
which it was mooted by my Gov‘, by imperative political necessity? Can you
do full justice to our case without provoking controversies which had better be
avoided? And yet, when you write, does not the public believe that it is reading
the most favorable version of the transactions narrated by you which it is in
your power to furnish?

But before I proceed further in illustration of this point, permit me to make
one preliminary observation~—- It is, I believe, the generally recieved opinion
in England, and I fear that y’ statement as it now stands might in some degree
go to confirm it, that the essential distinction between the policy of Lord Met-
oalfe acting under Lord Stanley’s directions, and mine while I acted under
your’s, consisted in the fact, that while it was repugnant to his sense of right to
extend the favor of the Crown to persons who had been coinproniised in the
rebellion, I have felt no such scruples. Now this opinion is in a great degree
founded on misconception, and it has powerfully contributed to stir a popular
prejudice against me— The fact is that Lord Metcalfe had no such repugnance
as has been supposed to the employment of persons who had been implicated

in the Rebellion—— He was quite as much satisfied as I am of the necessity of .

burying the events of 1839 in oblivion~— When I came to the Province M. Viger
was President of the Executive Council. Papineau had received his arrears. &
his family were enjoying the lion’s share of the good things of oflice—~ The
distinction between Lord Metcalfe’s policy and mine— his error, as I venture
to think it, was twofold— In the first place he profoundly distrusted the whole
liberal Party in the Province— that great party Which, excepting at extra-
ordinary conjuneturcs, has always carried with it the mass of the constituen-
cies——— He believed its designs to be revolutionary, just as the Tory Party in
England believed those of the Whigs & Reformers to be in 1830. And, secondly;
he imagined that when circumstances forced this party upon him he could check
these Revolutionary tendencies by manifesting his distrust of them more
especially in the matter of the distribution of patronage: thereby relieving
them in a great measure from that responsibilty which is in all free countries
the most effectual security against abuse of power, and tempting them to
endeavor to combine the role of popular tribunes with the prestige of Ministers
of the Crown. In a Word, I contend that the essential distinction between our
policy and that of our predecessors in office has consisted in the confidence which
we have rcposed in the good faith of the constitutional Reformcrs & in the
loyalty of the mass of the population of the Provincem

ELG’IN—GRE Y PAPERS 1047

But, to return to the Rebellion Losses Bill: and, firstly, as to the imperative
political necessity by which it was commanded at the time when it was mooted
by my Gov‘ —- You shew truly in your letter that this much decried Statute
was in fact only the logical sequence of measures adopted by my predecessors
and preceding Parliaments—— But you do not tell, and perhaps it would not be
well that you should do so, that, although it became known to the British public
only in 1849, the measure itself was brought oflicially under my notice in 1848
in the midst of the excitement engendered by the French and Irish Revolution-
ary movemeuts—— It was during these convulsions that I was first asked by
M. La Fontaine whether I would sanction the introduction by him of a Bill to
carry out the recommendations of Lord Metcalfe’s Commissioners with respect
to losses sustained by the inhabitants of Lower Canada during the Rcbellion——
Now, when this application was made to me I was aware of two facts.— Firstly
that M. La Fontaine would be unable to retain the support of his countrymen
if he failed to introduce a measure of this description, and sccondly that my
refusal to grant the required permission would be taken by him and his friends
as a proof that that they had not my confidcnce—— In a word my refusal would
in all probability have broken up an administration which had been imposed
upon me a few months before by a majority of nearly 3 to 1 in a recently
elected House of Commons, and have thereby given for the moment almost
unlimited control over the liberal Electors of all origins to agitators who were
endeavoring to urge them on to desperate courses on the pleas; that no faith
could be placed in the British Crown: that constitutional Gov‘ was a
mockery: and that it was never intended to be worked except for the advantage
of one Party in the State—— Only imagine how difiicult it would have been to
discover a justification for my conduct, if at atmoment when America was
boiling over with bandits and dcsperadoes, & when the leaders of every faction
in the Union, with the View of securing the Irish vote for the Presidential
Election, were vying with each other in abuse of England, & subscribing funds
for the Irish Republican Union, I had brought on such a crisis in Canada, by
refusing to allow my administration to bring in a bill to carry out the recom~
inendation of Lord Metcalfe’s Commissioners I—~

And then again as to the justification of the measure in a moral point of
view——- You defend the Act, with perfect justice as I think, against the exception
taken to it, because none are excluded by its letter from indemnity except those
whose guilty participation in the Rebellion was established before the Courts
or by their own voluntary confession—~ But it does not follow, (although this
inference might probably be drawn from the statement by a reader unac-
quainted with the details of the case) that losses arising from the destruction
of property during the Rebellion are to be made good to all without discrimina~
tion who do not happen to fall within that category. The act provides indemnity
only for those cases in which the destruction of property was wanton & unneces-
sary: and it rests with the Commissioners who are as you know Lord Metcalfe’s
Commissioners, to determine with respect to each claim brought before them
whether or not it be such a claim as the Act contemplates. I believe that the
Commissioners are construing the Act very severely against persons who were
compromised in the rebellion- This, however, is a matter in which it is obviously
most important that the Executive Gov‘ should not meddle—— I do not therefore

1048 ELGI N -GREY PAPERS

like to say much about it at present. The result will probably shew how little
foundation there was for the loyal apprehensions felt or feigned in 1849.

As illustrative however of the character of many of these claims, I may
mention an instance which came lately to my Knowledge. I saw a letter from
Lord Seaton who had been applied to by one of the Commissioners for informa~
tion with respect to the destruction by fire of a village, I think, St. Benoit. He
stated in this letter that no resistance had been made when he occupied the
village in question, and that he had given the strictest orders that no injury
was to be done to property. The property of the villagers was accordingly
protected as long as his troops remained in it, but as soon as he left it the
volunteers set fire to it and destroyed it— Now, I am ready to assume if you
please for the sake of argument, that the inhabitants of St. Benoit were
implicated in the rebellion— Yet, even on this hypothesis, I would ask, how, if
Lord Seaton was justified in protecting their property from destruction, can it be
an immoral act on the part of the Parliament of Canada to restore that same
property when it is destroyed in defiance of his orders? I should like to know
how Gladstone, subtle casuist as he is, would contrive to justify Lord Seaton’s
order, without also justifying the assent which, in conformity with constitutional
usage, & in obedience to those maxims of local self Government which he is so
zealous in asserting, I gave in the name of the Crown to an Act spontaneously
passed by the Parliament of Canada for the purpose of making good losses
occasioned by the wanton and unnecessary destruction of property, even although
that Act should be construed to cover such cases as that of S‘ Benoit?

And now, having submitted these general remarks with the view of showing
how far short a narrative, written at this early period, and written by you,
must necessarily fall of a full exposition and vindication of our recent policy,
I shall take the liberty of pointing out a few passages in your letter which I
should wish you to modify lest they should produce unnecessary irritation on this
side. I have ventured to draw a pencil through the words where I would suggest
an alteration or omission because it makes my meaning plainer, and the mark
can be easily efl’aced afterwards.

at page 44( omit the words « and the unhappy events of 1837 &: 38” 1

At page 50. Omit the words “who had formerly been accused of a tendency
to republiconism”

At Page 55. I think I would omit M. Papineonis name so that it will read
“All efforts to create opposition &c”. At page 56. I would venture to suggest a
ohange— The expression “such a state of feeling as Lord Elgin found in Canada
in the beginning of 1847” does not convey the full force of the case. The real
point is, not what state of feeling I found in 1847, but what state of feeling
would have existed in 1848, if I had continued to manifest the distrust of the
liberal Party which had been evinced by those who went before me. I would
therefore omit the reference to 1847 which is the less called for as you have
already referred to it in a former page and let the sentence run thus “If the
European events of 1848 falling like a spark on a population disaffected to the
Gov’ had provoked any corresponding movement in C’omada”~—-3

1 See above p. 1024. ‘
2See above p. 1024.
3See above :1. 1025.

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1049

at Page 74. “But also to those whose property had been destroyed or injured

by troops or volunteers: where such destruction of property could be shewn to
have been wanton and unnecessary; which was held to be the meaning of the

somewhat awkward expression ‘just losses’ which occurs in the address of the

Assembly already quoted.” It is most important I think that this qualification

of the absolute claim to indemnity should not be lost sight of.—4 Page 75. first
line « ’C’ommissioners were appointed by Lord Metcalfe to enquire” &c— It is

descrehle to keep this before the public—“

Page 76. I would venture to suggest rather a. material change in this page. As

it now stands it conveys I think an incorrect impression of the faots— Omitting

all the Words from “Under these circumstances” to “legally established” 1 would

substitute something to the following purpose. « In entire accordance with the
proceedings adopted during the earlier stages in these transactions the bill which
passed through the Provincial Parliament under the auspices of Lord Elgin-3

advisers, excluded absolutely from participation in the Indemnity fund only
those persons whose guilt in the Rebellion had been established by legal con-

viction or by their own confession: leaving it to the Commissioners who were to
be appointed to carry out the Act to determine in each case which came before
them how far the destruction of property complained of had been wanton or un-
necessary a duty obviously of the greatest delicacy, and for the faithful and
loyal discharge of which the best security was ajforded by the reappointment as
Commissioners of the same Gentlemen who had been named to that ofliee by
Lord M etcalfe. The Rebellion Losses Bill therefore had its origin in an address
of the Assembly which was passed with the concurrence of Lord M etoal)‘e’s con-
servatiue administration—— Its provisions were adopted from the report of Com-
missioners appointed by that administration in pursuance of the Adclress.~— And,
after it became law, its execution was confided by Lord Elgin’s advisers to the
same individuals.”

Page 77. omit the words “as one of which the object was to reward and encourage
rebels”

Page 78 last 1ine»— Insert “Lord Elgin feeling on the one hand that an appeal to
the people would be futile, and on the other that he would not be morally justified
in throwing on Her Majesty’s Imperial Gov’ the responsibility of adopting or
rejecting the Bill most properly” &c.8

Page 79. I now come to a. part of your letter with respect to which I shall
venture to take 9. great liberty. You of course know better than I can possibly
do what effect 3. statement of this description is likely to produce on opinion in
England, though I cannot but think that it is unadviseable to pin down Glad-
stone and others to the follies to which they gave utterance in 184J9- As regards
this Province however I am strongly of opinion that nothing but evil can result
from the publication at this period of a detailed and circumstantial statement
of the disgraceful proceedings which took place here after the Bill passed. Most
persons who were engaged in these transactions regret the part they took in
them—— But it is needless to say that the surest way to arrest 9. process of con-

4See above 11. 1028.
5See above 1). 1028.
5Sce above 17. 1028.
7See above 1}. 1028.
8See above 12. 1088:

1050 ELGIN -GEE Y _PAPERS

version is to dwell on errors of the past, and to place in a broad light the con-
trast between present sentiments and those of an earlier date. This consideration
makes it important in my judgement to pass as lightly as may be over the
scandals of 1849, and even to touch gently, in the case of Montreal especially,
on the indications of a revival of better feelings—— As to imputations affecting
my own honor and charactcr,—thcse of course are in my own keeping, & it will
be my duty to defend them if attacks be made where they can be met—on this
head I have only to observe that the motives which induced me to abstain from
forcing my way into Montreal in 1849 may be correctly stated in-the Words of
a man whom even his enemies have not generally reproached with cowardice.
The Duke of Wellington when he was asked why he did not go to the city in
1830 is reported to have said “I would have gone if the law had been equal to
protect me but that was not the case. Fifty Dragoons would have done it:
but that was a military force. If firing had begun, who could tell when it was
to end? one guilty person would fall, and ten innocent be destroyed. Would
this have been wise or humane for a little bravado or that the country might
not be alarmed for a clay or two?” There was this difference however between
the cases, that a conflict between races, or between the soldiery and the populace
of Montreal of British origin, would have sown seeds of bitterness which would
have borne. fruit for generations. 1 do not believe that these irnputations were
hazarded in any respectable quarter, or that they are entitled to the dignity of
a place in your narrative~— on the whole I would be very glad if I could
persuade you to dismiss the incidents recorded between Pages 79 & 99 of y‘
letter somewhat more summarily, I shall proceed to shew how this, as I think,
might be done without omitting anything that is essential.“ Page 80. Omit
“where it was necessary to keep a guard for his protection”. There is always
a guard, and also omit « and thus permitting himself to be nearly shut up in the
domain at M orz7cl<mds”1°

Page 81. omit « And was accused both by friends and foes of having shown a ,

want of proper spirit and determination”
Page 82 After the words “one class of the population against another” insert,
« He was also in no small degree influenced by the reflexion that among those who
were carried away by the excitement of the moment, some at least were worthy
me’/L, actuated by feelings of wounded pride which were entitled to all possible
considcro.tiori”–1 1
Page 82. omit “including the absurd one of personal cowardioe”12
Page 85. I would recommend, if I might take the liberty of doing so, that you
should stop at the words “Her Majestys service” in this Page, and, in lieu of
what follows in it and the succeeding Pages to the Words « United States was
also present” at the top of Page 99, insert something to the following effect—
“ The manner in which events which had taken place in Canada were made
use of in England to attach your administration, hindered for a time the success
of Lord Elgin/s efiorts to allay excitement.‘ He steadily refused however to
depart from the policy of conciliation, which was commanded as he thought by?
a regard for the best interests of the ProoirLae— We approved of his course in;

9Seo above 1). 1029.
10 See above 11. 1020.
11 See above 1:. 1029.
12 See above 11. 14729.

ELGIN~G’1€I}Y PAPERS 1051

this respect, as also of the resolution which, at a later period, and after full
consideration, he formed to act on an address of the Assembly, passed after the
disturbances in April, which prayed that the Provincial Par‘ might in future be
summoned to meet alternately at Quebec and Toronto—— He fixed on Toronto
for the first place of meeting, because, being in the centre of an exclusively
British population, its selection negatived emphatically the allegation that the
Gov’ relied solely on French Canadian support. We further approved of the
measures which, with the concurrence of his council, Lord Elgin adopted to
arrest a movement in favor of the annexation of Canada to the United States
which took its rise in Montreal at the close of 1849. These measures were
entirely effectual: and this movement, which never spread beyond the district
in which it had its origin, soon began to languish there also.” 13
Page 100. I would put the following sentence a little less strongly by inverting
it thus “ The arrangement by which the seat of Gov’ &: the sittings of the Legis-
lature are fined alternately at Toronto and Quebec, has contributed not a little
towards removing the feelings of alienation from each other of the inhabitants
of French and British descent ”.1’* Page 101, Might you not say “The
improved state of feeling generally is however no doubt in a great measure to be
attributed ” &c—-15
Page 112. At the bottom, say “The Colonial Gov‘ incurred a heavy expendi-
ture for these objects. As there is some soreness on the subject it is better not to
specify amounts,”
Page 134. Omit—“ hardly less effectually than if they had gone to our own
Colonies ”—-— Comparisons of this sort grate on Colonial sonsibilities—17
page 152‘ amend the sentence which follows the words “that relating to the
Clergy Reserves thus— “ It is well Known that the Canadian Act of 1791 set
apart a seventh of the ungranted lands of the Colony for the support of a Pro-
testant Clergy-~ reserving however to the local legislature the power with the
consent of the Imperial Parliament of varying or repealing the provisions enacted
for this purpose ”.—~ It is very important, I think that this feature in the Act of
1791 should not be lost sight of.”
Page 178. The statistics you require are contained in a separate paper sent
herewith-19

I have thus gone through the document which you have kindly permitted
me to read with as much care as time has allowed, stating frankly my views
with respect to statements of fact (I do not of course presume to touch on
matters of opinion) which seem to me to admit of oorrection— I must apologise
for adopting an apparently dictatorial tone—— It would not have been necessary
if We could. have talked the subject over: but at this distance I could not other-
wise make my meaning clear. A faithful representation of what has lately
occurred in Canada may I think do good even here if it can be given without
stirring strife and arresting the progress of salutary moral changes. My local
knowledge enables me to apprehend more correctly than any person looking on

13 See above p. 1082.
14 See above 1). 1082.
15 See above 1!. 1082.
15 See above 11. 1083.
17 See above p. 1037.
18 See above 17. 1,040.
19 See above p4 1051.

1052 ELGI N —GRE Y PAPERS

from without can possibly do, what is likely to tell on opinion herezhence the
freedom with which I have ventured to suggest alterations whenever expressions
in your letter seemed to me calculated in any degree to have a prejudicial
tendency
Yours very sincerely
The Elgin & Kincardine
Earl Grey

[Endorsed]

Lord Elgin with remark
on account transact“ in Canada
Oct. 8/52

[Original MS]
Qunsno Oct 9. 1852,
My DEAR GREY,

Your letter through the Col. Olfice only reached me by the last mail. I have
sent it back with a long letter from myself to Merivale requesting him to forward
it to you. The enclosed shews that when I am recalled I may hope to have
some friends on this side of the Atlantic.

Yrs in haste,
The, ELGIN & KINCARDINE.
EARL Gnnr
[Enclosure]

RECALL or Loan ELGIN

The citizens of the United States will very generally regret to learn the
recall of Lord Elgin from Canada by the Derby Ministry, and the appointment
of Lord Harris in his place. The news we obtain by a telegraph report dated
yesterday. During his term of oflice as Governor—General of Canada, Lord Elgin
has done much to render himself popular on this side, and much, we would
imagine, to recommend» him to the people of Canada. He has certainly suc-
ceeded in paelfying party feeling in a great degree, and in fostering the interests
of the colonies. His urbanity, courtesy and generous hospitality have tended
to promote a better feeling between American and Canadian citizens than has
ever before existed, and has rendered him a general favorite on this side of the
line. We regret much that he is about to leave us, when the benefits of his
administration are beginning to be sensibly felt, and he will certainly take home
with him the good wishes and admiration of brother Jonathan”.

Bufialo Commercial Advertiser.

ELGI N —GRE Y PAPERS

W. L. Msonnnzxn T0 EARL GauY.1
This letter is marked private, only
because it might not otherwise reach
your Lordship

32 Lancaster Street, Albany, N.Y. Nov. 28th, 1846.

[Original MS]

My Loan:

Not contented with continuing an unjust outlawry 9 years against me——
oflering rewards for me as you would for a wolf sending judges with false or
otherwise unjust oaths to this city trash that I should be given up to the tender
mercies of “ the family compact” as Lord Durham truly describes them—-
seizing my substance which was ample, and thereby causing injustice to be done
to a few individuals, (tho’ to a very small extent, for I was as economical of
getting in debt as I was of the money of Cauada,)—~neglecting the sincere,
honest, well timed, and judicious Warnings I gave to prevent the crisis of 1837
—and persisting in a policy which was no policy~«—not contented with this, your
leading men have often spoken of me in the most abusive terms in the British
Legislature, men to whom you give hereditary rank, or titular Knighthood,
accuse me, in London of crimes my whole life has proved my abhorrence of, and
the New York Albion, an English journal printed in New York, comes out to
revive the BUbjeCl/‘— to slander me here, by afiirming that I and men like me,
urged on revolt in Canada by giving bad advice to the British Govil

This is really too much. What is it that man could do that I did not do to
prevent the necessity for armed resistance in 1837? And yet I am obliged, in
1846, to accept the prefer of one of the most widely circulated journals in this
Union, wherein to discuss British colonial politics! Your lordship is referred to
a letter of mine addressed to Your lordship in the N .Y. Tribune of today. I
would have preferred waiting yet a little longer, but it is too much.

When I landed in Upper Canada a young man I found that it been made a
crime for men to meet and petition for redress of wrongs— that my old neighbor,
Cap” Gourlay had endeavored to improve the land granting system, been twice
tried for libel and acquitted, and altho’ the owner of 800 acres of land banished
for refusing to go away, after being kept 8 months in a jail to induce him to gol
I had not been long in the country when I witnessed the spectacle of Mess“
I-Iagerznan and Robinson in the legislature casting all manner of eontumely on
an old man called Bidwell, of whom I had never before heard, because he had
been elected to the Assembly, and was sitting in it. I saw him expelled by a
majority of one, and a law passed to keep him outl All this time I was following
the quiet pursuits of business» a merchant first at Toronto, and then at Dundas,
head of Lake Ontario, as one of the firm of “MacKenzie and Less1ie”—— I
meddled with no politics for years-— saw what I believed to be gross injustice
done in the courts-— no redress given for wrong“ and, in my journeyings between
Toronto and New York and Quebec, the vast superiority of the US. in Wealth
and irnprov‘, as admitted by Lord Durham since.

What effect did this produce on the mind of a young man bet’n 20 and 30
y’rs of age? Did I express a wish that Canada should be annexed to the US.
Nol I resolved to publish a journal, send Vast numbers to leading men in
England, and endeavor to get Britain to give a spur to men in office in Canadaw

1 Miscellaneous Papers, Elgs’n»Grey.

1054 ELGIN -GRE Y PAPERS

so that we also might prosper, and not be taunted with our poverty. Refusing
a seat in the 9”‘ parl‘ I put my design in execution, spent much means on it, got
involved in politics” and found that D‘ (now Bishop) Strachan was endeavoring
in London to take away the civil rights, and shake the titles to their estates, of
that influential body of men who had come into Upper Canada from the Us.
between 1783 and 1820.

The Bishop succeeded. Orders came from your ofiice that laws should be
passed of the most iniquitous character as respected the lands and liberties of
naturalized Ame1’icans—— their naturalization was declared to be no naturaliza-
tion— the King’s Bench court decided that they had no titles to their estates–
the country was thrown into a ferment. I caused two reams of blank petitions
to be sent throughout the colony, praying the House of Commons to hear and
judge and do right— M‘ Randal secretly left my Home for London~— I drew out
his instructions, the central committee signed them-— I drafted a letter to
M’ Canning, whose bold, manly course I much adinired— it was delivered and
his influence obtained- so of Sir F. Burdett, M‘ Hume and M’ Warburton.
Lord Goderich decided justly— and the Canada Parliament that had passed
the unjust law one session, reversed it by acclamation the next, and more
strength was given to England by that great act of simple justice, in the teeth
of the family compact, than any thing else I ever knew y’r departm’t to do.

If I had been then disloyal what would have been more absurd than the
course I persuedl

The efl’orts I had made brought on my head, in the mean time, the vengeance
of the Robinsons, Straehans & their friends-— they said I was a libeller~ and so
perhaps I was— but they had sheriffs, juries, judges, justice, in their own hands,
and the old libel laws in their most barbarous form to punish with. Did they
try me?

No, my lord, but from the oflice of the present chief justice of Upper
Canada, in open day light, in the presence of M‘ Allan (afterwards one of Head’s
executive) and of M‘ Heward,1 Auditor General of Canada, both British magis-
trates, issued Henry Sherwood, since Sol‘ Gen‘ 6: son to the Judge, S. P. Jarvis,
Sec’ of the Province and Bank director, M’ Richardson, a barrister in the Chief
Justiee’s Ofiioe, since clerk of the peace, Niagara District— M‘ Lyons, Sir
Peregrine Maitland’s secretary, and since then Registrar of Wills and Records,
Niagara District —— the Inspector Gencral’s two sons ——- one of the deputy clerks
of the crown— and M‘ Peter M°Dougal— and this mob, armed with axes,
bludgeons and crow—bars, passed from Chief Justice Robinson’s Oflice to mine,
next door but one, broke open my office, in my dwelling house, threw down my
brother in law who came to see, threatened my mother, an old woman of 74,
deliberately smashed and broke the establish‘ to pieces, and carried my types and

material and threw them into the blue waters of lake Ontario in front of my
door! I prosecuted, got $2500 damages & heavy costs~—~ and the printer had the
men criminally convieted—— they were fined 1/ or 5/ each I believe, and promo-
tions and honors thereafter were their sure recompense, While some of the jurors
and witnesses, as I have often shown, were thereafter made to suffer severely,
while the only writer who had ventured to condemn their conduct was soon after
sent 10 months to jail-
1Charles Howard, Auditor General of Land Patents.

I’ 3) ….,.‘_ 2 ._‘:.,…v._.. _,:…____v,. ’_____.A——-—-

ELG’IN—G’REY PAPERS 1055

Prosecution after prosecution was bro‘ against me– the county of York
where I lived became indignant— an address to me to be a candidate was signed
by 500 of the wealthiest and worthiest of the freeholders~— I consented—- M‘
Sol. Gen‘ Small and M” Attorney Gen‘ Baldwin were my opponents on the side
of the compact! but in vain—— and no man in the legislature ever accused me of
uttering an unbecoming expression»~ I was faithful, unwearied; M” Hume was
my model—— I have seen the vast utility of his economical course, followed it
humbly and at a vast distance, tried to aid in the redress of every wrong,
fearlessly denounced peculations, and hoping that the English Gov‘ would redress
wrongs, wrote hundreds of statements of facts, to some of which Sir George
Murray sent me his acknowledg“, as did thereafter Sir Robert Peel. But out
Z70-no?

I was no visionary, my lord; I was enthusiastic in the belief that Canada,
tho’ British, would yet rival the fairest parts of the Union. I was the life and
soul of several of the great committees to draft great petitions and rernonstrate
ag‘ the clergy reserves, Canada Co., and Post ofliee, and other follies The
Canada Committee of 1828, exerted hopes that that standing obstruction the
legislative council would be improved. It was IMPROVEDl I! You added a
catholic bishop to it an old tory offieia1~ the bishop having signalized himself
as the finest of the highlanders sent over to shoot the poor Irish in 17981 E

But reform in the English Parliam » was soon after seriously attempted by
your father and other great men in Engl“. With renewed hopes I hastened to
Quebec, and tho’ wrecked by the way, and all but lost in the St. Lawrence, I
reached M” John Neilson, a wise and good man, and who, like Mr Hume,
advised patience in 1836,—M’ Neilson drafted for me, on behalf of friends in
U.C. the celebrated gen‘ petitions I bro‘ over in 1832—- the committees added
& amended the drafts— they were sent over the colony— other petitions were
agreed to in many counties—— and so fearful of these petitions were the compact
party that I was almost put an end to in Hamilton to prevent the journey, burnt
in efiigy at Toronto; and, denounced by Governor, Legislative Council dz Assem-
bly as all that was had, had to steal away at night in my brother~in-law’s vessel,
and secrete myself for weeks before I went to prevent violence.

Expelled and revexpelled from the legislature, since re—elected in triumph
which it was difficult to prevent being converted, even then, into local insurrec-
tion ag‘ continued misrule, I placed before yourself & Lord Goderich and the
House of Commons, thro’ M‘ Hume and M‘ Vigor, a table of the wrongs of the
colonists-— I told you that, with all the power of the gov‘ ag“ us we would show a
majority of the legislature with us, if a dissolution on the questions embraced in
these memorials, and the enfranchisem’t of 1/6th of the colonists, thro’ me, were
made the basis. You refused to do so—— but the room‘ the people had the power to
elect, all the power of the banks, the landjobbers, the compact, the ‘established
church’, and every abuse in existence, with the patronage of the crown in aid,
did not prevent my prophesy being fulfilled— the reformers of my way of
thinking had a vast majority. The report on Grievances, in exact accord“ with
what I stated to you, was adopted, printed, circulated, adopted ag’n next Yr—-
answered by Lord Glenelg—-— and a man sent out to govern us who declared
himself, and that truly, to he ‘grossly ignorl of all that related to the colonies’.

1056 ELGI N -GREY PAPERS

We had dropt the demand for an elective legislative council, trying to get some
influence in the executive council, but deceit, folly, and wanton acts of the most
injudicious kind wearied us out—— and when I saw you, My Lord, you from
whom I had expected more than from any other man in power, on behalf of
manly measures—— when I saw you vote for Lord John Russews 8th resolution,
to take the money of the C’anad’ns with‘ their consentr—~ when I saw no change
either in the composition or mode of election of the Leg’ve Council— Head
sustained— the gross and shameful perversion of all that bears the name of
equity in the legislative elections of 1837—« Baldwin spurned from the door of
the colonial office -—-I€[agerman, Boulton, the very men who had so grossly
insulted yourself and Lord Goderich, and the crown thro’ them, caressed and
honored, I then gave up loyalty as a feeling~ I resolved to make com’n cause
with Lower Canada, agreeable to their request, as contained in M’ Papineau’s
celebrated letter entered on our journals of 1836, and when a magistrate of
Montreal arrived at Toronto in Nov. 1837, with a request that we should move
in their aid, no one put his shoulder to the wheel with more zeal and vigour then
y’r correspond“ I had all but lost my life at the 8th election, thro’ Head’s
ernissaries— I had been cheated out of my seat— I had spent the best y’rs of
my life, in opposition to the wretched oligarchy who were the direct cause of the
backward cond“ of the colony— I had been unwcaried in sustain’g Britv.’sh——
aye British interests— in the only way they could be sustained~— no sacrifice,
no risk had been too much——— some of the English Book makers say our Toronto
Movem’t was the result of a combin’n with leading men in the States. It never
was thro’ me, direct nor indirect—— nor to my knowledge. Your uncle, M‘ Ellice
said in Perl‘ that we wanted to rob the banks of Toronto. Rob the banks!
Who were the men back of Toronto? Lount, Gibson, Shepard, Ralph, and
hundreds of others of the most trusted, tried and true friends of the country~«
men who had much at stake— men looked up to by the popul“— men whom,
not the dirty dross of a bank, but thousands of lives would have been trusted to.
Who was I, that I sh“ be thus described? Did I need y’r countenance to gain
popularity? My Lord, You have only to look at Lord Seaton’s despatches—
to my position— to see that Head was wrong where he said that your giving me
countenance was an injury. What did you do for me? What did I ask of you?
To fmd out what was right and adhere to it. Did your successors do it?

When Mayor of Toronto I would hardly accept my salary——when 500 of
my fellow citizens were struck down with the cholera, I went to the hospital,
nursed them, rubbed them down, administered to them, stood by them, as fear-
less of death as I am today—-«and when the cholera. seized myself I struggled
thro’—& went back to my duty. My Lord, I did not allow one dollar’s worth
of the city printing to enter my office-— I never sought place— I fearlessly met
danger at public meetings and in privatc~—— and were we likely to desire to rob
the banks! Surely Mr Ellice saw noth’g in me to warrant the foolish assertion.
If he and you believe that I am regarded as a common plunderer, whence your
fears to withdraw the outlawiy? Whencc is it that your vengeance pursues me
here, at this distance of time, and that when nominated to an ofiice it may be
essential to me to take, while persecuted and my means witheld, the US.
authorities hesitate because I am an outlaw, and Britain has complained of me?

4..- –

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

Do you remember the eagerness with which I pleaded for Canada—~ do
you forget the anxiety I showed to get a redress of her wrongs—~ do you yet
possess the many doc’ts I placed on file in the Colonial Office?

Has not Lord Sydenham’s experience confirmed all I told him in Whitehall?
Has not Lord Durham’s great report shewn who were the real criminals? Have
not the measures you have taken—the reforms you have made—~the changes
still owned to be needful, proved that we only moved in self defence when
delegated tyrany became unbearable, and the example of trampling on right
was sanctioned by grave majorities in parl‘ Even Your governor, a man sent
to prevent c1‘imes——if ours was a crime——boasts that he wanted to send the
troops away to risk human life~—to sacrifice Colonel Moodie/—to give Americans
a chance to interfere, as an experirnt

I have no concealm’t ab‘ me, I believe that Sir F. Head’s stat‘ that he
knew all about it was mere gasconado. He was in the hands of ‘the compact,’
and as dcfaulters, speculators, jobbers, scherners, &c they Wanted revolt, but
wanted to good us on to make it, that if unsuccessful they might keep ofiice,
destroy reform influence in London, throw the country into yet more confusion,
—«and they induced Head to take the course he did——they know’g as well as I
did the probable results.

If not so~ Why did they advise 6,000 stand of arms to be placed, not in
the fortress, under military men, but in the town hall, open to any one, and
unguarded? Had Mood’1e’s death, and the death of that gallant leader of ours
whose name I dont at this mom » remember, not taken place, and affected Lount’s
wcaried followers, those arms wd have b’n instantly in our possession——— and the
province with them. Why did Heads advisers tell him to send away all the
troops &: empty the garrison? Look at my “Constitution” of those wceks— Did
it not threaten revolt every week? Had I not written to you years before, that
thus it would end? Had Upper Canada. gone, Lower Canada would have
followed——- I know these countries well and I know this country, too, infinitely
better than I did when I had the honor, and it surely was one, of spooky to Y’r
Lordship on the ofioirs of Canada, in London.

My Lord, looking back at these things with more calm views than the
shameful death of my bosom friends Moss » Lount & Matthews, and other
circumstances, permitted for years, I feel pleased that our efforts on this side
and at Toronto failed. I do so because they aroused y’r attention to these great
countries—— and because you may add them to England—~may give them, as I
suggested twenty years ago, in my oft quoted letters to Lord Dalhousie-— and
as M‘ Hume proposed in pa.rl”——and as Franklin, desired to do 76 y1″s ago-a
direct represent“ in the House of Commons. Had Papincau been there in 1837,
with Viger, Lafontaine, Rolph, Bidwell, and a few more, the folly of Lord John
Russc1l’s resol’ns would never have been enacted, and there would have been
no Sir F. Head and no revolt.

Nothing on earth, my lord, can be a. substitute for the power of appeal to
the people of England thro’ a seat in parl*—~ O’Conne1 has shown that, (L I
verily believe that one of two things will occur, you Will let the the Canad“ be
heard thro’ the London Times & C’hrom’cZe~let their delegates have intercourse
with ylr English & Irish rnembers—~— OR the men now busy in Mexico may

9337-07

1058 ELGI N -GREY PAPERS

erewhile aid in easing you of Canada. Look at the address of Your Canada tory
pearl‘ of last session, in which separation is introduced as gravely as it was in
1770 in the old colonies. I never want to see more of America come under the
slave power, as I see its influence here.

I think that if Canada shall be added to the States betwixt the ndtiveists
there, ‘the Camp-outs’ as I first called them— and the noitiveists here, who ex-
press such a cordial hatred of Europeans, the Scotchman, English’n & Irishman
who may emigrate will be worse off than now. I do not wish to see that— never
wished to see it-—contended agt it in Canada—— and when McNab and Robinson
joined Bidwell in preventg English lawyers from follg their profession I took
strong ground ag’st them, considering it an extension of the exclusiveness of the
oligarchy.

The newspapers say we are to have great reforms in Canada, and speak of
a Union of all the Colonies. In your last Union, Lord Sydenham found my old
friends the Rcformers his truest allies— but the infinitely superior tact of the
tories turns everything ultimately to their advantage. Why, my lord, are the
great mass of the farmers prohibited from sitting in the Assembly, because not
assessed at £500? This leaves only the landjobbers and the rich to make laws,
and then a majority is conciliated by the distribution of patronage among party
leaders by a minister— one little place send‘! its member; another place twelve
times larger its member—~ What could be more absurd?

Why, My Lord, is it stated by Lord Metcalfe, in his reply to an address,
that all the political refugees of 1837 & 8 are placed under an act of oblivion,
except those who had committed crimes not political? This is not so-— I have
committed no crime, yet you give M” Papineau $18,000 of arrears and all he
had & leave to return, to live here or do as he pleases, while I (who moved but
at his bidding) am not paid my arrears, but persecuted, slandered and injured
even here. Strange justice this!—— can you call it equity? If I had more than
mortal patience, I might have borne everything, and personally I did so— but
why I am singled out for exclusive prosecution, in the face of a declaration to
the contrary, while D‘ Rolph and others are in Canada, & D“ 0’Callaghan
permitted to go where he pleases passes my comprehension. I certainly did, for
years, retaliate on those who had oppressed me, but, as I said before, observation
and reflcetion have satisfied me long since that I went too fast and too far.

The many old and valued friends I have in Canada make it dear to me—«
the active years of my life were spent there—~ I would, however, not even dream
of residing in it, even if permitted, as matters are now constituted. Your task,
my lord, is indeed a more important one—— to guide the destinies of half this
continent. May you deserve success

I remain,
Your most humble servant,

W“ L MACKENZIE

The Right Honble EARL GREY,
Secretary of State,
Colonial Department Downing Street, London

ELGIN-GRE Y PAPERS 1059

Postcript.

I have marked, my lord, from the first newspaper I ever published in
Canada, the early sentiments of a young, ardent and liberal Scotsman. I was
for clergy reserves——— for the support of religion— for Canada as British, and
not as Amerioan———- for edueati0n— for an university and a free one for helping
the Ministers of all churches— for canals, iInprovein’ts, free trade in the very
sense of the term in which you as a member for Sunderl“ supported it in 1843
or 4. I took that view in 1824. I belonged then to no party. Think, my lord,
what an accursed system of colonial gov‘ you must have kept in Canada, to
induce a Scotsman, who when between 20 db 30 y’rs old wrote as I did, finally
to detest it, and use every energy of his mind in aid of upsetting it as an‘
incurable, unnatural despotism, mocking the lovely country of his adoption in
the expectations never to be realizedl And yet when I read these pages I regret
that I was a party to the occurrences of 1837, tho’, it would gain me the wealth
of India I would not now say that we were to blame and you blameless.

I tried to get my numbers, at my own expense, sent to England, &c., but
half a. crown, in those days, was the postage of a single number! This I after-
wards got reduced to 3“, who is abused as an enemy to British connexion, altho’
he took the best means of any man in Your nation to make the Canad’ns
attached to Britain.

It may offend you— I cannot help it, and do not wish it-— for you did
much that was good While in the Colonial Office,—-but I must say, in conclusion,
that if the Colonial Office had done its duty as I did mine for many years, the
strange scenes and occurrences, of 1837-8, never would have taken place.

W. L, M.
[Enclosure] COLONIAL Anvocsrn,
AND
JOURNAL or AGRICULTURE, MANUFACTURE & COMMERCE;
N° 1.

Puesday, May 18, 1824

THIS work will be presented and forwarded regularly to the following
individuals, free of any expense whatever; and we shall continue to add to this
list such names of public characters as, from their situations or talents, in
Britain or the United States, may be supposed to exercise an influence over public
opinion in these countries, as well as in the Colonies.

IN GREAT BRITAIN

Sir James Macintosh, M.P.
Joseph Hume, Esq. M.P.

John Gladstone, Esq. M.P.
Rev. Dr. Chalmers, St. Andrews.
Rev. Andrew Thomson, Edinb.
Professor Leslie, Edinburgh.
Francis Jeffrey, Esq. Edinburgh.

Earl Bathurst.

Viscount Chateaubriancl, London.
Lord Holland. ,

Rt. Hon. George Canning.

Rt. Hon. F. J. Robinson, M.P.
Henry Brougham, Esq. M.P.
Alexander Baring, Esq. M.P.

9337—437;

1060 ELGIN—GREY PAPERS

[Enclosure]
IN FRANCE

Marquis La Fayette. Duke de Roehefouealt Liancourt.

Sir Charles Stewart, Paris.
IN THE BRITISH cononrns
Nor can we deny ourselves the pleasure
of inserting in this list of free papers
the name of our Statistical writer and
exiled patriot, Robert Gourlay, London.

The Earl of Dalhousie.

Sir Peregrine Maitland, K.C.B.

Sir James Kempt, G.C.B.

Sir Thos. Brisbane, N .8. Wales.

J as. Stuart, Esq. of L.C. now in London.

IN THE UNITED STATES

Wm. H. Crawford, Esq.
Daniel Webster, Esq.

John Randolph, Esq.

Morris Birkbeck, Esq. Illinois.

The President.

Hon. De Witt Clinton.
The Vice President.

John Quincy Adams, Esq.
Henry Clay, Esq.

QUEENSTON, UPPER CANADA:

PUBLISHED BY W. L. MACKENZIE, BOOKSELLER.

ADVERTISEMENT

ABOUT nine hundred numbers of this newspaper will be circulated through
the British Colonies in North America, weekly, for four Weeks from its com-
mencement. Those persons to whom the numbers are addressed, will after
receiving No. 4, be pleased to inform the publisher, or the agent nearest their
place of residence, whether it is their intention to become subscribers. If they
decline to continue our readers, they are requested to return the numbers they
may have received, in order that others, who may hereafter subscribe, may be
able to obtain complete sets.——No advertisements will be inserted in the body
of this work, but will be printed on the blue cover of each number. We will
willingly give such advertisements as, like that of the Marmora Iron Works,

are of general interest, a few insertions gratis.

Orders for the Advocate received through the Post Masters in British
America, or the following gentlemen:

John J. Daly, Esq. 6:
John Tannahill, Esq.
William Crooks, Esq. Gvimsby.
Mathew Crooks, Esq. Ancaster. J. Brown, Esq, Port H ope.

William Chisholm, Esq. Nelson. Wm. H. Merritt, Esq. St. Catharines.
John M. A. Cameron, Esq. Dundas. Daniel Ross, Esq. Vittoria.

Mr. Abraham Erb, Waterloo. John Wilson, Esq. Amherstburgh.
George Hamilton, Esq. Hamilton. John Willscn, Esq. Saltfleet.

Mr. Peter MePhai1, York.
Josias Taylor, Esq. Perth.
Mr. John Stills, Whitby.

Niagara.

.n4..M_ _ »_

ELG’IN—GREY PAPERS 1061

[Enclosure]
Charles Hayes, Esq. Marmara Ir0nWi1liam Peddic, & Co. Montreal.
works. Joseph Beckett, & Co, Montreal.

J. A. Kceler, Esq, Oramahe. Samuel I-Iatt, Esq. Chamblee.
é‘ 1\€)Phe1i:°néESq’ N“7’“}’::lee’ In the United States

‘ ‘ ‘. »“‘ ’ “”“”°q“9’ liq » Messrs. Collins & Co. New York
G’ W‘ Whltehead’ Esq’ Bwfom Messrs. Wells & Lilly, Boston.

C. Jones, Esq. Broolcvillc. E
. . .F. Backus Esq. Albany.
iilfii KlE:)su«;ghr115eeoltth O07W“u‘J. D. Bcmis .92 Co. Oammdaigua.
’ ‘ . .

M. s. Bidwell, Esq. Kzigston. ‘ In Great Bmtam

E. Smith, Esq. M crcury Ofiice, Liverpool.
‘ . Messrs. Oliver & Boyd Edinburgh.
Mews’ Nenson & Cowan’ Quebec’ Mr. Thomas Donaldsmi, Dundee.

I n Lower Canada.

¥:urieC&‘Sp;,‘nee’QQu:beC’ Messrs. J. Lumsden & Son, Glasgow.
Ed0S’ ‘dalélii Yflfhec’ R. , Messrs. Newton & Co. Warwick court
Wm 1 S’ sq‘ We WW8‘ Newgate Street, London.

Daniel Fisher, Esq. Montreal.

THE LATE COLONEL N1oHoL.*

The awful and sudden end of this unfortunate gentleman, discloses circum-
stances so full of general interest, so deeply and powerfully expressive of the
feeble tenure by which the living hold possession of their clay tenements, that
we have thought fit to devote a few of our pages to give an account of so
deplorable an event.

Canadian Reader, read and learn; it says to you as well as to me, in a.
language alas too plain to be misunderstoodl “ be ye also ready,” for “in the
midst of life we are in death.”

On the morning of Monday the 3d, inst. the Colonel went from his residence
at Stamford, in his one horse wagon to Niagara, taking his wife and children as
far as Queenston; he viewed the monument ground as he passed down, and
appeared in fine health and spirits; he proposed to return in the afternoon and
take home his family; he however, did not return, and Mrs. N. who had been
conveyed home by Major Leonard, became seriously alarmed at his protracted
stay.

Expresses were sent to different quarters in search of him, but in vain;
and it was only towards the evening of the next day that it began to be
imagined possible he might have fallen over the high banks of the river. When
a search was at last made, the body was found and conveyed to the ferry
house, and on Wednesday forenoon the coroner, Gilbert M’Micl moned a jury, who carefully investigated the manner of his death. The jury
consisted of Messrs. [conlimwd below p. 1074.]

(Page missing.)
be it from us to desire to bring into disrepute the government of this country;
yet will we not fail to point out their errors. Ridicule shall not be spared: it

*N0tcs of the Rev. Mr. Addisorfs Funeral Omtion on the cover of our next.

1062 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS
[Enclosure]
may eflfect our purpose when grave argument would fail.
directed is a most powerful weapon! how few can withstand it.
“ Whene’er your Lordship acts Tiberius,
Phil. Fudge’s part is Tacitus.” Moore.

Sineerelyl attached to freedom, we yet think it not incompatible with a
limited monarchy. We would never wish to see British America an appendage
of the American Presidency; yet would we wish to see British America thrive
and prosper full as well as does that Presidency. We trust to see this izecom~
plished, if Britain does not fall into the error of considering her colonists as much
her slaves as Virginia does her negroes.

We dislilce much to hear Mr. Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, gibe us “ as
the distant dependency of a distant monarchy,” &c. &c. and hope the time will
come when Canada will be pointed out as a model for other eountries——not
pointed at with scorn, as the King’s printer has it.*

We like American liberty well, but greatly prefer British liberty. British
subjects, born in Britain, we have sworn allegiance to a constitutional monarchy,
and we will die before we will violate that oath.

It has often occurred to us to enquire, while we perused the works of a
political Writer, or national historian, What religion did he profess? of what
church was he a member? In some instances we could divine this ourselves from
the bias he gave to his writings. But we have read authors, Protestants, aye and
Catholics too, who did in no instance sufier their religious creed to interfere
with their political writings, and we are ambitious of being found amongst the
latter class. It may not he amiss for us here to state, that we are Calvinists, and
profess to believe the Westminster confession of faith as now adopted by the
church in the northern part of our native island of Great Britain.

Having stated this much, it is fit we should declare our opinion on two
subjects, which have caused some contention in the British Provinces, namely,
the Clergy Reserves, and an Established Church.

“ Twould almost seem so strange the view,
That truth itself can vary too;

For things that have been clearly proved,
By time are alter’d, chang’d and moved;
And maxims, which the sage hath sought
To suffer for, are come to nought.”

Anonymous.

Satire properly

1Tlic italics represent the part of the text which has been underlined by Mackenzie.

See above, 12. 1059.
*Wc, on the other hand, entertain an opinion entirely at variance with this pillar of the
state, His Ma_.josty’s editor of Quebec, by authority, as aioresaid; we firmly and in our conscience
believe and intend to use our quills to prove, that the system pursued and acted on -by those
earls, hlghtfi, honorahles, and others their subordinates, is the true cause why “this fine
country has so long Iangwished in a state of comparative stupor mid énaoti/oity, whilst mm
more cnterpn’zo’ng newhbours are lauahin us to scam.” For, that the country is ‘languishing
in this state, we do not doubt; it is our elief that such is the ease; and if we ever had any
misdoubtlngs on the subject, they are centainly removed. It is not us alone that send forth

to the world the Woful intelligence, tlmt whilst we are languishimy in stupor and inactivity, our
enterprmnn neighbours are 1au_r/hing us to soar»: we copied the 881lt17ll(-flirt, verbatim, from the

ofiieial Gazette of this Province in which we now write.

ELGI N —GREY PAPERS 1063
[Enclosure]

 » In the United States,” says Mr. Bristcd, “there is no national church
established, no lay patronage, no system of tythes.” “ The general government
has no power to interfere with or regulate the religion of the Union; and the
States generally have not legislated further than to incorporate such religious
bodies as have applied for charters. In consequence of this entire indifference
on the part of the state governments, full one-third of our whole population are
destitute of all religious ordinances, and a much greater proportion in our
southern and western districts.“

“The late President Dwight declared, in 1812, that there were then three
millions of souls in the United States entirely destitute of all religious
ordinances.”’I‘

Admitting that Messrs. Dwight and Bristed may have been somewhat
mistaken in the numbers which they respectively state as being without a gospel
ministry; and allowing their statements to be true only with regard to even a
fifth or a sixth of the population, is this not still a great, a pressing evil, requiring
an immediate remedy? Let us apply these facts to Canada. We can state,
from personal knowledge of both countries, that Canada is much worse off for
religious instruction than are the United States; and in support of this fact we
could quote authorities enough to fill a volume, were we any way afraid that it
would become matter of dispute.

In no part of the constitution of the Canadas, is the wisdom of the British
legislature more apparent, than in its setting apart a portion of this country,
while it yet remained a wilderness, for the support of religion. We believe that
the late lard Melville, (then Mr. D7/.ndas,) was the first adviser of this measure.

Mr. Dundas, in his place in parliament, very justly lamented, that when the
whole tithes of Scotland were sold, the money was vested in a fund, instead of
being laid out in the purchase of land divided into allotments for the clergy.
“ Had the plan he had stated been adopted, the land would have risen in value
as other lands had, & the incumbents would consequently have had the benefits
of its increased productionzt”

Mr. Andrew Heron, a well informed, intelligent gentleman, who has had a
very long residence in this province, and is generally acquainted therein, informs
us that not even one tenth of the people in this province are members of the church
of England.§ Indeed, this is a fact known and acknowledged among all classes.
We are in a state something like Ireland; a priesthood who do nothing, consume
all, and the working clergy suffer thereby.—The English church is generally
unpopular; perhaps in Scotland, even during the persecution, in the dissolute
reign of the second Charles, when Archbishop Sharp, and Maitland, duke of
Lauderdale, often tried the rack and the gilobet, the boot and the torture, to
induce converts to its opinions; even then and there was it not more unpopular
than it is here at this day. Nor are its tenets, its doctrine, its form of worship,
and church discipline, the causes of this dislilce~By no means, it is simply
because that it is vested with temporal pre—cminencc, because it is endowed with
the revenues of the reserves.

* Quarterly Review, xxiii, G50.
1‘ Yb

11G<$urlay’s Statistics, ii, 107. §G1eaner, i, 312. 1064 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS [Enclosure] In the United States, under a republican government, it in many places prospers: there it has no distinguishing feature of temporal power. If it had we doubt whether in that country its proselytes would be likely to increase. There is no doubt in our minds but that the English parliament, when it set apart these reserves for the use of a protestant clergy, intended exclusively to establish the English church, and to endow it with the lands so reserved; unless among the Catholics who, excepting the King’s supremacy, reserved in the Quebec act, were left in the enjoyment of their rights, and had their title to tithes, from their parishoners, fully acknowledged by law.:l: Without going into an argument whether such was really the intent of that clause in our constitution, it is well known that those in authority here have so interpreted it; and it is moreover evident from the act itself that the clauses respecting religion are left open like every other part of the bill, for alteration and improvement by our legislatures, subject of course, to the control of the British Parliament. Such being the case, we will for the present simply state our opinion, with a few of the reasons by which we are influenced, reserving the subject, however, which We will resume at our earliest convenience. We have ercpressed our approbation of that part of the act reserving one seventh of the lands of the province, for the support of religion. One seventh of our time only, is required by the divine command, to be devoted to the particular service of Jehovah, and here the profit or income of only a like proportion of our country is to be employed in the support of religion.——So far well. But when we reflect that our population is not like that of Scotland, 0. body of people nearly unanimous regarding the fundamental points of christianity, and undivided in their manners and customs; when we consider that (we except the Catholics in the lower province) the Canadas are peopled by emigrants from many countries, and that they have been accustomed to enjoy many different religions opinions and forms of worship, or have perhaps left their respective countries that they might be enabled here peaceably to worship their maker according to their consciences; when we thus reflect we are compelled to acknow- ledge that the imperial parliament did. not consult the best interests of the people nor of Britain, when it endowed the professors of one faith, with the rents and emoluments of the lands belonging to the ministers of religion, thereby establish- ing in the nineteenth century, a militant dominant church. We hold this opinion, 1st. Because the persons dissenting from the church of England, being then & now more than nine—tcnths of the population, are thereby persecuted. For if, in consequence of their religious opinions, they and their ministers are disqualified for conscience sake, from partaking of the benefit, of lands set apart for the support of religion in general, no reason existing, founded on the well being of society, Why they should be so excluded; can we call it by any other name than persecution‘? 1‘. Quebec Act, Section V. ELGI N -GEE Y PAPERS 1065 [Enclosure] “ In judging, still let moderation guide; O’erheated zeal is certain to mislead. First bow to God in heart-warm gratitude, Next do our utmost for the general good. ’Tis there where real wisdom lies; And impious is the man who claims dominion, To damn his neighbour difif’ring in opinion.” Tannahill. 2nd. Because, this church, so established, and being in possession of territories which will, at no very distant period, yield an immense revenue, may very greatly endanger our liberties. by the temporal influence it will thereby acquire. 3d. Because distrust, discontent, and dissensions are engendered by this division of funds set apart for the support of religion, in the minds of many of his majesty’s faithful subjects in the Canadas. “The pulpit Must stand acknowledged while the world shall stand, The most important and efifectual guard, Support, and ornament of virtue’s cause. There stands the messenger of truth; there stands The legate of the skiesl His theme divine, I-Iis ofiice sacred, his credentials clear, I would express him, simple, grave, sincere, In doctrine uneorrupt; in language plain, And plain in manner; decent, solemn, chaste, And natural in gesture; much impressed Himself, as conscious of his awful charge And anxious that the flock he feeds May feel it too; affectionate in look And tender in address, as well becomes A messenger of grace to guilty man. Behold the picture! Is it like? Like whom?” Is it like the reverend clergy of the church of England, now in the Canadas, and them only? Is it like the ministers of no other denomination? Will that clergy appropriate to themselves exclusively, this description, this portrait of a gospel minister? They will not do it; they cannot do it. But they can appro- priate the income of one seventh of the province; they can do this. Nay, some of them have from two to a dozen secular offices, in addition to their clcrlcships. We could open the sacred writings; we could from thence compare these priests with Timothy’s description of a gospel preacher. But for every thing there is a season. To return to our argument; will the Presbyterian clergy say, we alone are described in these verses? Not they, indeed; they are no bigots. It reflects much honour on the General Assembly of the church of Scotland, that they wamnly petitioned the parliament, not in favour of a wealthy nomresident Irish clergy, but in favour of Catholic emancipation. 1066 ELGIN-GRE Y PAPERS [Enclosure] If, therefore, no particular class of christians have a right to arrogate to themselves and their followers exclusive orthodoxy, it is surely bad state policy to support in this country a, particular church. It may do for 0. time as a state engine; but it may be clearly proved not to be of God. “Well hast thou said, Athena’s wisest sonl All that we know, is, nothing can be known.” Childe Harolde, Canto ii, St. 7. 4th. Because this seventh, if given to support only one class of Christians, is equivalent to a system of temporal rewards and punishments; and if this is resorted to as the means of establishing religious opinions, it will make hypo- crites enough. As of old, so now. “For Venus wote we wold as fain as ye, That ben attired here and wel besene, Desiren man and love in our degre, Fermc and faithful, right as ywolde the queue; Our frendes wieke in tender youth and grene, Ayent our will made us religious; That is the cause we mourne and wailen thus.” Godwin’s I/fife of Chaucer, 2d cd. i, 383. The Atheist and the Deist will not hesitate to subscribe this test of truth, nor will the unbellever always draw back.—O]fices, church dignitics, emoluments, power and place, are held out to the votaries of this church, the favoured few; but, we will have recourse to our national bard, and shall here insert his inimitable portrait of a numerous class who are keen hunters after the dignities, emoluments, &c. aforesaid. “———Stretch a point to catch a plack; Abuse a brother to his back; Steal thro’ a winnock frae a——, But point the rake that takes the door: Be to the poor like any whinstone, And haud their noses to the grindstone: Ply ev’i’y art of legal thieving; No matter—stick to sound believing. Learn three mile prayers, an’half mile graces, Wi’ well spread looves, an’ lang wry faces; Grunt up a solemn, lengthened groan, And d——~n all parties but your own; I’ll warrant then ye’re nae deceiver, A steady, sturdy, staunch believer.” Bums. We have known ministers connected with other churches, in coming into this province, change their religion and become Episcopal clergymen. Christi-an charity induces us to believe that their motives were disinterested, but as some of them have grown very bigottcd to their adopted faith, their sphere -of useful- ELG’IN—GREY PAPERS 1067 [Enclosure] ness is diminished, many attributing the change of principle thus miraculously achieved, to far less honorable motives than either conviction or conversion. “Behold the picturel is it like? Like whom? The things that mount the rostrum with a skip, And then skip down again; pronounce a text, Cry—hem; and reading what they never wrote, Just fifteen minutes, huddle up their work, And with a well bred whisper, close the scenel” 5th. Because it is an evident inconsistency in a British protestant govern- ment, to grant the catholics what it refuses to the protestants. Lower Canada, except a few new townships, has no clergy reserves. Its ministers are allowed tithes from their parishioners, and are thus recognized as an established church. While the Methodist, Presbyterian and Baptist clergymen, in the new townships, have no legal claim for the least support from the clergy reserves, so thickly planted in these townships. All goes to the English priests. But “What, crop the close! the Parson’s tool For this can less than death be due, When thorns and thistles grow so plenty, Could nothing but the Globe content ye? From such a sin but death can purge ye- Death without benefit of clergy.” Fables from La Fontaine. We might add a thousand reasons, perhaps, all equally forcible, if we had room, but will return to the subject hereafter. We are clearly of opinion that Catholic and Protestant, Episcopalian and Presbyterian, Methodist and Baptist, Quaker and Tunker, deserve to share alike in the income produced by these lands, » and we trust we shall yet see a law enacted by which the ministers of every body of professing chiistians, being British subjects, shall receive equal benefits from these clergy reserves; for we conceive it would remove a grievance which, if sufiered to remain, may be a means of much evil~—aud indeed may be the cause of greater injury to British interests here than we choose to anticipate. But we will hope for the best. “ Let Kedar’s wilderness afar Lift up its lovely voice, And let the tenants of the rock With accents rude rejoice: Till midst the streams of distant lands The islands sound his praise, And all combined, with one accord, JEI-I0vAH’s glories raise.” Solomon, We coincide with Mr. Straohan, in opinion respecting the very urgent necessi- ty which exists in Canada, for the establishment of a university, and transcribe from his tour a few remarks on the subject. 1068 ELGI N -GRE Y PAPERS [Enclosure] “The liberal professions new demand the establishment of a university. The church requires a long course of study, which cannot at present be obtained. ——Young men designed for the bar, have not the necessary opportunities for preparing themselves for that important profession. The students of medicine, the sons of liberal merchants and of the more opulent landholders, would certainly attend a. seminary on an extensive scale; and it is very certain that, in a few years after its establishment, more than one hundred students would be found at the university of Upper Canada.” * The number of students found at the university, if it be established, will very much depend upon circumstances. If it is to be an arm of our heirarchy; if students are to be tied down by tests and oaths, to support particular dogmas, as is the case in Oxford, the institution will answer here no good purpose. Arts and sciences, manufactures and commerce, have greatly progressed thro’out Europe and America during the last fifty years. The invention of the steam engine, and the useful application of steam pressure, has placed us centuries in advance of even the last generation, in point of power. The whole world is indebted to Great Britain, for many a banquet rich with mental luxury. Let us, therefore, lose no time, but free from party spirit and narrow sectarian motives in our institutions, endeavor to benefit by this general diffusion of knowledge. Let us remember Lord Bacon’s wise and laconic saying, “Knowledge is power.” We ought to enrich the minds of our youth, by giving them such instruction and conformation of character as may enable them to serve their country, by the practical application of a systematic education, and like William Pitt, to blend the wisdom of age, with the complexion of youth. We very much want men in Canada, who have received a liberal education; men untaiuted by the enjoyment of power and place, who, if called on, would not hesitate to sacrifice their personal interests for the good of their country; and who, if elected to our house of assembly, would return to their homes at the end of a fourth or fifth session, as free from the enthralments of patronage and place, of honors and pensions, as when they were first placed in the honourable situation of guardians of their country’s rights. We want barristers who would at all times prefer, on principle, to plead the cause of a poor man oppressed, rather than of a rich oppressor; who would rather physio pomp than pamper it~rather despise arrogance, clothed with a little brief authority, than cringe to and flatter it. It even occurred to us when we were in the Gore District, at the last Assizes, that we wanted 9. Sir Mathew Hale in his miller’s dress. Perhaps this was 2. fancy of our own—we wonder whether the thought struck any one else. It is not to be denied, however, but that Mr. Justice Boulton was very cclifying in his way, and we doubt not decided with as profound professional wisdom as would have Sir Mathew; though perhaps it would have been as well if he had paid less attention to the town clerk of Ephesus’s adage, “Do nothing rashly.” But to return. * Straehan’s Canada, 132. ELG’IN—GREY PAPERS 1069 [Enclosure] We want churchmen who would come up to, or nearly to the picture of a gospel minister, as we have copied it; lovers more of the flock, than of the fleece. If we are, indeed, to be blessed with such pastors, counsellors, and politi- cians,——if we are to lessen our importations of the first and last classes; and if we hope to feel no inconvenience at having laid an embargo on the second,—- if we really love to encourage native talemf,—if We desire to see in the pulpits and in the ranks, at the bar and on the bench, in the senate and in the field, in the counting-house and in the navy, our Canadian Blairs and Fenelons; our Erskines and Romillys; our Pitts, Foxes, Cannings, and Clintons; our Moores and Washingtons; our Nelsons and Duncans; our Burkes and Sheridans, and Broughams and Barings; if we desire, hope or expect British America to produce men eminent both at home and abroad; if, in fact, we entertain a single wish for the welfare of our country, we must encouragc,L—liberally encouragem competent professors of science and literature to emigrate hither. For»- “A little learning is a dangerous thing; Drink deep; or taste not the Castalian spring.” The education which a boy now receives at any of the district schools is very costly. Not less, if the youths board is included, than from seventy to ninety pounds, provincial currency, a year.— Far more——~aye, more than double what would be required in Scotland to send a student to Edinburgh, or any other Scots university, and keep him there for the same space. Knowing this, we opine that the honourable and reverend Doct. John Strachan. D. D. &c. &o. &c. or his brother, or whoever wrote “Strachan’s Tour,” must have been half asleep, or nodding, when he or they stated that children can be instructed cheaper in Canada, and as well as at home,* (Britain) We wonder what part of Canada, and what part of Britain are meant to be spoken of? We have shortly introduced the subject of education,-——we have made a. few desultory remarks, but We propose to reserve not a few of our columns to the consideration of this very essential topic, Mr. John Wilson, of Salt-fleet, deserves our warmest commendations. He has done great good to this Province by advocating in his place, in parliament, and in his neighbourhood, the cause of moral and religious instruction. “With patience that so often bow’d, By the rude storm can rise anew, And H ope that e’en from Evil’s cloud Secs sunny good half breaking throughl”’l‘ We greatly esteem this gentleman.— Many members of our legislature get less useful the longer they are kept in parliament; but his talents appear to us the more eminent, and his knowledge the more solid and extensive, the longer he is there. And We hope that his acquirernents, and the good uses he puts them to, will be always duly appreciated by his constituents, the Farmers of Wentworth. * Strach-an’s Canada, 132. 1‘ Loves of the Angels. 1070 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS [Enclosure] We would wish to impress on the minds of every one of our readers, the truth of this important quotation from Addison: “I consider a human soul without education like marble in the quarry, which shews none of its inherent beauties, until the skill of the polislier fetches out the cclours.”—S1>Ec’.1wron.

In introducing to our readers our opinion of the main cause of whatever
portion of wealth and prosperity we possess, “AGRICULTURE,” we have to state
that in the course of our Journal we will devote a considerable space,
from time to time, to this useful art. Practical utility is the object we
will keep in view; and the notions of ingenious but speculative men, which may
have a tendency to mislead, into rash projects, persons engaged or engaging in
agricultural pursuits, will be carefully avoided. Nor will we introduce more of
the theory than what may seem absolutely necessary to exhibit a view of
those principles which long experience has dictated to men of sound judgment
and correct observation.

It will be our study to render our details as concise as possible, in as far as
may be found consistent with perspieuity

We will carefully watch the progress of the art in other countries, and in
particular will give a due attention to the improved modes of farming in the
United States. From these Americans we have much to learn, ere we can rival
them in the practice of Agriculture. But let us hope for the best; our senators
may open their eyes; we may ere long behold Agricultural associations in Upper
Canada; Agricultural improvements properly rewarded; Agricultural professor-
ships, and a. practical, yet scientific race of Farmers. We have a rich soil——o,
favourable climate—a population, inured to labour, hardy and industrious; and
even though we be, as Mr. Webster sneeringly terms us, the distant dependency
of a distant monarchy, we may yet flourish, without hastily severing the ties
which bind us to the land of intellectual grandeur———the country of our forefathers.
“Let labor have its due! my cot shall be
From chilling want, and guilty murmurs free.

Let labor have its due; then peace is mine,
And never, never shall my heart rcpine.”
Bloomfield.

The United States is the elder daughter of Britannia; she set aside parental
authority; she became indopendent.——Canada is the youngest of the some family;
and because she has been always uniformly obedient and dutiful, will the
indulgent mother treat her the worse.?—-We trow not.

Good conduct deserves reward, not punishment; and it is not surely too great
a boon to ask, that Canada, as the reward of her obedience should be allowed
a little more freedom of action, and be less subject to a distant parental control.

Young countries, like young persons, acquire wisdom and discretion as
they advance in years. This is indeed in proportion to their abilities and means
of improvement. Our soil is richwwe are adventurous; but we are checked
at every step in our march.

Do we wish to encourage industrious farmers from the States to settle in
our country? our government opposes it.—Do We desire to ride a day’s journey

a

— ~§f..“,..

ELGIN~GItE Y PAPERS 1071
[Enclosure]

into that country, whether for improvement or pleasure? our return is liable
to heavy taxation by imperial England. Does a poor American family desire
to pass into our provinces, or to pass through them to another land, with their
wagons, their household goods, and their oxen, Five Dollars an ox is the
rigorous demand of our Little York Solomons. Jonathan politely passed -an act
to allow our Governor Gore’s coach, &c. to go through the United States to Upper
Canada free. We, in return, to show our liberality, throw every impediment
we can in .lonathan’s way, when from a like necessity he would take an ex,
a barrel of salt, or a wagon through our territory to Michigan!

England and Canada legislate for us; the former, without the aid of one
representative on our part to state our wants; the latter, by our own elected
men; but who, unfortunately, are so attached to pensions, powers, places, titles,
honours and emoluments, that the simple Farmer we sent four years ago
to York to guard our interests, returns among us so bed-izened with hono7’s,
justicc—ships, collector-ships, commissioners-ships, majorities and colonelcies, that
we scarcely know the Tom H oclge, our old neighbour; and he, on his part, is so
familiar with the little great as scarcely to condescerwl to remember as.

We will now quote a verse of Burns. It contains a good advice, and may
edify the forty at York, as well as the five-and-forty at London:

“An’ now yc chosen Five-and-Forty,

May still your mitl1er’s heart support ye;

Then, tho’ a minister grow derty,

And kick your place,
Yc’ll snap your fingers poor and hearty,
Before his face.”
The A1/.thor’s earnest Cry and Prayer.

“ It is only in proportion to the degree in which this important art of
Agriculture has flourished, that nations have been, or even can be, permanently
prosperous. Every improvement that is made in it is a moral benefit to man-
kind; for by increasing the quantity of human food, or facilitating the production
of it, one of two things must always happen: either the number of our species
will be increased, that is to say, a greater multitude of rational and intelligent
beings will exist in the creation; or a great number of those who already exist,
will find leisure for the improvement of their intellectual characters, by studying
and carrying to perfection the sciences and arts. Thus the strength of nations
is increased in proportion to the degree in which their soil is skilfully cultivated;
and,” (if the manufacturer and tradesmen are set down by the side of the
farmer,) “their independence is secured by finding upon the spot which they
inhabit all that is necessary for their subsistence.“

We intend, according as we have room, to copy into the “Advocate,” articles
on Roads and Bridges, Townships, Diseases, Scotch emigranlts, Irish ditto,
English ditto, American ditto, Sheep, Cattle, Agricultural Societies, Wheat,
Barley, Oats, Corn, Buck Wheat, Potatoes, &c. We will likewise, give some
account of the following articles, and others, which may be termed properly

* Fersyl/11, 5, 4.

1072 ELGI N —GRE Y PAPERS

[Enclosure]

articles of commerce: such as Flax, Hemp, Pot and Pearl Ashes. Bees’ Wax,
Honey, Lumber, Tobacco, Ginsing, &c. We have prepared for publication notices
on Gypsum, Lime and manures, and we will occasionally touch upon the atten-
dant science of horticulture.

Hops, and Grapes, the one very essential in the National British beverage
of beer, and the other the material from whence we have wine, are articles
requiring a degree of care and Watchiulness beyond the means of common
iarmers.—But of even these we do not despair.—We will investigate the subject.
The United States export hops, and the Swiss in Indiana raise as good wines as
on their native mountains} So that we may in time not despair of supplying
ourselves at least.

Vines can never become a profitable article in the Lower Province; the
climate forbids. Even in Germany where the farmer is generally speaking in
good circumstances, the cultivator of the vine is, generally speaking, poor.

We have been informed that a commercial treaty is on the topic between
G. Britain and the U. States. We would fain hope that by this means some of
the curscd restrictions which short—sighted stupid party minded legislatures,
have enacted to fetter, to choke, to destroy the trade, and cramp the erertions of
the country may be put down and set at nought. We are really badly treated;
look at our statute bookmcramine the British acts aflecting Canada-—pe7use the
debates on the American tarijfwconsult a collector, and learn the restrictions
already in force.~—We would almost suppose that a great part of these enactments
were the handyworks of some petty German despots, rather than the efforts
of the conjoined wisdom of Britain, Canada, and the United States. We beg
our rca.der’s pardon; but we cannot discuss this subject with our accustomed
patience. We can hardly find language fit enough to convey our ideas of these
doings.

We copy the following account of German state policy from “ Hodgskin’s
Travels” in that country “ in 1819;” how well it applies to this country, as
respects its transactions with our opposite neighbours, and even with Lower
Cannda, &c. We need not inform our readers—there are few but will see the
parallel, and from the premises we will leave them to draw their own conclusions.

“ Germany has been in these points particularly unfortunate. It has been
divided into many petty governments, each of which has been aniious to raise a
revenue by all manner of emotions, and to acquire superiority by impeding the
rise of others. Each has endeavoured to check the prosperity of its neighbour,
and thus, there is not, and never has been a free intercourse, between all parts of
Germany. Neither roads, nor rivers are free; commerce is free only in a few
square miles; and, the merchants of Germany have always wanted an extensive
home market, and have rarely been able to engage in foreign trade, because they
could never acquire capital enough to live on it till their returns came from
abroad. It would be a much greater benefit to the Germans to have a free inter—
course with all parts of their own country, than to restrict the importation of
English goods.——Thcir interest would be more promoted by the abolition of tolls
and border custom—houses, than by the utter exclusion of foreigners from their‘

‘flu New South Wales the culture of the vine already promises success; but they have a
governor in that colony who is the patron of Agriculture.

ELGI N -GRE Y PAPERS 1073
[Enclosure]

markets. Possessing a fine country, adorned with the noblest rivers in Europe,
speaking the same language and forming in fact but one people, they ought tot
have a more extensive comrnerce.”“

To the subject of inland trade, rivers, lakes, canals, shipping, the circulating
medium, bullion, banks and bank issues, we intend to draw the attention of our
readers—we can only find room to state our intentions in this place.

We earnestly desire to see established, throughout Upper and Lower Canada,
New-Brunswick, and Nova Scotia, efiicient societies for the improvement of arts
and Manufactures. We would like to see the manufacturer not quite four
thousand miles from the farmer. We would like to see less apathy, not only in
the governors but in the governed, in regard to this important topic. Our foreign
commerce, confined and shackled as it is, and as it has been, is entirely in the
hands of the British capitalists; our lumber trade is merely encouraged to support
British ‘worn~out shipping. We are inundated——glutted with British manufactures.
Luxury is encouraged and the simplicity of our manners lost, by the temptations
of foreign gewgaws which we could as well, aye, much better, do without.
Upper Canada at present is

“ No land of Canaan, full of milk and honey,
Nor (save in paper shekels) ready money.”

And the whole together is a system revolting to the feelings of every independ~
ent thinking colonist. Our farmers are indebted to our country merchants, our
country merchants are deeply bound down in the same manner, and by the same
causes, to the Montreal wholesale dealers. Few of these Montreal commission
merchants are men of capital; they are generally merely the factors or agents
of British houses, and thus a chain of debt, dependence, and degradation is
begun and kept up, the links of which are fast bound round the souls and bodies
of our yeoznanry; and that with few exceptions from the richest to the poorest,
while the tether stake is fast in British factories. Is it then to be wondered at
that our houses of Assembly have successively been distinguished for their
cringing submission to successive governors? Is it then at all surprising that the
most willing, the most subtle advocate of arbitrary power in the Canadas
represents the people of Little York? Is it to be wondered at that a I-Iagermarv
(the well known name needs no addition) should—(mis)—7’epresent Kingston?
And why should not our modern Cincinnatus of a Speaker be 21. Collector of
Customs, and hold half a dozen other offices besides?— Then things are all in
character, but we will do our endeavor to shew the country farmers how they
may best lay the axe to the root of the evil, and that speedily.

“ ’Tis thus that peerages are proffered,

And Ribbons pressed and mitres offered.

There’s no protection, no defence

Against this gentle. violence,

Some receive pensions, others places,

As from the hands of all the Graces.

They never had the slightest notion—

“ ’Twas all the ministers own motion.”
Jiiodgskin, ii, 201.
37-03

03

1074 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

[Enclosure]

As to the balance of trade being, or not being now in our favor, the
arguments pro and con would be too tedious for an introductory number; but
this subject we will discuss when opportunity allows.

We proceed briefly to name a few of the articles connected with manufactures
and inland and foreign commerce, of which it is our intention to speak, or upon
which we have received essays.

Foamron TnAnn.—British—other parts of Europe—Beyond the cape of Good
Hope (including the tea monopoly)—With the W. Indies and Spanish Main-
to South Aznerica—to the United States—Fur Trade~Whale fishery-—Codfish-
ing——Exchanges-Bounties and Drawbacks~—Excise Duties and Customs, &c. &c.
Here is a wide field for speculation, but where is the enterprize to take advantage
thereof, is it extinct? No, it is only dormant.

On the subject of manufactures and trades we have prepared essays on the
paper, iron, hat, linen, cotton, woolen, maple sugar, potash, hemp, cordage, and
salt manufa.ctures—also on Distilling, Brewing, Weaving, dyeing, printing, book-
selling, tanning, ship-building, and on Flour—mills, and Glassworks; these and
notices of other arts will be inserted successively as the limits of the publication
will admit.

One latent source of evil to the country mists in our laws of entail and
primogeniture; the conviction of the unsuitablencss of these laws for this country
has induced politicians from time to time, to draw the attention of our provincial
legislatures to the consideration of the subject;

[Continued from p. 1061.]

W. L. Mackenzie, Book-seller,-~Forcman

David Thorburn, Merchant, William Wynn, Innkeeper,

Adam Brown, ditto, Daniel Baker, Farmer,

John Brown, ditto, John Guernsey, Butcher,

Charles B. Baker, House carpenter, John B. Coles, Quecnston Hotel,
William Hepburne, Merchant, John M’Cabe, Innkeeper, and
Edward De Field, Ship Carpenter.

We took notes of the evidence, for this paper, and an abstract thereof is now
given.

The jury viewed the body, when it appeared that he had received several
wounds and bruises in the head; his skull was fractured and his neck broken,
and a. more ghastly spectacle could not well be conceived.

The jury adjourned to Mr. Wynns Inn, and heard evidence.

Elijah Place sworn—’.Found the body Sun half an hour high, above the
ferry~house, among the rocks. The deceased had on all his clothes, except his
hat—I-Iis head lay up-wards——Did not touch the body—The horse lay a oonsid~
erable distance below the body, without any harness or b1idle——Supposed the
bushes and rocks tore the harness off.

The jury then proceeded to Queenston Heights——It appeared from the
wagon tracks that he had gone to the left of the road; the horse had as if aware
of his danger when he came to the edge of the awful precipice, stamped the
ground with his feet»-«There was very little room for turning, and the wagon
had been backed about; but whether by the driver or by the instinct of the

1E’LGIN~GRE Y PAPERS 1 075

[Enclosure]

animal does not appear, In backing the hind and fore wheels had cramped,
as was visible from the tracks in the green sward. The hind wheels, in cramp-
ing, appear to have been forced down the sloping bank beyond the horse’s
power of resistance; the seat and of consequence the rider, must have been
immediatly upset, and the latter precipitated down over two ledges of rocks,
in all from 200 to 250 feet perpendicular.

The jury then proceeded by a narrow and difiitcult path to the place from
whence the body had been taken. It is a dreadful place, some 60 or 70 feet
above the margin of the river—«pieces of his skull and brains and much blood
were observed on the spot where he had fallen, and 9. cairn of stones was piled
up to shew the blood stained ground, the very place where not he only, but
also many Americans had years before, at the battle of Queenston, found a
grave.

“Can glory’s lust

Touch the freed spirit, or the fetter’d dust!
Small care hath he of What his tomb consists
Nought, if he sleeps.”

We observed the horse collar——it was not damaged!

The jury returned to Mr. Wynn’s——could not yet agree as to their verdict——
sent for Robert Grant, Esquire, who had in his possession the papers and prop-
erty that had been found on the deceased. From a feeling of delicacy the
jury did not themselves examine the papers, but requested Mr. G. to do so as
a personal friend of the deceased.

Robert Grant, Esquire, sworn—Did not believe that any thing contained
in those letters could have in any way irritated or vexed the deceased—there
was forty—four or forty five dollars in York Bank notes, three half dollars, a
watch with a seal, and a York shilling found on deceasedwhad no doubt but
that the deceased’s death was accidental.

Robert Hamilton, Esquire, sWorn—Turned deceased down—his face was in
a clot of blood——saw that he was dead——after others arrived at the place,
examined deceascd’s pockets, and delivered the articles found on his person to
Mr. Grant, a magistrate, The handkerchief round deceasedfs neck was double
folded in his mouth—from all the circumstances that had come to Witnews
knowledge, doubts not but that it was an accidental death,

Moses Little sworn, Stated that on a. certain night deceased desired witness
to accompany him in his wagon up the hill—witness complicdmdcceased was
apt to guide his horse out of the Way—»it was night——not a dark night—dcceasccl
was quite sober-—«scarched for deceased the afternoon of Tuesday—found his
hat on the middle ledge of rocks near the waterfall, near Where the body of the
wagon lies. Examined deceased to day~—found a large Wound or bruise on the
left thigh, and another on the right shou1dcr—con.cluded that the neck was
broken.

William M. Jarvis, Esquire, sworn-—-deposeth that deceased stopt at noon
on Monday at Mr. M’Cormick’s—left there, but returned at half past two to
diimermwas rather reluctant to stay dinner on account of his wife—staid till
half past seven——Walked over to his b1’other’—s—left there about 9. quarter past-

B33748}

1076 ELGI N —GREY PAPERS

[Enclosure]

ten—returned to Mr. M’ Cormick’s for his horse in company with witness, who
led his horse by the head until past the Rev. Mr. Tonnoy’s———deeeased preferred
that road to the other past the Neptune Inn—witness requested deceased to
remain all night in town, who refused because of his wife that he had promised
to take home from Queenston*~—deceased was in no ill humour—was somewhat
the worse for his wine, but knew perfectly well what he was about—has known
deceased for a long time——never was with him in a wagon going up Queenston
heights, as far as witness can remembe1‘—witness had no fear then of any
accident bcfalling deceased—-believes from deceased’s own account that he was
near sighted, which with the darkness and the wine he had taken would render
him less able to take a correct road~deceased told witness that he had no fear
but that he should get home safc——witness has no doubt but that deceased’s
death was accidentalrl‘

Samuel P. Jarvis, Esqr. sworn———dcposeth, that he was absent from home
from 9, A.M. to 7, P.M. on Monday last-—dined at &—deceased called on witness
accompanied by witness’s brother—deceased had come down to talk with
witness about the election, but had other business with Mr. W. J. Kerr-«took
about half a pint of port wine—talked till ten—~witness required deceased to
remain, who pleaded his promise to his Wife—sli_ook hands with deceased, who
left with witness’s brother—witncss has known deceased since childhood, never
met with a more upright or -a. more honourable man: from witness’s knowledge of
deoeascd’s character and habits he (witness) has no doubt but that his death
Was accidental—does not believe that deceased was afraid of way-layers or night
enemies-—deceased’s letters from London district were highly complimenta.ry——he
thought of withdrawing from Niagara and starting for London——asked witncssfs
0pinion—~—was in high spirits—had indeed an unusual flow of spii-itsmdeceased
was not aifectcd by the pamphlets and squibs that were published about him——
laughed at the squibs.

No other evidence was called. The jury seeing no cause to believe other-
wise, returned a verdict of ACCIDENTAL DEATH.

By the evidence produced they could not have done otherwise.- We are,
however, suspicious that this might have been the Work of some secret enemy.
There is a myste1y about this man’s death that we cannot unravel. It is hard
to suppose that any one could have been so barbarous as on that stormy and
dreadful night to have forced him into certain destruction; yet it is really
marvellous how he, with a steady horse, which so well knew the way, should
have so far missed the path. Be these things, however, as they may, he is
gone to his last account, and that, as we suppose, before he could ejaculate
a supplication for mercy.

*Mrs. Thomas Dickson, it seems, had heard deceased knocking at eleven, or thereby: when
deceased found that the family were in bed, it is supposed that he thought it best to go on, for
he did not wait till they could open the door. It 18 said that he also knocked at Mr. Grant’!
house before he went up the mountain, which skews he was but little disordered by_ the wine he
had taken. M’Intyre, the servant of the deceased, says the horse was a. strong animal and not
liable to mistake the mad; he has been out with deceased at all hours, and is sure that had not
the horse been forced. out of the Way, he would have kept the road, The place where deceased
fell over is about six rods from the road.

1′ We believe that this gentleman was Lhse Ilasrt person who was in the company of the
deceased before his death.

ELGIN —GIBE Y PAPERS 1077
[Enclosure]

Respecting Colonel Nichol’s public conduct, there are various opinions;
of his abilities as a legislator, few can doubt.

As to his conduct in parliament, if We cannot say that it met in most points
our approbation, still we will leave it as a subject for others to censure or
applaud as they may see fit. We wage no war with the dead.

In private life, Colonel Nichol Was spoken of generally as a man of amiable
disposition, warm hearted feelings, and active benevolence.

His body was interred in the burying ground of the Hamilton family, at
Queenston, on Thursday the 6th inst. and he has left a Widow and three children
to deplore his loss.

A WONDER!—His Excellency the Lieutenant Governor left this place last
Friday, for Quebec, in the Frontenac. He will review the troops at Kingston,
as he passes down. We suppose his‘ Excellency’s visit relates to the pending
union of the provinces, and that he desires to see Earl Dalhousie before his
meditated departure for England. Major Hillier and the Attorney General
transacted business with his excelleney at Stamford, previous to his departure.

We may remind the readers of our address that the Vicar of Wakefield,
though like Sir Peregrine rather of sedentary habits, took one long journey in
the course of his life: and an eventful journey that was!

MEMORANDA ON EMIGRATION.

[The following papers (pp. 1077-1140) are contained in one volume of the
Elg’in—Grey Papers. They have been arranged chronologically, in so far as it
has been possible to determine the dates] .

N0. 3—EXPERIMENTAL EMIGRATIONS IN 1823 & 1825:-ALSO THEE
‘LANARK SETTLEMENT.’

The Emigrations in 1823 and 1825 under M’ Peter Robinson were efiected
by Parliamentary Grants of Money, for which no repayment was pledged.

The number sent out in 1823 amounted to 568 in all, including men, Women,
and children.

The expense was £12,593 or at the rate of £22. .1. .6.

By a Return of M’ Robinson in the Appendix to the Con1mittce’s Report
of 1826 it appeared that the property in Land, produce, and Stock, in the pos-
session of the 120 Heads of Families who emigrated in 1823 was valued at
£7,662. .“6. .“6 Sterling.

The Emigration of 1825 consisted of 2,024 persons, among Whom Were 415
Heads of Families, able bodied, and capable of labor. The expense of their
removal to Canada amounted to ;%3,145 including their location and sustenance
up to the period at which their first Crops enabled them to provide for them—
selves. The 415 Heads of families were located upon 41,500 Acres. The value
of the produce of their first years labor was calculated at £l1,272.~~J.[‘he total
expense of the emigration of 1825 was £21. .5. .4 per Head. ’

1078 ELGI N ~GRE Y PAPERS

The experiments seem to have been beneficial for the people, but were too
costly to he persevered in.—

In 1820 there was an emigration from Lanark which was assisted by ad-
vances from Government on condition of repayment by the Emigrants within
ten years.

An advance of £8 in all was made to each Emigrant within six month’s after
arrival at the place of settlement. They paid their own passage to Quebec,
but the charge of removal to the place of settlement was borne by Government.
Each Family received 100 Acres of Land.

Unfortunately the Land proved to be bad. The young men as they grew
up gradually migrated to dit‘1″erent parts of the Province, and in many instances
were followed by their parents. In 1829 the settlement had lost by deaths and
removals 166 Heads of Families out of 569. The Emigrants though industrious
were never in a condition to repay their advances, and after a long correspond-
ence it ended in the Government/s abandoning in 1836 any claim to repayment.

[Endorsed]

Former Emigrations

ABSTRACT OF EMIGRANT BILL IN CANADA

CL: 1. Increases the Tax from °5/ to “l0/, and imposes it on every Passenger
irrespective of age.

Cl: 2. If the Ship be placed in Quarantine, there shall be added 25/6“ for every
three days that she is so detained, provided that the whole of such addi-

. tion shall not exceed 20‘/. and provided also that no charge is to be
made in respect of any detention merely for cleansing or observation.

Cl: 3 The Tax of 510/. shall be doubled on Ships arriving after the 10“ of

Sept. and trebled after the 1°‘ Oct.

If Masters of Ships do not give proper Lists of any Extra Passengers

shipped after clearing, they shall pay, in addition to the Tax, a penalty

of « 40/. for every such Passenger

Cl: 5. The Master shall report on arrival the name and age of every Passenger,
and shall designate each one who may be Lunatic, Idiotic, Deaf or
Dumb, Blind or Infirm, stating whether they are accompanied by
Relatives able to take care of them, and shall also designate all children
without Relatives on board, and all Widows, or other Women who have
children on board and no husband —- and for each such case which he
omits to report, he shall forfeit £5.

Cl: 6. The Medical Officer at the Quarantine Station shall search for and
report all such helpless persons as above, and for any of them Whom
he may deem likely to become chargeable the Master shall give Bond
in the sum of £20 that they shall not so become a burthen within one
year,—- or may compound by paying ‘20/. a head:

Cl: 7′. Power to levy expense incurred for Emigrants under the above Bond:

Cl: 8. If the Master refuses to execute the Bond, he shall forfeit £100, and his
Vessel shall not be cleared.

CL: .4.

E’LGIN—GREY PAPERS 1079

CL: 9. The Reports of the Chief Emigrant Agents to be final evidence as to
what persons & amounts are fairly chargeable under the Bond

Cl‘ 10 0’2: 11. No oflicer of Quarantine to have an interest in the public Works
or supplies of that Establishment

Ct: 12. Masters to Land their Passengers at convenient hours & places.

CL13. Accounting &“ to be governed by the same Rules as under the former
Emigrant Tax Act

CL: 14. In case of Wreck, the remains of the Vessel to be liable for the main-
tenance of the Passengers and their transport to their destination,

Cl” 15. 16, 17. & 18. relate to matters of Form/

[Endorsed]
Canada

Emigration

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM LORD GREY TO SIR GEORGE GREY
DATED NOVEMBER 16”‘ 1846.

“I also return you Lord Lornes’s letrter. Upon the Subject of Emigration
he does not seem to be quite aware of the state of the case. The Government
cannot undertake to convey Emigrants to Canada because if it were to do so,
if we were even to undertake to pay part of the cost, an enormous expense would
be thrown upon the Treasury, and after all more harm than good would be
done. Nothing is so clear from what we know of the disposition of the people
who emigrate as that if under any regulations however strict the Government
were to undertake to provide conveyances for emigrants to British America,
the shoals who now find their own way there would at once throw themselves
upon the Public, and endeavour to get sent out for nothing. But we know that
as many as 50,000 Emigrants have gone in one season to Canada alone, the Emi-
gration of next season if left to itself will probably not be less than this, if
therefore We Were to adopt any plan for carrying out Emigrants all these people
would discontinue their own efiorts and some £150,000 would have to be spent
in doing that which if we do not interfere will be done for nothing. Lord
Lornes seems to admit that it would not do to pay for the passage of these
people, but seems to think that leaving them to find their own way something
ought to be done to assist them after they get there, more particularly by letting
them have Land cheap. No measure of the kind is necessary. the Provincial
Government is already in the habit of taking measures to assist all Emigrants
who arrive in Canada to find employment, and upon the whole this is successfully
done, even if a very much larger number of Emigrants should go out there would
be no real difficulty in disposing of them in the same way. But letting them
have Land cheap is not only altogether needless, but would be most mischievous.
It is of no use allowing these people to have Land unless they are assisted to
settle upon it, they must have Cottages built, a part of the ground cleared for
them, and advances of tools seeds and provisions until their first crop comes in.

1080 ELGI N -GREY PAPERS

The expense of this is enormous, and the result of Wilmot Hortozfs scheme clearly
proves that the idea of getting any portion of the advances repaid is visionary.
Besides it has been found by experience that converting thus into Landowners
at the public cost men who have been in a very inferior station at home encourages
improvidence and consequently that when the time comes that their own Land
ought to maintain them it does not do so, and in order to save them from
starvation the assistance they have received is of necessity continued. Hence
I am convinced that it is most unwise to attempt to assist Emigrants by settling
them on Land from the cultivation of which they are to procure a livelihood.
But I think there is another way in which the end L“ Lornes has in view might be
accomplished. I think it would be a very good plan to prepare villages to which
bodies of Emigrants ‘from the same part of the country, and under the care of
Clergymen to whom they were known might be sent. Such villages should be
placed in the vicinity of some the great public works that are going on, or some
of the projected railroads upon which the Emigrants might find Work. Each
village should consist of from 100 to 200 cottages or log houses which could
be roughly built at no very heavy cost, there should be a church and a house
for the Clergyman. N 0 Land or at most a very small garden should be attached
to each cottage, but allotments should be reserved for purchase by the settlers,
Whenever they could find the means of paying for them. -—~ Each Settler should
be required to pay weekly in advance the rent of his cottage which should be
suflicient to yield a fair return upon the cost of building it, and he should be
allowed when he pleased to buy the Freehold. .

If Such Villages were judiciously placed there would be no diflieulty in find-
ing Work for the Emigrants, and the increased value which such settlements
would give to the adjoining Lands would repay the Cost of forming them. The
great difference between the two plans is that by the last the Emigrants would
remain in the Condition of Weekly labourers, paid for their labour, and paying
Rent for their Cottages, until by industry they could accumulate the means of
becoming Landed proprietors. By the other these means would be advanced
to them by the State, and industry would be discouraged by the feeling that it
was not for their own profit, but merely to repay an almost hopeless debt to the
State.~

To carry such a Scheme into execution what is wanted is that the landed
proprietors of Scotland and of Ireland should exert themselves to collect the
required bodies of Emigrants, and to assist them in paying their passage to
Canada, and their Conveyance to the Villages prepared for their Reception.
The Government could not, as I have already shewn, without extreme incon—
venience, take upon itself any part of this Cost, but I should hope (though I
cannot venture quite confidently to say so) that means might be found, (pro-
vided we had due notice) of making at the Expense of the Colonies or of this
Country all the necessary preparations for the reception of the Emigrants.
But you will observe that the success of the plan would mainly depend upon
sending out together bodies of Emigrants from the same part of the Country
under the Charge of a Clergyman or some other leader, though no leader would
I think answer so well as the Clergyman who would go out at the head of his
future flock. ——

ELGIN —GRE Y PAPERS 1081

Let me know what you think of this Scheme. If you should find that some
of the great proprietors were prepared to adopt it, I would write out immediately
to the Governors of the North American Colonies to make preparations accord-
ingly, or at least to ascertain whether we Could obtain the Co-operation of the
Assemblies, without which as you are aware, we cannot do much.

LORNE TO GREY

Smrronn Housn
Dec: 6,

DEAR Loiu) GBnY——I am just now in communication with some friends in
Canada on the subject of emigration. I have this morning rec“ letters giving a
most favorable report of the District of Gaspe in Lower Canada, as peculiarly
fitted for our Western Islandcrs—as being a maritime district, with abundant
fisheries, and also affording great advantages to the purely agricultural settler.
This meets your suggestion that if settlements could be made for our people in
New Brunswick, the conveyance would be much cheaper. I presume the cost
of transfer to Gaspé must be as nearly as possible the same as to New Bruns-
wick.

The information I have attained respecting it is through M’ A. C. Buchanan,
Emigration Agent at Quebec. His idea is that Highlanders, will do better on
the Gulph, among the Fisheries than anywhere else in Canada, & points parti-
cularly to Gaspc, where a population of several thousands come over annually
from the Islands of_ Jersey & Guernsey to fish. He says the chief reason of this
immigration is want of Lands about the spot, to conduct their fi.sheries——‘Immc-
diate employment,’ he adds, ‘might be obtained for a great many on their
arrival—~Thcy will entirely avoid the great expence of transport which this year
was very great——about 20/ from Quebec to Toronto for each person forwarded

. by the Gov‘ and if Gov‘ here would give the sum which they would give towards

forwarding them to other destinations, to assist in locating them here, it would
go far to render them independent of farther aid.’

M‘ Buchanan has sent to me a Copy of a Memorandum which had been
sent to Him on the advantages of the Gaspe District. I enclose to you a copy
of it—the copy I have being troublesome to read

You will observe that tho’ the Memorandum states that more immediate
employment, & resources are open to the emigrant than in most parts of Canada
it proceeds upon the supposition all along that the emigrant must be mainly
agricultural—It is possible however that for a certain number there may be
employment all the year round’-But in the case of 2. country where the produce
of the Land is slated to find so ready at market, it seems to me natural that the
settler sh“ devote his time, at least as soon as possible, to the cultivation of
the soil. I fully agreed in your idea that it would be better to make the
emigrants hire by labour, than to place Him at once on allotments of Land.
My only doubt has been whether it would be easy to find any district in Canada
where a considerable Body of emigrants could find labour at once, sufiicient to
employ them all year round. In the Gaspe district, there seems a greater pro-

1082 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

bability of this than elsewhere—~tho’ even there employment in labour is spoken
of only as an interim arrangement between the arrival of the emigrant, and the
return of His first crop-

1 sh“ think that no better district could be found for our Western Islanders.
They would be at home when near the sea, and amongst a fishing population.
The cost of conveyance is small—compa.ratively. In any communication you
may have with the Colonial authorities, with a view to preparing for the recep~
tion of our Islanders, would you kindly direct your attention to the District
referred to. I expect in a few days some farther information on the subject.

I am sorry to trouble you with these papers; but the subject is rather a
pressing one to us—I am Dear L“ Grey

Yrs Faithfully

[Endorsed] LORNE
Dec‘ 6/46
Lord Lorne

{Enclosure}

MEMORAND-A ON THE DISTRICT OF GASPE—ITS ADVANTAGES TO
POOR SETTLERS.

Fuiwished to M » Buchanan by D’ G. M. Douglas.

I wish to bring under your particular notice a part of this province, hitherto,
but little noticed, which offers peculiar advantages to emigrants of small means.

This country is the district of Gaspé, or that part of it more especially
wh: fronts on the Bay de Chaleur. The want of a road to connect this valuable
part of the Province of Canada with the parishes on the S‘ Lawrence below,
Quebec, is one reason why it has hitherto attracted so little the attention of
Settlers. The appropriation of £15,000 made at the last session of Parliament
will remove all difiiculty from want of communication——

This fine country having a front of more that 200 miles on the Sea coast,
along which are several excellent harbours, for vessels of all sizes, & having
fine rivers flowing through it, has advantages in point of soil & climate equal to
any part of Canada East. The forests contain pine & other timber of value, &
the Sea & rivers abound in fish, the taking & curing of which employ some
thousand people in the summer.

The soil is generally excellent & yields good returns of wheat, potatoes &c
The following extract from the report of Commissioners sent by L“ Dalhousie,
when Gov: Gen: to report on the agxicul‘ capabilities of this district in 1820,
says—“The country is level, & the soil of an excellent description. The Bay of
Gaspé and particularly the Bay de Chaleurs are susceptible of the most im-
proved agriculture. For the establishment of emigrants no part of Canada
offers such immediate resources of livelihood as may be derived from the Fish-
eries. It is a fact worthy of notice that in 1816 when the lower parts of the
Province were aflfiicted with a famine from a destruction of the harvest by frost,
no such inconvenience was experienced at the Bay de Chaleurs, nor at any
other place within the tract above referred to.”

ELGIN vGRE Y PAPERS 1083

And in the evidence taken before the Commission on Crown Lands and
Emigration, appended to L“ Durham’s Report it is stated by Robert Christie
Esq: M.P.P. for Gaspé, in reply to questions respecting the Lands in the Town-
ships of Hamilton &c in the Bay do Chaleurs “This Country is highly susceptible
of agriculture, & capable of recieving 500 poor families. The Townships of
Hamilton, and comprehend some of the finest portions of land in the
whole District of Gnspé —— possibly in lower Canada. They are well watered
& every way adapted to immediate settlement, particularly by the poorer class
of emigrants, who if located there would find themselves in the immediate
vicinity of the fisheries which would at once afiford them immediate resources of
subsistence & furnish them with a permanent & profitable market for their
produce hereafter” —— And in answer to the question “What are the capabilities
of the District of Gaspé for sustaining an agricultural population?” M‘ C.
replies “ As great as any part of the District of Quebec — its climate nearly the
same, but its soil generally superior ”

The peculiar advantages which this Section of Country offers to poor

Settlers are these
15‘ The certainty of finding employment & a supply of food from the fisheries
while the first crop is growing»-
2°‘ The proximity of Lands upon which Settlements may be formed, to the Port
of disembarkation
3“ The ready sale of surplus produce to those engaged in the fisheries & Timber
trade.
In regard to the first — The certainty of obtaining food & employment whilst
the first crop is growing — In most parts of the Province the settler upon new
Land necessarily finds himself placed at a distance from employment &
from a cheap supply of food. From the nature of his location is more
or less isolated, and unless possessing money to purchase provisions, he is liable
to much suffering —— as was instanced in the case of some Highlanders in the
Eastern Townships, last summer. In Gaspé the vacant Crown Lands are
situated at a short distance from the Sea coast along the whole extent of which
there is a tolerable road; and it is fringed along its whole extent by settlements
of Canadian French, by the descendants of American Loyalists & by emigrants
from G‘ Britain. Those people are all more or less actively engaged in the
Fisheries in the summer, and w“ willingly employ the labour of a resident
population, if it c“ be obtained at a low rate —— especially during the months of
July & August — being the time when the poor settler has least to do on His
Land As a proof of the demand for labour I may state that a transient
population of from 3, to 5,000 are employed in the district during the summer
who leave it again in the Autumn. These people earn from 6 to 10 dollars a
month —~ and their Board. At this Season also, shoals of herring, Cod & other
fish arrive upon the Coast—-& render it an easy matter for the poor emigrant
to obtain a supply of wholesome food for the year, at the comparatively small
cost of the salt.

Next — the proximity of the Land upon which settlements may be formed
to the port of disembarkation. To the different harbours of Restigouclie, New
Richmond, Bonaventura &c and Gaspé Basin, vessels invariably arrive every
season for cargoes of timber & fish —— and as these Vessels always come out in

1084 ELGIN —Cr »RE Y PAPERS

ballast emigrants could be brought out at at as cheap, or oheaper rate than to
Quebec or Montreal. From the Ports above named, (and others) to the vacant
Crown Lands the distance is trifling — rarely exceeding two miles. It is well
known that the expense & loss of time to which the emigrant is exposed after dis~
embarking at Quebec or Montreal, before reaching His place of ultimate destin—
ation, is grea/o—~— I am convinced that the outlay of money necessary to transport
a family and their luggage & to find them Food to the Western parts of Canada
would go far towards meeting the cost of a log House, & clearing two acres of
Land. Taking into account the saving of time, & the probable exemption from
sickness, to which emigrants who follow in Crowds the line of the S‘ Lawrence
and the canals, are particularly exposed, in the early part of the summer ——- With
reference to the expence of maintaining a family of emigrants until the first crop
is obtained, when they cannot find labour or food, I beg to give the following
extract from a very able Report by D‘ Gesner, Provincial Geologist of New
Brunswick, to Sir Geo: Colebrooke in November 1842. After stating that the
most fertile tracts of waste Lands in that Province are to be met with on the
tributaries of the S‘ John, & upper branches of the Restigouclie rivers, which,
as I have already stated divide the Districts of Gaspé from New Brunswick the
Doctor says —~— “By obtaining a credit of the Gov” for 50 acres, of land, any
person with a family having a capital of £12 can maintain such family until the
first crop is produced & with sobriety & industry, in six years they can pay for
the Land with the interest on the first purchase. The above can be done in less
time than six years ——- But I have taken this time as a medium estimate.”

These remarks of D’ Gestner apply to the interior of New Brunswick —— the
climate & soil of which are analagous to that of the Bay de Chaleurs which
divides it from Gaspé ——- but where the poor settlers would not have the
advantage before alluded to. It is of the utmost importance however to the
success of the Emigrant that he arrive early in the season — I w“ say not later
than the end of May ~ And in no case would it be prudent for any number of
emigrants to come out without arrangements having been made the year
previous — by causing one or more temporary sheds to be erected in the vicinuty
of the Land to be occupied —— where protection could be obtained from the
weather while log Huts were being erected — The allotments of Land should
also be laid out the year before

Lastly — the ready sale of surplus produce to those engaged in the Timber
& Fish Trades. It is only necessary to remark on this Head that the whole
supply of provisions consumed by those engaged in the Fislieries & Timber Trade
are brought from Canada West, & the United States; and retailed at a high rate
from 50 to 70 per cent upon the cost in Montreal. This country Would, of itself,
for a long time consume all the surplus produce that could be raised”

[Endorsed]

Copy Memorandum
furnished to A. C. Buchanan.
Emigration Agent Quebec.
by G. M. Douglas.

021 Gaspé District

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1085

COLONIZATION IN NORTH AMERICA
15″‘ Dec’ 1846

In considering this subject it may be convenient to possess a reference to
some of the principal past transactions. The object therefore of the present
paper, which is drawn up at Lord Grey’s desire, is to refer to facts, and not to
offer opinions.—

I. The Question of Colonization was Considered by Lord John Russell in
1840. The information and opinions offered by the Land Board at that time
are contained in three printed Reports, which it may possibly be thought worth
while to look at. (21“ and 25″‘ April & 5 August 1840: Vide Parl’ Paper N° 613 ——-
184O [vol. xxxiii], pp. 55. 63. 104.—) The first of the three is perhaps chiefly
material as regards the Questions now raised in respect to Canada—as at
page 58 it shews how far the Services of the respective Land Companies were
found available. It would appear that except the North American Colon.
Association -—(the purchasers of Beauharnois) none of them were in 1840 ready
to do much for settling Emigrants. But the British American Company
(Eastern Townships) had at an earlier period, offered to spend money in prepar-
ing Land for the reception of Emigrants. (P. P. 1839, N ‘’ 2, p. 63.)

The third of the reports above cited contained a more summary statement of
such views as the Commissioners could oifer on the mode of facilitating the
settlement of Emigrants. Eventually the Government did not adopt any general
measure on the subject.-

II. The plan of allowing small allotments to Emigrants in case of need was
revived in Canada in 1840. It was first adopted on political grounds after
the insurrection as a means to increase the resident British population. It was
continued on more general grounds. In the correspondence cited below, dated
in 1841 the Secretary of State suggested that 5 Acres to a Settler would be
enough, but Lord Sydenham and Sir George Arthur contended that nothing less
than 50 Acres would meet the Wants of a Settler in Canada. These papers Con-
tain a great deal of important practical information on establishing a Settler
on Land.*

Lord Sydenhams general views on the best mode of providing for an unusual
influx of Emigrants, are Contained in a despatch dated 26“ of January 1841.1‘
The last sentence in this despateh contains some unfavourable Comments on the
Canadian Companies and objections to their being made use of by the Govern-
ment.-—

In 1842 the Commissioners expressed some objections to granting lots of
fifty Acres to poor settlers, and Sir Charles Bagot, differing from them, replied in
a dispatch which is certainly very material and well Worth reading. The Strongest
point perhaps in his reply is, that instead of any great eagerness of labourers to
acquire small lots, there was even a diificulty in getting enough of them to accept
such lots along projected lines of Road where Labourers were wanted.»-

”*’P. I’. By Command_1841. 1). to 70 [V421, XV, No. 298]
1-Lord Sydonhani 26 Jan)’ 1841. P. P. as above 1.», ’11 [VOL X17, No. 298]

1086 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

III. The Companies at present existing are
The Canada Company (Upper Canada)
The British American Compy (Lower Canada)
The New Brunswick Company ‘
The North American Association (Beauharnois)
The first is understood to be doing well, but in 1840, though directly applied to,
they did not see that they could do much for Government in the way of under-
taking to settle people. The two next Companies I believe to be by no means
flourishing. Of the last of them I have no information—-

IV. The Parliamentary Grant in Aid of Expenditure in Canada upon Immi-
grants has for the last two years been £1000 for Agency, and £1500 for forward-
ing or relief. The latter Item has, I think, been formerly as large as £5000 or
more, but I do not delay this memo. to verify the Amount. It will be observed
that Lord Sydenliazn in a despatch cited before, felt no doubt of being able
to provide with moderate means for a very large Number of Immigrants. In
1842 the Arrivals in the North American Provinces amounted to no less than
54,000, being one of the greatest years on record. Yet not much diificulty appears
to have been found in disposing of the Immigrants who arrived in Canada.
On this point particulars may be seen if required in the Commissioners Annual
Report for 1841. p. 26-— On the other hand distress in New Brunswick, and
even the Adjacent parts of the United States, has been frequent and e_xtensive.——

T. F. E. [T. F. ELLIO/1‘]
[Note in another hand]

P.S. The cost of a Log-hut of course varies according to quality, but for ordinary
purposes might be stated at from £10 to £12.— There is no direct evidence of
the cost of erecting a house lit for a Clergyman; but from the estimate supplied
from New Brunswick of the expense of a comfortable frame-house, it might
perhaps be assumed not to exceed £200.-

EMIGRATION.

I conceive it to be impossible safely to undertake to send out emigrants to
N. America at the public expense.—- Nor do I believe it to be at all necessary
to do so, I have no doubt that a very_ large number of emigrants indeed will
in the ensuing season find their own way across the Atlantic.-—

All that is necessary is to assist &: encourage the natural flow of emigrat” for
which purpose I sh“ recommend, 1“ that the Comm” of Emigrat“ sh‘ be
authorized to undertake the whole charge & risk of carrying out emigrants for
whose conveyance a certain sum per head sh“ be paid to them, so that a landlord
or a parish wishing to obtain relief from a. superabundant populat“ sh“ have
nothing to do but to pay a certain sum of money to the Comm“, who sh“
thereupon undertake the conveyance, to such colonial port as might be agreed
upon, of the emigrants contracted for; it being of course provided that the
intended emigrants were of a proper descript“, & not persons sick or infirm, or
otherwise incapable of labour.-

—._——.u’-7i;

ELGIN—GREY PAPERS 1087

2” » I sh“ recommend that arrangements sh“ be made in the colonies for the
recept » & distribut“ to places where they might find work for all the emigrants
that might arrive.~—— I have no doubt, if timely preparat“ are made, this may be
safely undertaken. Already we are in the habit of doing a great deal in this
way, 49; at a very small expense.» The tax levied upon emigrants in the colonies
affords the means of maintaining hospitals & giving some scanty relief in the
cases of most distress, & in addit“ to this a sum of 1000 £ a year for agency &
1,500 :5 for forwarding (as it is called) emigrants from the ports to the places oi‘
settlement is found to be sufficient in ordinary years for the prevent » of any very
serious dil’l‘iculty in disposing of the crowds of emigrants that arrive in Canada.
a comparatively small addit“ to the money that applied W » aflord the means of
distributing the emigrants as they arrive to the places where their labour is most
in request, from £4000 to £5000 added to. the present vote W » probably be suflicient
for this puipose.——Thus aided, the natural demand for labour in N. America will
absorb a very large number of emigrants. —~ In the year 1842 the arrivals in
Canada alone were 54,0001 persons & this very large number of emigrants was
disposed of without any very great inoonvenience.—— Considering the rapid
progress that Canada is making in Wealth, I sh“ conceive that 60,000 at least
might now be received there in one season more easily than the smaller number
in 1842, & adding to those who go to Canada the emigrants who will proceed
to the ports of the United States, & of the Lower Provinces, 1 sh“ conceive that
an emigrat“ of from 100,000, to 120,000 souls might be disposed of with no other
assistance than that which I have mentioned.—

I think it however probable that the emigrat“ of next season may very con-
siderably exceed that number, & farther provis“ is therefore needed for the recept“
of a part of the emigrants who may reach our cclonies.——— With this view I sh“
propose that immediate measures sh‘ be taken for preparing villages for the
recept“ of bodies of emigrants coming from the same district.—— Such villages
sh“ consist of say 200 of the ordinary log houses which are usually inhabited
by settlers with one or two of a better descript » for a clergyman or other leader
of a party of emigrants. The cleared ground attached to each cottage sh“ be
merely enough for a garden, as the emigrants ought not to be encouraged to
depend upon the produce of their own land, or even to expect to become pos~
sessed of land until they could save from their earnings as labourers money
enough to pay for an allotment of land & to maintain them while bringing it
into cultivat“—— It would therefore be necessary to take care that settlers so
established in villages sh“ be enabled to find regular employment at fair wages.—~—
This might be done partly by establishing such villages in the neighbourhood of
some of the great public Works now in progress, partly by finding work for
them in opening new roads & clearing land for settlement.—- The increase of
populat” in the neighbourhood of wild land adds so greatly to its value, that I
entertain no doubt that settlements formed up011 this plan, though they must
of necessity require an outlay of money in the first instance, ought to oecas“ no
permanent expense to this country.—There are however some difliculties to be
got over in so conducting such a scheme of emigration as to arrive at this
result, chiefly in consequence of the surrender to the Provincial Legislatures of

1Number 54,000 written in, in pencil.

1088 ELGIN »GRE Y PAPERS

the Territorial revenue.——— To surmount these difliculties there are two modes of
proceeding, both of wh. ought I think to be to some extent adopted.~—— Of these
the first is to make use of the agency of the chartered companies which have
had grants made to them of a large extent of wild land in the different pro-
vinces of N. America.»— I have little doubt that with some at least of these
companies it might be possible to make arrangements by which in considerat“
of an advance of money of Wh. the repayment sh“ be secured on the whole of
their property these companies wd undertake to make the necessary preparat“
for receiving bodies of emigrants.— Such an arrangement ought to be the source
of large profit to the Company making it.——— The money necessary for preparing
log huts &c for the recept“ of a party of emigrants being advanced by this
country, no outlay of capital w“ be required in the first instance by the Com-
pany, & the purchase of these huts & of the land they were built upon by the
emigrants as they saved money from their wages Wd afford the means of meeting
the repayments to the public for which after a time the Company W“ have to
provide, while the encreased value given by these settlements to the adjoining
lands, W‘ afford a very handsome profit & an ample compensat“ for partial
losses by bad debts.——

I sh“ propose if this proposal sh“ be sanctioned by the Cabinet to enter
into immediate communicat“ with some of the Companies adverted to.—- But
with that I sh‘ recommend combining another mode of proceeding wh_ I think
is still more likely to succeed.— Five or six intelligent & active persons sh“ be
sent out immediately to different districts in the N. American Provinces with
instruct“ to make arrangements on the best terms they could with the owners
of wild land for the recept“ of emigrants.— It is an ordinary practice for the
owners of such land to make grants for nothing of small allotments to settlers
merely for the sake of the encreased value thus given to the adjoin‘ lands, and
there can be little doubt that if properly dealt with by intelligent agents they
W“ eagerly close with offers made to them of receiv“ advances of money on
condit“ of preparing villages such as I have described above for the recept“ of
emigrants.—— The advance of money Wd of course be made on the security of the
land, the bargain w“ be that a landowner sh“ have a given number of log huts
ready by a certain time wh. emigrants sh‘ be allowed to occupy on being sent
by the Gov‘ agent for emigrat“——the terms of the occupat“ might be left to be
settled between the landowner & the emigrants subject only to certain provisoes,
dz the responsibility of the Gov‘ Wd terminate when the emigrants were placed
in their huts.— It w“ be highly desirable to have it given out that the money
so advanced by the agents was not contributed by the public, but by landowners
anxious to provide in America for persons sent from their estates, much better
terms W“ probably be thus obtained.—— Of these agents there sh“ be one for
New Brunswick —— one for the district of Gaspe, another for the Eastern town-
ships of Lower Canada & two for Upper Canada.’ By leaving this country
in January they W“ have time to put themselves in communicat” with the
Emigrat“ Agents in the Provinces & in concert with them to make the necessary
arrangements for the rccept“ of the emigrants as soon as the navigat“ opens.-
They sh“ be p‘‘ at the rate probably of 300£ a year with their actual travelling
expenses allowed besides. With respect to the cost of such a measure, it is
exceedingly diificult to form any estimate‘ beforehand & without having com~

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1089

municated with the great companies, but I believe it to be quite safe to cal-
culate that the first outlay W“ certainly not exceed 2029 for each family so
settled, & I certainly do feel very confident that 9. large proport“ of «this first
outlay at all events Wd in two or three years he recovered.-— No very large
sum therefore so applied might afford the means of setting ageing a permanent
stream of Well regulated emigmt“.-—-

The above is a very hasty & imperfect sketch of the measure I am pre—
pared to recommend for adopt“, it is however probably sufficient to render the
general design intelligible, & if this shd be approved there W‘ be no difficulty in
maturing the details of the plan.——

G. [GREY]
15/12/46

1697 CANADA (EMIGRATION)

COLONIAL LAND EMIGRATION OFFICE,
17”‘ December 1846.
Sm,

Adverting to the distress which is now prevalent amongst the Laboring
classes in some parts of the United Kingdom, and, to the probability of there
being a large Emigration during the ensuing season, we have thought that Earl
Grey would be glad to possess some information respecting the nature of last
years Emigration at an early period. Without therefore waiting for the general
report of M’ Buchanan the Government Emigration Agent at Quebec, which
he transmits at the close of each year, We have from his weekly Returns compiled
some information which we hope may be found useful, and which we beg to
submit herewith.

We have the honor to be,
Sir,
Your obedient
humble Servants

T. FRED ELLIOT

JAMES STEPI-IEN ESQ. C. ALEXANDER WOOD

&c &c &c

[Endorsed]
M » Hawes
J. S. [JAMES SEl‘EPI{IDN]

18 Dec.

B I-I

This is a curious & striking report 33.000 En1igrants——na1nely 21.000 from Ireland.
No distressmno lack of employt & a general evidence of the possession of
means sufiieieirt to enable the parties to maintain themselves till oinploy” are
found. But little aid is wanting to increase the numbers.

B H [BENJAMIN HAWKS] ‘
9337–139

1090 ELGI N —GRE Y PAPERS

[Enclosure]
INFORMATION

Extracted from the Weekly Returns of the Government Emigration Agent at
Quebec, showing generally the Class, destination &c of the Emigrants from
Great Britain in 1846.-

From the 6″‘ to the 16”‘ May 1846‘. ‘

2.600 Emigrants have arrived. They consist chiefly of young men and
Women—respectable in appearance and well clothed. The male adults are
classed in the several passenger Lists as follows,—Mechanics 52; Farmers 350;
Labourers 760; Servants 13. Among the Farmers there are a good number
possessing small Capital from £50 to £150. Their destination is principally
to the Western Section of the Province where a large number of them have
friends.—A good many of those from Limerick & Galway are going to the United
States;—they appear to have chosen this route as being the chea.pest.—— One
Ship from Plymouth brought some very respectable farmers with good means
who intend settling in the New Castle and Home District,— and 35 persons
partly assisted by their Parish

17”‘ to 23”’ May, 1846’.

The Emigrants this week are chiefly of the labouring Class.—— The male
adults are classed as follows; 702 Labourers, 296 Farmers, 87 Mechanics, and
17 Servants.

In the “Charlotte” from London there were 31 persons sent out under
the superintendence of the Poor Law Commissioners. The remaining passengers
were respectable in appearance, and seemed to possess some means. They are
all proceeding to Upper Canada.

The Emigrants p‘ “Clio” from Padstow are all of the labouring Class and
very poor. Their destination is the New Castle & Home District where they
have friends.

Of 247 Emigrants from Hull, &c all with the exception of 15 have proceeded
direct to Upper Canada. They are all respectable persons and generally in
good circumstances. One family axisted by Parish.

Of 154 passengers from Galway and Mayo, 6 families brought out Capital
and intend settling in Canada West. The remainder are stout able young men
and single females, some going to their friends and others seeking employment.
All able to pay their way except 3 families.

The Emigrants from Limerick, Cork and Youghal, 483 in n“, are mostly
young single men & Women;-— they are chiefly labourers. At least one~third
are going to their friends in the United States, as few are employed at Quebec,
the remainder have gone to different Sections of Upper Canada.

The Passengers p’ “Aberdeen” from Liverpool are all Irish from Co: Cavan,
Cork, Waterford and Tipperary. They have gone chiefly to the Ottawa,
Johnston and Midland Districts, and were with the exception of 2 families,
able to pay their Way.

On board the “Chieftain” from Beaumaris there were a number of respectable
and wealthy Welsh Emig“. They have all proceeded to their friends in the
State of Illinois. .

:_.4>~ ..,-__

…x;\;*—-—»

ELGI N ~GRE’ Y PAPERS 1091
[Enclosure]

166 from Sligo and 247 from New Ross are mostly poor people— about
75 were going to the United States, the remainder were proceeding to Upper
Canada.

Of 493 passengers from Londonderry some are very respectable farmers.
Nearly the Whole of them have come out to join their friends, a large number
of whom are settled in the Home & Simco Districts. Many had received assistance
from Canada to enable them to emigrate.

Those from Ballydehob (203, farmers & labourers) are all extremely poor.
Twenty or 30 are going to the United States—— The remainder to different
Sections of Canada.-—

24” to 30″‘ M ay 1846‘.

3741 Emigrants have landed at Quebec this week, viz‘ 1600 Male Adults,
1.284 Females, & 857 Children. Chiefly of the Agricultural Class, excepting
147 Mechanics. A good many have remained in this neighbourhood. From
300 to 400 going to their friends in the United States.

Among the Emigrants are 491 sent out by their Landlords, of whom 481
are from Ireland,——from the Ports of Dublin, Waterford & Limerick.

viz‘
60 sent by Lord Ormond
129 “ “ M’ Wandcsford from Kilkcnny
10 Landlord not named.
143 sent by Earl Fitzwilliam
148 “ “ Col. Wyndham
Of the voluntary Emigrants there were some very respectable farmers with
good means, proceeding to settle in the Western Section of the Province where
they have friends.

30”‘ May to 13”’ June 1846′

Over 4000 Emigrants have landed. They are chiefly of the labouring
Class-«the Mechanics being only 69, and more than nine—tenths are Irish.

Their destination is principally to the Western Section of the Province, but
from 800 to 1000 are going to the United States.

61 persons were sent out under sanction of Poor Law Oomm »— from South—
ampton, and 134 by Landlords from Ireland. The means of these as Well as
of a large proportion of the whole body of Emigrants, were very limited.

13”‘ to 20”‘ June 1846‘

Over 3.300 Emigrants have landed during the week. They are chiefly
farmers & labourers; the Male Adults are classed as 527 farmers 764 labourers
& 79 Tradesmen.

192 passengers from Hamburg are all Germans, generally in good cireum—
stances, & mostly going to the U: States

Nearly the whole of the remainder were Irish, with but limited means,
and seeking employment without any fixed destination in view. Of 750 Irish
from Liverpool fully half were going to the United States.

14 Emigrants were sent by Parish from Londonderry, and 121 by Landlords

from Ireland.
933749;

1092 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

[Enclosure]

21” to 127″‘ June 1846

4.568 Emigrants have landed, chiefly Agriculturists. The Male Adults
are classed as 662 farmers,——995 labourers, and 117 tradesmen of difierent
kinds.

The great majority intend settling in the Province with their friends.——
About 600 are going to the United States.— Their means generally are but
limited.

The Emigration of this season so far had been satisfactorily provided for,
and M’ Buchanan was not aware of any Emigrants being in distress or out
of employment in Quebec or its neighbourhood. The Reports which he had
received from the Agricultural Districts generally complained of a want of
labourers and domestic Servants.

Our total Emigration to this date is 21.533.

27″‘ June to 25”’ July 1846

Above 3.000 Emigrants landed in the above 4 weeks, of whom more than
1.700 were Irish— The people generally are respectable in appearance but with
limited means. From 600 to 700 were going to the United States. There were
a few Scotch & English settlers who seemed in comfortable circumstances and
were going to the Western Section of the Province. There were 283 Germans
from Hamburg, respectable Agriculturists & Mechanics, mostly going to the
Western States.

Of 508 passengers from Liverpool nearly all are Irish. They are generally
poor. All but 80 appear inclined to remain in the Province.

325 from Limerick are chiefly labourers & farmers. They are generally
poor,-——— about one-third: are going to friends in the United States, the remainder
settle in Canada.

425 from Belfast were respectable looking people. About 30 are going to
the States, the rest to the New Castle, Home, & Simco Districts. 93 persons
were sent by their Parishes.

545 from Sligo and Donegal are all poor. One~third are going to the United
States,—a number of young men remain at Quebec for employment, and the
remainder proceed to their friends in dilferent parts of the Province.

25″‘ to 31″ July 1846

2164 Emigrants landed during the week, three fourths of Whom are Irish.
About 400 in all appear to be proceeding to the United States. The remainder
settle in the Province. They consist principally of farmers & labourers and
with but limited means.

1”’ to 22”‘ August 1846‘.

The Emigrants during this period were 1845, viz” 4.0 English, 225 Scotch
& 1447 Irish,—— and 133 Germans. They are principally of the Agricultural
Class, with but limited means. Their destination is chiefly Upper Canada — a
considerable number are however going to the United States.

ELGIN—G’REY PAPERS 1093

[Enclosure]
92”“ August to 5″‘ Sept’ 1846′.

1.151 Eniigrants have arrived. The passengers from Limerick (133) are all
coming out to friends in Canada, with the exception of 80 going to the United
States. Among 184 from Plymouth are a number of respectable farmers with
good means who intend settling in the New Castle and Huron Districts. There
was also a party of Miners proceeding to Illinois.

Several families of respectable farmers with considerable Capital come from
Bideford. The greater part intend settling in Upper Canada, and 2 or 3 families
are going to relatives in New York.

5”‘ September to 26”‘ Sept’

1.282 Emigrants have arrived. They have all emigrated with a destination
in view, and are with a few exceptions, in possession of sufficient means to
enable them to reach their friends.
£6” Sept » to 31”’ October 1846′

1.396 Emigrants have arrived. They are chiefly Labourers and Farmers,
and a party of Miners from Cornwall, and have all emigrated to join friends
and relations, or with a fixed determination in view.

About one—third are going to friends & relatives in the United States. The
remaining two thirds are proceeding chiefly to the Western Sections of the
Province, and some few to friends in Quebec & Montreal. The great majority of
them are Irish and all very poor. A large number of those by one Ship from
Liverpool had left their homes at this late season in consequence of the failure
of the Potato Crop. They landed quite destitute.

The Emigration for this Season may now be considered as closed.

Abstract of the Whole Emigration

Cabin Steeruge

passengers passengers Total

274 8.977 9.251
Scotland .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 134 1.564 1.698
Ireland .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 193′ 20.957 21.150
Germany .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 902 902
TotzLl……………….. 001 32400 33.001

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM COMMISSARIAT CLERK HUGHES
DATED SKIBBEREEN RESERVE DEPOT 18TH DECEMBER 1846.

“ One thing is certain, the whole face of the Country is waste and the people,
those that can, are preparing, as soon as the Spring opens, to emigrate to
America, whereas the tide of Emigration should be directed to the Cape or New
South Wales as they all take plenty of money with them.

CRAWFORD TO GREY.

24 ABBEY STREET,
My LORD’ P/usnny, 27”‘ Dec’ 1846.
I take the liberty of sending to your Lordship a small pamphlet, entitled
Colonization and Currency, which your Lordship may perhaps honor with a
perusal.

1094 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

[Enclosure]

Your Lordship is aware that “Manufacturing Distress” exists at present in
Paisley to a considerable extent—~ Although some of the manufacturers are
beginning to give out work, yet it is at reduced wages, and there are still several
hundred weavers who are wholly unemployed, and have been so for 4 5 & 6
weeks, and who are now entirely supported, Along with their wives and
families, by means of a Charitable Relief fund—

The fact is the business of Hand Loom Weaving in Paisley is seemingly at
an end. Cloth woven by steam power is now brought in bales from England
by the Manufacture1s—— cut up into ShaWls— and then printed; and I dont
believe there are at the present moment a dozen harness shawls weaving in
Paisl<=y— New branches may be introduced into Paisley in course of time but
in the meantime the weavers are doomed to non employment & privation—-

If encouraged by Government, many of them who Are able bodied, and
would make good Laborers in a new Colony, would willingly emigrate—— If the
same prospects were held. out to them as to the Pensioners, a Band or Regiment
could soon he raised in Paisley either for New Zealand or Canada———- Everything
could be properly organized and by the beginning of March or April the expedi-
tion could be dispatched from Greenock.

About four years ago~—two Shipswthe Duchess of Argyle and the Lady
Gifi’ord——Were fitted out by Government for, as has been stated, the purpose of
Assisting “ Manufacturing Distress ” in Paisley by giving free passages to Paisley
weavers & their families to New Zealand; And it has been oificially stated that
there is no disposition Amongst the manufacturing Artisans to emigrate as this
experiment proved a total failure inasmuch as few or none of the Paisley weavers
availed themselves of the opportunity.

My opinion is that it could not have proved otherwise than a failure— In
the first place, the Paisley weavers had memorialized Government to be assisted
to go to Canada— Without any previous intimation the ships were sent round. to
take them to New Zealand— a place they had never heard of~— or if they had,
it was only to its disadvantage;—— In the Second pZacc—— the Announcement or
placard issued by the Government Emigration Agent was not addressed to
Weavers but to Wrights Masons Farm Servants &°—— Weavers never having been
mentioned; and in the Third place When Weavers did apply they were told they
required, and their families required to be provided with outfits for the voyage
consisting of so many suits of olothes— shoes~ stockings &° none of which the
poor Weavers had or could provide themselves with. So far as regarded the
Weavers therefore the expedition could not but be a failure—Indeed the way
in which it was conducted looked as if it was intended to make it a failure-—— for
what purpose except to Create a wrong impression in the minds of the Members
of Government and the Legislature~—- I do not know. Such of the Paisley
Weavers and their wives and families who did go out in the Ships named I
venture to say make as good Settlers as are now in Auckland or its neighbour-
hood»-

I humbly suggest that it is highly worthy of your Lordship’s consideration
Whether Government should not at the present time assist the poor unemployed

Paisley Weavers to emigrate as a. means of bettering their condition and escaping

ELG7 N —GRE Y PAPERS 1095

[Enclosure]

those recurrences of bad trade to which as a class they are subject & whereby
they are so frequently plunged into poverty—- Many of the Manufacturers-—
whose wish is that Laborers should always be numerous so that they may
Command cheap labor—— will not encourage the proposal— But I am sure the
Authorities and the Clergy would And I am sure if Government were holding
out proper encouragement and going about the business in a proper way it
would be hailed with gratitude by the weavers themselves.

I have the honor to be,
My Lord,
Your Lordship’s very obed” humble
Servant
JOHN CRAWFORD.

Right Hon“ EARL GREY

Her Majesty’s Principal Colonial Secretary

&c. &c.

MEMORANDUM
6“ January. 1847.

In reference to the letter from M’ Crawford of Paisley, which was sent to
me privately on the 2″“ instant, it may be well to mention that the character of
the Writer is by no means good, and that his letter is full of misrepresentation.-—-

It is untrue that the Paisley people did not know to what place alone an
opportunity could be afforded them, and that they “had never heard of New
Zealand”. I have before me now a letter from M‘ Morrison (an associate of
M‘ Crawford) urging the desirableness of sending these People to Australia, and
stating that “great numbers of Paisley weavers have lately got free passages
“ to Australia and New Zealami7.”— It is also not correct to say—— that the people
were not aware that the outfit & requirements for the long voyage to New
Zealand were not greater than for the short passage to Canada, or that the
Government for a. moment gave them any expectation that persons would be
sent out who by their habits & constitution would be entirely unfit to succeed
in a new Country. But M‘ Crawford & other adventurers insisted that there
were c1’owcls of people lit for labor out of doors who would eagerly seize any
opportunity offered to them.-

The Government at last consented to try the experiment. At great expense
they fitted out two large Ships for New Zealand, and they prepared to send other
Vessels afterwards when the two first should be filled. They employed an
Olficer of peculiar tact & experience in dealing with the Emigrating Classes in
Scotland; But the result was totally to disprove the assertions of the individuals
who had urged this undertaking. So far from 2. difficulty about procuring Out~
fit, clothing was procured by subscription for any of the people who would
consent to emigrate. But they would not go. The Ships would have had to sail
almost empty, and the great expenditure incurred would have been thrown
away, if by great exertions the Selecting Oflicer had not at last collected People

1096 ELGIN -GRE Y PAPERS

from the surrounding Agricultural Districts, and also been helped by the lucky
accident that some Private Emigrant Ship to Canada put back in distress, and
thus furnished him with additional passengers.——

I afterwards learned that at the very moment when our Ships could get no
passengers at Paisley, recruiting parties were in that Town, & were equally un-
successful in obtaining recruits.—

Throughout the proceedings We Were molested by the want of truth &
character on the part of M’ Crawford, & by actual frauds on his part which it
Was necessary to repress. There also occurred in his intercourse with this Office
a very discreditable transaction, to which I think it unnecessary to do more than
allude. For without going into detail, my only object in this Memorandum has
been to let Lord Grey know, 1“, the real nature 6: result of a somewhat interesting
experiment at Paisley, & 2”)’, the character of this correspondent.

T.F.E. [T. F. ELLIOT]

Copy of a. Memorandum sent to Lord Lansdownc.

ON THE QUESTION WHETHER GOVERNMENT SHOULD ENCOURAGE
EMIGRATION BY PAYING ALL, OR PART, OF THE
PASSAGE MONEY.

9 PARK STREET, Wmsmunsrrnn,
23. .lanuary—— 1847.

1. The first thing to be observed is the immense extent to which Emigration
has, very beneficially, proceeded on its present footing, and the danger of inter-
ference. In the last 10 years, 687,00O1—- persons have removed from the United
Kingdom to North America, and such as proceeded to Canada have, with little
exception, settled themselves with a comfort and success, of which the large
sums they have been able to remit to their friends to follow them is the best
proof. £37,000 are estimated to have been received in this way at Liverpool
last year, chiefly from People who emigrated in indigent circumstances. How
much more cheaply, promptly, and in a manner exactly suited to the wants of
each individual, is so vast an Emigration likely to be conducted when managed
by the People themselves, than if Government stepped in & had any thing to
do with the Contracts for them.~— The moment that the Public are supposed to
undertake the matter, the exertions of Individuals would be pa.ra1yzcd.~ Prices
would rise , many would be kept at home who now get away; and while the
business would at once he dearer and more limited, it would after all not be
despatched so satisfactorily as it is now by People who know precisely what
they want and what they can afford.—-

2. But besides the evil on this side of the water, another great evil would
be felt when the people arrive. The composition of the Emigration would be
very inferior. When people are going by their own means, it is the strong & the

1British America. .. 284,170
United States.. .. 402,456

Total. . v688,I}?z6

ELGIN—G’REY PAPERS 1 197

grain Crops in the U. S. and under the infliction of the potato rot, prices of
Wheat were higher than in this Country, So that the facility offered of Sending
it through Canada under the act of 1843, were never used, at best to a very
trivial cxtent.— With the prices which are likely to range in this Country
during the next year, I do not expect any importations from the U. S. worthy
of notice.— Their home markets will in all probability continue better. But
the distinction between the U. S &. Canada, is, that while the former Contains
a population of 21 000.000, a great majority of whom are consumers and not
producers, the latter has a population of only 1.500.000, nearly the whole of
whom are producers of grain.——— The former has a large independent market
at home for the Surplus grain of the agricultural classes after feeding themselves,
the latter has no home market, and must resort to G‘ Britain with their Surplus,
and therefore however low prices may be here, they must Continue to Regulate
the price paid on the Welland Canal or Lake Erie for Canadian Wheat and
therefore under such circuznsvtances it is plain that a great difference may exist
between the price of Wheat on the North & the South side of the S‘ Lawrence,
as long as the former Can only seek G‘ Britain as a Market, while the latter
can adopt the better market (for the time) of the U. S. « taking into account the
Cost of transit.—— But the effect of this State of things on the value of property
on the two Sides of the S‘ Lawrence is Still more important.-—-

On the N‘’ Side the farmers are confined to Gr” Britain for the disposal of their
Surplus (or compelled to pay a high duty on entering the U.S. —While the latter,
has, first. the Market of the U. S. to himself When it is best: & next :—-the
markets of Canada, and of G‘ Britain when they are best, on precisely the Same
terms as the Canadian.-——Under such circumstances Could an emigrant hesitate
on which Side of the S‘ Lawrence he w“ Settle, or having gone into Canada for a
time, So long as he was not fixed to the Spot by property, could he hesitate in
passing the S‘ Lawrence & becoming a Subject of the U. S. instead of the British
Gov‘?— But to those who have long lived in Canada, whose whole property is
invested in land and mills north of the S‘ Lawrence, removal is impossible, and
as they cannot remove themselves to the U. S. without Sacrificing their property
they seek as the only possible Solution of their dilficnlties in their eyes, that the
U. S. Should come to them. This feeling will be even better understood when
we remember that the Same rule applies to Cattle, Butter, Cheese and all other
agricultural produce.——*

There is another circumstance which may tend to explain why prices of
grain may be higher in the Northern paits of the US. bordering on Canada, while
large exportations may take place from Some parts of the U.S.—- The great
consuming Markets of New England, are Supplied chiefly from the Ne: Western
States, bordering on the Lakes & the St Lawrence, and prices may from the
difference of freight & inland Conveyances from New York to the places of

* Yes but this disadvantage on the side of the Canadians is to a very great dc ree com-
pensated by the much lower rate of taxatn to which they are subjected than the in abitants
of the neighbouring States.—The latter pay direct taxes to a very heavy amount be the
State Gov‘ for objects which in Canada are mainly provided for from the produce of very
moderate customs dut.ies.—‘l\he Ameriearns on the contrary have their whole customs revenue
absorbed by the expense of the General Gov‘ ——Thc American farmer is also subjected to a
heavy lbur-tlhen by being compelled by I-oteehf duties to consume the expensive iron & other
nnanufactrzres which have been artifieialy stimulated in -the Union by the tariffs which have
been for some years in force.——-[Note in text]

1198 ELGIN-GRE Y PAPERS

consumption or to Boston, be much lower in the Southern ports;—- New Orleans
for example.— Or, the Same flour may be Shipped to the West Indies or Brazil
at a higher price from that port, than the Same could be purchased for in
Canada ;- because in the first place it is very much nearer to those Markets, and
in the second place there is a constant and regular, large commercial communi-
cation Kept up between Cuba, Brazill and New Orleans & other U.S. ports.—

On the Whole therefore whenever prices are moderate in this Country, which
is now likely to be generally the Case, I am of opinion that a considerable dil’1″er—
ence of 1 may exist 2 in the price of agricultural produce an the North and the
South Side of the S‘ Lawrence, even though the US. as a whole may produce a
considerable surplus»-

Nor do I think that any improvements which can be made in the navigation
of the S‘ Lawrence will materially alter the Case;—— no doubt the cheaper that
navigation, the lower the cost of sending the Canadian Surplus to Liverpool, and
at any given price here, the higher would be the price which the merchant could
give in Canada.— But so long as the prices in the US. were better than those in
Europe, a diflerence between the two Sides of the river would still exist, and when
the prices in Europe were so high as to rule those of the US. then the parts
bordering on the S” Law.rence would Select that rout to Liverpool as the cheapest.
The condition of both no doubt would be improved in relation to the European
markets by cheaper navigation, but in relation to each other, they would not be
much alt/ercd.— Nor would the opening of the new route through Lake Champlain
aflect the relation of prices on the two Sides.—- Thus, as far as the farmer is
concerned I do not think that these great improvements, valuable as they are can
be relied upon to remove the discontent among the agricultural classes in
Canada.-

So far however as the commercial classes and especially the forwarding
agents are concerned, they will be of much more value;—they will open up a
large and new trade both in exports and imports in connexion with the Western
States.»-—

With regard to the third class, the Millers, I do not think they will be much
benefittcd by these facilities of transit only.— The extent of their milling power
is far greater than is likely to be employed by Canadian grown wheat for a long
time to come, and no change which did not open to them the trade of grinding
wheat grown in the US. would be of much value to them.—-

By far the most essential step which could be taken to effect all the objects
in View would be to induce the US. to adopt a perfectly free trade between
themselves and Canada, and I think our claims for Such a concession from the
U.S. are too great to be easily resisted.— With the American Markets open to
Canadian produce, no Such difference of price could exist on the two banks of the
rivers,— the great cause of the preference Shewn by emigrants for the US, and
the tendency of Canadians to remove across the S” Lawrence would disappear ;——
and property on the Canadian Side would ere long rise to a level of Similar
property on the U.S. Side.»— By this means too the Canadian Miller would be
more benefittecl than by any other: for the Produce of his Mill being admissible

1’1‘hc word. “price” has been scored throrugih.
3’l‘l1;e Word “between” has been scored through.

ELG/IN-GREY PAPERS 1199

into the US. Markets, he would draw business from the South Side of the Lakes,
by the fact that at least for some time to come he would be induced to work
cheaper, than the US. Millers rather than Stand Still altogether.— Nor would
such a change injure the merchants and forwarding agents at Montreal and
Quebee.— The Same quantity of produce, Canadian and American indiscrim-
inately would Still pass to the Sea, and even larger Supplies w“ be required to be
imported for the use of a flourishing people-— I cannot therefore say how much
importance I attach to the establishment of a perfectly free intercourse between
Canada & the US. at the earliest possible day. Such a Step would give to
Canada. all She could obtain by Annexation and 9. great deal more, and effect-
ively Suppress the ery on that head.—

I say it would do a great deal more.— It would preserve to Canada the
advantage of being Supplied at the low revenue duty of 7 per Cent * with all the
manufactures of G‘ Britain-:—— and it would for a great number of years to come,
Secure to her tl1e present high protection on her timber. This is an important
point which cannot be too much pressed upon Canada. However much the
British Legislature may be disposed to adhere to free trade & to follow it out,
there are financial reasons, which must for a, long time prevent its application to
Timber. Had Sir Rb‘ Peel, not reduced the duty on Colonial Timber to a
nominal rate of 1/— when he first interfered with the timber duties, but left that
duty at 10/— as it stood while foreign timber was charged 55/— it would have
been possible now to have equalized the Timber duties at 5/- or 8/— a load on
all Kinds, in place of charging 1/— on Col‘ & 15/—— on For“ as at present, Without
loss, but with benefit both to the revenues and the Consumer ;-—- but as it is,
while it will be admitted that the Col‘ Duty could not be raised for the purpose
of equalizing duties, it is plain, that until we are in a condition to relinquish the
Timber duties altogether, which 1 Suspect will be Some years, it will be impos-
sible to remove the protection from ‘Colonial Tiznber.—- I consider therefore that
this protection is Secured to Canada for a long period:———-

By this arrangement, ev—g that Could minister to the benefit of Canada
would be obtained; 1. a free market for all her produce in the U.S.——2. the
privilege of a cheap and unprotected Supply of manufactured goods from G‘
Britain: & 3. The great advantages of the prohition in the home market which
our Timber duties afford.-

By the plan of “ anneaxztio-IL,” advocated in Canada, they would no doubt
obtain the first mentioned advantage. equally in both cases;—- but it would be
the only one.— If Canada became part of the U.S. they would have to pay high
protected prices for Manufactures for the benefit of the New England Corpor-
ations of Manufaeturers;— and on their timber in England a duty of 15/~ a
load, equal to nearly £1.000.000 on the largest years import, would be paid, if
they still possessed the Market at all, but from which they would soon be by
such a duty entirely excluded by the better timber of other -Countries.— In that
case we should probably equalize the Timber duties at 5/— 8/— or 10/— a load,-—

By the first plan Canada would get all that can advance or improve her
Material Condition, and loose no*thing:———

* New 12 pc‘

1200 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

By the last plan, Canada might gain admission into the US. for her products
but at the Cost in the first place, of paying enormous prices for all the Manufac-
tures consumed, and in the Second place, at the loss of G‘ Britain as a market for
1.200.000 loads of timber;—— or the greatest part of it.——

Secing then how important it is that this perfect reciprocity of free trade
Should be established between the US & Canada I will just glance at what has
been done in relation to the commercial intercourse between the two Countries,
So far as regards duties. In 1846, the duties charged on Manufactured goods in
Canada were:—-

12-§~ perCt on Foreign
5 ~ “ on British.
and on American Wheat 3/— a quarter.-

By the British Possessions Act of 1846, we empowered our Colonies to
equalize the duties on their imports:—- of this power Canada availed herself in
1847. and passed an act reducing the duty on American Manufactures to 7-} per
0* and raising that on British Manufactures to the Same rate, thus equalizing
the duty at 7»; perC”—— »

Next:–When negotiations were pending at Washington between M’
Pakenham, and the U. S. Gov‘ with respect to the establishment of a perfectly
free trade between the two Countries in 1847 ;— it was admitted by both parties
that such an arrangement would be mutually advantageous, and it was agreed
as the best way of carrying the Same into client, that a bill should be introduced
into Congress, “by which the duties on certain agricultural & natural products
“imported into the U.S. from Canada should be abolished, conditionally under
“the understanding that a Bill exactly similar in its provisions should be intro-
“duced into the Canadian Parl‘ respecting the like agricultural & natural prod-
« ucts imported into that Province from the U.S.—

(See M‘ Cramptcns letter to the Hon: Jno: Clayton~— Washington

Agol .9/49.)
In pursuance of this understanding a bill has been twice introduced into Con-
gress, but in both instances allowed to remain over at the close of the Session ;—
While I learn from M’ Merritts letter to Lord Elgin of the 8”‘ June 49, that the
a bill was passed by the Canadian Parl” in 1848, repealing the duty on American
Ag” produce, and thus Completing their part of the understanding.’i’

The relation in which Canada now stands to the U. S. is that:—-

1. The duties upon manufactured goods have been equalized, with those
charged on British goods.—-

2. The duties on Ag‘ produce of the U. S. have been repealed, in Consequence
of an understanding that the same would be done in the U. S. as respects Cana-
dian produce-—

3. The Navigation Laws have been repealed, which will place after the 1″ of
Jany: the Ships of the U. S. in the Waters of the S‘ Lawrence on the Same
footing as British Ships»-

*hy the act passed in the last seas“ of the Canadian Parl‘ the duties have been raised to
§ _%.nilc‘, but solely with a view to revenue & American manufactures do not pay more than
ti .—
G.
+This act is only conditional in its operatn.-—[Note in text]

ELG’IN—G’REY PAPERS 1201

So far then as Canada or G” Britain are concerned every thing has been
done within their power to place the Trade of the two Countries on the footing
of the most perfect freedom. And it should not be lost Sight of that in doing so
Canada acted upon an understanding that the US. would do the Same.—— It
would not therefore be easy to conceive a case, when the claim of our Government
upon another was Stronger, than ours Now is upon the U. S. to concede to
Canada, what she So much desires, and what I believe to be So essential to her
prosperity, peace & Satisfaction.-

But M’ Merritt Seems to be doubtful of the Success of his Mission to
Washington, notwithstanding his strong case.—— And considering that the further
information which the Americans may have acquired in the interim, may make
them less sanguine of the advantages which they would be likely to derive from
these concessions to Canada by adding to the traflfic of their canals & railroads
which M’ Walker Seemed to expect, and that they may now be alive to the fact
that the S‘ Lawrence will be the highway for Western produce to Europe,—— —
and moreover considering that the recent spirit of disalfection exhibited in
Canada, and the feeling in favour of annexation, have avowedly been fostered
by the withholding of these Concessions, it is too much to be feared, that the
understanding entered into between M’ Palzenham & M‘ Crampton with M”
Walker, and the American Gov‘ of the day, may not readily be complied with,
but may be evaded.

In Such a Case, M’ Merritt points at one mode of compelling the U. S. to
comply & Lord Elgin hints at another as a necessary Consequence on the part
of the Canadian ParIiament.— M‘ Merritt proposes that in Such a case this
country Should impose a higher duty on grain of the U. S. Shipped from any
other port except those from which the cargoes must pass through the Canada
Canals & the S‘ Lawrence, and he Says that Such a restriction confined to Indian
Corn only would be Suflicient for the purpose.— That Genlm contends that Such
an additional duty would not add to the Cost to the Consumer here but would
only divert the Shipments through Canada.— Even tho: this were So, it is plain
that there are general Imperial considerations which would render Such a
proposal out of the question. (it that it Could not be entertained for a moment.-

With regard to the means hinted at by Lord Elgin, that of retalliation on
the part of Canada, by the reimposition of those duties on American Manufac-
tures and agricultural produce, which they repealed in 1847 & 1848, the case I
think is different:-— The differential duties on Manufactures were repealed in
1847 in pursuance of the power conveyed by the British Poss“ act, and for any-
thing I am aware of, there is nothing which can prevent the Colonial Parl°
reimpcsing those duties if they think fit, or of reimposing the duties on agricul-
tural producc repealed in 1838.‘-

One would no doubt regret to see such a retrograde Step taken by Canada.
—- At the Same time, it is clear it might be done without injury to that Colony,
because all the goods which can be imported from the U. S under the law as
it stands, Can now, & would Continue to be imported cheaper from G‘ Britain,
and it is plain from the relative difference of price on the North and the South
of the S” Lawrence, that Canada would not Suffer by reirnposing a duty on

 » This proceeds on erroneous ossumpt ».
9337—«7l3

12D2 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

American Ag‘ prcduce;- Still the Americans would be likely to attach much
importance to the exclusion from the Canada Markets, even though its possession
be 9. Somewhat theoretical benefit, and Such a Step would be likely to make
them alive to the unfairness and injustice of their withholding the Concessions
now demanded by Canada. As a matter of principle, one would be very averse
to See retalliation resorted to by Canada, but I can conceive no Case in which
such a policy would be attended with So little evil, or where the provocation
could be So great.—— And therefore if the Canadian Par‘ thought right to resort
to Such a measure, I think that the home authorities sh“ not interpose any
opposition to it.-—

Finally I think that no proper means should be neglected to Secure for
Canada, a perfectly free trade for her natural products with the U. S.— which
if accomplished, will extend to that Colony all the advantages she could hope to
derive from “Annca:ation”—— while there would be preserved to her all the
advantages political and commercial of a British Connexion;—— and which, with
the great improvements now completing in the navigation of the lakes and the
St Lawrence, could not fail to secure great future prosperity, and a revival of
the value of property in that Colony, to a level of that which attaches to Similar
property in the United States:— and effectually to put an end to the agitation
now rapidly rising into existence for “Annexation”.——

JAMES WILSON
Au‘ 14”‘ 1849

OBSERVATIONS on the Registry and Navigation Acts.

Private and

Confidential.
S. I.

First Registry and Restriction as to character and Equipment of a Vessel, con~
stituting, as such, a. British ship.

1. No Vessel, to enjoy the privileges of 9. British ship, until registered,
according to law, as such-
2. No Vessel, entitled to be registered as a British ship except such as are wholly
of the Build of the United Kingdom, or of the Isle of Man, or of the Islands of
Guernsey, or Jersey or of some of the colonies,»-Plantations Islands, or Terri-
tories in Asia, Africa, or America, or of Malta, Gibraltar, or Heligoland (the
latter With limitations) which belong to Her Majesty Her Heirs, or Successors,
at the time of the Building of such Vessels; or such ships or vessels, as shall have
been condemned in any court of Admiralty, as prize of War, or such Ships, or
vessels, as shall be condemned in any competent Court, as forfeited under the
Laws for preventing the slave Trade; and all which vessels, shall continue to
belong wholly to British subjccts.-
3. A British Ship becomes disqualified as such which shall receive in any Foreign
country. repair exceeding the rate of 20 shillings per Ton-—unless repairs have
become absolutely necessary from unseaworthiness, during long absent voyages
from a British Port.-

ELGIN ~-GEE Y PAPERS 1203

4. No British Ship, captured by the Enemy, or sold to a foreign state, qualified
afterwards to become a British ship ;-—except captured afterwards as :1 prize of
war, or condemned as being engaged in the Slave Trade.

5. Foreigners and persons residing in Foreign States, and any person residing
abroad (except Members of British Factories, or Agents for, or partners in, a
House actually carrying on Trade in the United Kingdom) are disqualified from
being owners of * British ships.

Sncorm. EQUIPMENT

1. No Ship to be deemed British, unless duly navigated, as such. Master
must be a British subject, and three fourths of the crew must be British sub-
jects.
2. Honduras Built ships to be considered British in direct Trade with
British Ports only.

THIRD. FOREIGN SHIPS.

To enjoy the privilege of being the Ship of any foreign country in a British
port, such ship must, by the Navigation Law, be the build of such Foreign
Country or be British built and sold to, and wholly owned by subjects or Citizens,
and be commanded by a Master, and navigated by a crew, consisting of three
fourths of the Subjects, or citizens of such Foreign Country.

{By Treaty, we are daily compelled to violate this stipulation, as we are
obliged under Treaties with several countries to admit Vessels of those countries
which are such according to their Laws and not ours.]

Foreigners who have served in the British Navy, may, by Her Majesty’s
Proclamation during War, be declared British Seaman, within the meaning of the
Navigation Act-—

Proportion of British seamen may also be altered by Proclamation. Natives of
India not considered B-ritish seamen, unless there be on board, one British sea—
man, to every twenty Ton of ships Register: then the number of other Seaman,
in the Indian Trade, may exceed one fourth.

FOURTH. Limitation to the Carrying ‘Trade by British and by Foreign ships—-

By the Navigation Act as re—enacted and modified by the 8”’ Vict. cap. 88, it

is provided by the following Sections, viz: ‘
II. And be it enacted, that the several sorts of Goods hereinafter enumerated,
being the Produce of Europe, (that is to say,) Masts, timber, Boards, Tar, Tallow,
Hemp, Flam, currents, raisins, figs, prunes, olive oil, corn, or grain, Wine, Brandy,
Tobacco, Wool, Shumaac, M adders M adder roots, Barilla, brimstone, Bar/c of Oak,
Cork, oranges lemons, I/inseed, rapeseed, and clover seed, shall not be imported
into the United Kingdom to be used therein except in British ships or in ships of
the country of which the goods are the produce, or in ships of the country from
which the goods are imported—

III. And be it enacted that goods the produce of Asia, Africa, or America
shall not be intipoited from Europe into the United Kingdom to be used therein,
except the goods hereinafter mentioned; (that is to say,)

«  »“ovw11ers of ” has been added in pencil.
9337-76}

1204 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

Goods the produce of the dominions of the Emperor of M oroccc which may
be imported from Places in Europe within» the Straits of Gibraltar.

Goods the produce of Asia, or Africa, which, (having been brought into
places in Europe within the Straits of Gibraltar from or through places in Asia
or Africa within those Straits, and not by way of the Atlantic Ocean) may be
imported from places in Europe within the Straits of Gibraltei-—

Goods the produce of places within the limits of the East India Companies
charter, which, (having been imported from those places into Gibraltar or Malta
in British ships) may be imported from Gibraltar or M alta:

Goods taken by way of Rcprisal by British ships: Bullion diamonds, pearls,
Rubies, emeralds, and other Jewels or precious Stones.

IV. And be it enacted that Goods the produce of Asia, Africa, or America,
shall not be imported into the United Kingdom to be used therein; in Foreign
Ships, unless they be the Ships of the Country in Asia, Africa, or America, of
which the goods are the produce and from which they are imported, except the
Goods hereinafter mentioned (that is to say,)

Goods the produce of the dominions of the Grand Scignior in Asia or Africa,
which may be imported from his Dominions in Europe in Ships of his dominicns:

Raw Silk and Mohair Yarn, the produce of Asia, which may be imported
from the dominions of the Grand Seignior in the Levant Seas in Ships of his
dominions——

Bullion:

Provided always, that in case any Treaty shall be made with any country
having a Port or Ports within the Straits of Gibraltcr,——stipulating that such
productions of Asia or Africa, as may by Law be imported into the United King-
dom from Places in Europe within the Straits of Gibraltar in British Ships shall
also be imported from the ports of such country in the ships of such country, then
and in every such case it shall be lawful to import such goods from the Poits of
Such Country in the ships of such Country.

V. Provided always, and be it enacted, that all manufactured goods shall
be deemed to be the produce of the country of which they are the manufacture——

VI. And be it enacted, that no goods shall be imported into the United
Kingdom from the Islands of Jersey, Guernsey, Alderuey or Sark, except in
British ships.

VII. And be it enacted that no goods shall be exported from the United
Kingdom to any British possession in Asia, Africa, or America, nor to the Islands
of Jersey, Guernsey, Alderney, or Sarlc, except in British ships.

VIII. And be it enacted that no goods or passengers shall be carried coast-
Wise from one part of the United Kingdom to another, or from the United King-
dom to the Isle of M an, or from the Isle of Man to the United Kingdom, except in
British ships.-

IX. And it be enacted that no goods shall be carried from any of the Islands
of Guernsey, Jersey, Alderriey, Saris, or Mari, to any other of such Islands, nor
from one part of any of such Islands to another part of the same Island, except in
British ships.

ELGIN-GEE Y PAPERS 1205

X. And be it enacted that no goods shall be carried from any British pos-
session in Asia, Africa, or America to any other of such possessions nor from one
part of any of such possessions——to another part of the same, except in British
ships.-

XI. And be it enacted that no goods shall be imported into any British pos-
session in Asia, Africa, or America, in any foreign Ships, unless they be ships of
the Country of Which the Goods are the produce, and from which the Goods are
imported.——

S. II.

PROFORMA Vmws or REPEALING on Monrrrmo THE NAWGATION
AND REGISTRY Acre.

First view of the circumstances and consequences of an
absolute Repeal of both Acts.

1. If the Navigation Act were repealed, it would, de facto, repeal the Registry
Act, and British ships would have no other character, than to be enrolled,
as such with the limitation, however, of ‘being restricted in regard to Navi-
gating, to the Master and three fourths of the crew, being British Subjects;
and that the ships should be built in British dominions, except such as were
captured and condemned as slavers. Foreign ships, therefore, by repealing the
Navigation Act and not repealing the Registry Act, would be less restricted
than British, inasmuch as repealing the Navigation Law, would also repeal the
character as to the build and manning of a foreign ship.—

2. By abolishing both Laws, any ship, with any crew, might be owned and
used in all Trades by British Subjects, and all Foreign ships could not only
engage in the colonial and coasting Trade of the United Kingdom, but trade
between all British Ports and all Foreign Ports, whatever, carrying all kinds of
Merchandise, without any regard to enumeration, or origin of such goods, and
British as well as foreign ships could import all Merchandise into the United
Kingdom from any Port in Europe—— This would be, in its’ fullest extent, the
opening, to the free competition of the ships of all the World, every Port in the
British dominions.

3. The Question which then arises is, what would be the probable elfects on
British shipping, and the general Interests, and power of the British Empire?
4. Taking into consideration, all the facts which have been produced in
evidence, we are justified in concluding, that the British ship builder, and the
British shipowner, Can, with British Capital, skill, experience, and Enterprise,
compete with those of all other countries in the world. It is fair to arrive at
this conclusion, as far as more competition is in question; especially if other
nations treat British built and Navigated ships on the same terms, or even on
the same terms as other nations treat their own ships.“

5. But there may arise circumstances which act or would act as a premium
on foreign ships, in their own parts and militate to the disadvantage of British
ships, as diiferential charges, and duties, on ships and the cargoes they carry
which are now enforced in Spain and her colonies, and in France and some
other States. Under the latter circumstance, a British ship arriving in Cadiz,

1206 ELGI N -GEE Y PAPERS

or Cuba, for example, with British goods from London, Liverpool or Glasgow,
pays, as charges upon the ship, and duties on the goods, which the said British
ship carries, about £3. for every £2, which would be levied on a Spanish ship,
and the cargo which the latter carried. In that Trade, it is quite evident, that
the British ship cannot compete with the Spanish ship. It is true the premium,
in the form of lesser charges and duties on the Spanish vessel, and her cargo,
is a monopoly.—~ the essence of which is an infliction on the people of Spain
and of cuba, while a consequently enhanced freight and price of goods, caused
by the absence of free competition, limits the Markets, in those countries, for
British Manufactures. This is a case in point, when considering the policy of
altogether abolishing the Navigation Laws.

6. As to the power of foreign Vessels to compete in the coasting Tracle——

If the coasting Trade were thrown open to Foreign vessels, there appears
little probability of the more competition interfering, to any extent, with the
carrying Trade of British Steamers and sailing Coasters. But there are two
questions which arise, that require full Inquiry and consideration.— The first is,
whether the competition of foreign craft, especially, French, Dutch, and all
North country craft, would not introduce the element of disorder into the
British Coasting Trade; which, from the circumstance that foreign coasting
vessels would be in daily and nightly jua:ta—position with British craft, and with
the British coasts, Harbours, and Rivers, impart to the coasting Trade an
entirely different character to that of the Navigation between the Ports of the
British dominions and all Foreign Ports.

The second is, how much greater than at present would be the facility for
smuggling articles, of comparatively small bulk, to evade the high duty:~ such
as silks, brandy Hollands, &c &c, in consequence of allowing Foreigners to
engage freely in the coasting Trade—?

7. As to the free competition of foreign ships in the direct Trade between the
ports of the United Kingdom, and the Ports of the British possessions.

All enquiry will lead to the conclusion, that there is little doubt but that
British ships can fully compete with foreign ships in the direct Trade, between
Ports of the united Kingdom and the ports of the British possessions.

We have, by Act of Parliament, opened the Trade between the Ports of
the United Kingdom and the Ports of British India, to American ships, and the
ships of Austria, and Russia, can claim, by Treaty, the privileges of that act.
The Americans have scarcely engaged at all in that Trade; and it is probable
that the differential duty of 100 per cent—or about double duty on Foreign
Flags, imposed by the East India Company, may amount to a prohibition, for
an American ship has lately sailed to India, with a cargo of salt from Liverppol,
in consequence of it having been recently decided that no differential duty on
Salt, in India, is to be levied on its’ importation by a Foreign ship.

With respect to the australian colonies, it is probable that they will be
favorable to the opening of the direct Trade with the United Kingdom, to
foreign vessels~—especially to American whale ships. And the West India
Colonists may also wish to charter American vessels, which may arrive with

_.._.. )6 ii. 200

31 X‘“’° 1837 2 2 15 68 213 1,263
31 X » » . 1842 néant 2 3 31 179 436 1,196
31 X‘’‘’‘’ . 1845 nénnt néant 0 33 185 426 1,269
31 X‘’’‘‘ . 1848 2 3 14 50 202 500 1,408
31 X‘’” 1849 3 2 14 53 204 505 1,379

Ainsi de 1837 it 1849 i1 n’y a d’augmentation que pour les navires de 100 a 200
tonneaux qui ne sont pas de la grande navigation. S’il y a augmentation depuis
1842, elle n’est pas en rapport avec Paugmentation de votre marine marchande
et de la marine des Etats-Unis.
Veuillez, Milord, me croire toujours votre dévoué,
Michel Chevalier
73 rue de Puniversité

France had in 1839 one single merchant ship of above 800 tons-— she has now
none.-

She had altogether in 1839 five ships of 600 tons & upwards amounting in all
to 3,762 tons she had at the end of /49 the same number of ships of this carrying
in all 3609 tons.-

[Endorsed]
French ships of 1” class.
935747

1218 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

Increase of the Total Tonnage of Shipping
employed in carrying on the Import and Export Trades
of the United Kingdom.

It has been frequently asserted that since the Repeal of the Navigation
Laws the employment of Shipping has not increased, and that the only effect
has been to deprive British Shipping of part of the ‘Trade previously enjoyed
by it, and to transfer that Trade to Foreign Shipping, leaving the Total much
the same as before.

The following figures will show that, on the Contrary, the employment of
Shipping has very largely increased in 1850.

Total Tonnage of Vessels Entering Inwards & Clearing Outwards with
Cargoes in each of the last three years:—

Tons

. . . . . . . 10,630,698

. . 11,501,177

1850 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . 12,020,074:
Increase in 1850 over 1849 .. .. . .. .. .. 4.52 per cent
D‘ over 13.08percent

[Endorsed]

Statement showing the great Increase in the Total Tonnage of Shipping
employed to carry on the Trade of the United Kingdom

M.
ENTERED
British I Foreign
Increase Decrease Increase Decrease

1840-50 1850-51 p.cent 1). cent 184960 1850451 p.eent p.oent

4,116.0323.748.795 ~—~ 8.021.562.6311.897.055 21.40

l

Eleven Months ending

5thDeo’r .. .. .. .

Month ending 5tl.\ Jan’y .. 274.843 329.749 20.20 ——- 118263 138.097 16.77 —-
5th Feb y .. 234.120 243.477 4.00 — 93.921 122.030 80.50 –
5th March. . 161.643 205.874 27.30 -—— 68.420 120.532 76.10 –
5th April .. 231.755 312.170 34.70 -— 121.037 205.111 69.40 —

CLEARED

Eleven Months ending }

Dec’: .. .. .. . 3.542.7423.705.585 4.59 -~ 1.577.5001.820.130 15.75 —
Month ending 5th Jan’y .. 219.440 255.170 16.28 -— 90.127 120.084 33.24 —-<
5th 1″_eb’y .. 203.975 229.208 12.37 —— 101.913 128.991 25.57 ——-

5th Mn.roh.. 259.581 248.246 — 4.38 103.255 122.091 18.21 —

5th April .. 874.394 430.369 14.95 -— 08.136 168.991 72.20 —-

[Endorsed]

Detail of increased employment of British ships in each of the 4 first
months of 1851.

‘.‘

ELGHWGREY PAPERS 199

The imployment of British Shipping (Inwards & Outwards)

in 1850 was . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8,039. 308 Tons
in 1849 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8,152.557
Decrease in 1850…… . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113,249 ‘Tons
But in the First Three Months of 1851 (by the latest returns
published) that employment amounted to . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 1.669344
In the corresponding period of 1850 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.-165,448
Inwards
Increase in 3 months of 1851 over 1850 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203,896 134.003
outwards

69 . 893

The Increase therefore in 3 months of 1851 is therefore nearly double the
Decrease in 12 months of 1850 that is so much Complained of -—

We have moreover gained access to an important Carrying Trade with
America, from which we were previously excluded This alone has of course
temporarily drawn away a considerable amount of British Tonnage from our
Ports

‘Viz Decrease . . . . . . . . ..Inwards 311.831
Deduct Increase . . . …….outwards 198.582
113.249

[Endorsed]

Encreased employment of British ships
first 3 months of 1851.

Average measurement of Merchant Vessels belonging to the ports of France
and of England respectively.

Fmia/nee Enpglnnd
1839.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 4:25-77.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 112-12
1840. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 42-46.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 11537
1841 . . 44-10 .. 116-88
1842 . 43-90 . 110-98
1843 . 43-91 . 115-81
1844 . 44-20 . 110-13
1845 . 44-23 . 110-73
1846 . 4509 117-145
1847 . 46-10 . 11981
1848 . 47-60 . 120-34
1849 . 47-38 . 121-50

[Endorsed]

Average measurement of French
& British Ships.

9337–771

ELGI N -GRE Y PAPERS

1220

.. l.I.I.IL.IIiIIII 0 . …I .. L. . N.» .. I I II ….
»:.:$. 39.3 §.%3. fies » §.§$ ass» 33% §..fiT3:.m Eu. 5 §..§.« and 33: «T33 §.§ mfg…” .55.» §i§.§ MT33 §.§.« 3&3
_
macaw Sim E 5 Human? .§ «as: $3 Swen. PS.N «R63 uN.—.N 33$ $3 «$8» 934 §.$m 33 833 «$4 §..S~ $3 $383 2: §.m$ :5.N “$53. $3 ..
ESP Evans 93 MO
mfidmc $93 wag? «P93 Sneno H~m.«.H §.m2 $0.3 aide ..§..2 …S.25 29$ Sném $0.2 E33 .§.fl «$.25 $92 39%» 96.3 mafia $5.3 .. .. …H.auoH. .
$3.3 2; 53¢ $3 33¢ H8.» $35 23 5.3 $3 emnfi =3.» «.3? saw.» 3N.§ H3.» 39% Ea $0.5 $.23 mung ofié .. Eosfiscen
$3» 2: 39$ aw.» 59$ 53 .§.3 5: ma? 3: 33» 32 5.3 Sm; «menu 32 39$ wax.“ Swan 83 9.3.9.. ~31“ I 8 law
m$.§ 3: 325 3.3 N352 53 222 35 5.»: 35 :22: :3 33: En; $32 3.5 33.2 5.; 33a Sad 33% EBA .. :3 IS
@563 Em.“ 93.5 33 V32: 3.3 «$.22 as swim S: :.~.§ E3 8s.m…~ 2…? $32 03% walk 3: §..§ 2.3 25.2: Sud .. Smlefi
«S65 Sn ans: 8» 3:: as 5.5 as $32 3 $563 M2. no.2: no :32 3… 2.33 «S 3.2: an amen 5 I oslsu
$23 «.3 39% N3 N3: N3 mtg ea Ens ma «.569 as $93 5: .298 as 35.3 5 Swan an $8.3 2: .. _§.I§
88% E 89% S NEE we SW3 an SW5 mm 5.2 $ msfi 1… as? 3 win 3 S3. 3 5.2 3 .. §l.§
33 3. mS.n 3 . and a $2 5 am.» 1. 25.» e gnu «. $3 ~ 33 M. 3: « 3: n I §|2s
8.3 s 23 w 33 N 3&4 n I. I 5 fl £3 N 3»; N 33 m $3 m mm.“ m .. §I§
33 M 3: N 9%.; a I I I I I I I I I I I I E H E _ .. new Sm 32:.
I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I $3 n .. .. ..nn…mBn=
nae? mnfim mach. mmflw mack. mmmnm mach. mnfim mach. nafim 3.98 mmfim mach. mnmflm mack. mnmam E58 uaflm ESE mafia maofi mnfim «.5 SSH. cow
as: E2 5″ 33 an EH $2 $3 an $3 $3

. am: On. awn some may moqm W0 mmmnmomn .33 WE Z0 fiOZ<.m.w mo wemom ENE
09 QEOZOAQQ H45 mwezzoa EHE OH. wz5.mooo< Qmmmsuo m.Emmm> u.zuilt Vessels, with Baltic outfit, to Class A 1, 13 years. £16 0
Ditto” . .. .. .. ..DiH70.-…. .. .. …. .. 12 “ .. 15 10
Ditto. . .. .. ..Dif.vbo…. .. .. . . 10 “ . 10 10
Ditto… ….Ditto…………. . 9 “ . 10 0
Dit1>o.. ..Ditto…….. . 8 “ 0 9
. 7  » 8 10
NewMire.miel1i, Ditto” .. .. .. .. .. . 6 “ . . 6 5
NeWSt,Jolm,N.B…………. .. . 6 “ ll 5
Ditto.. .. .. . itto.. . 4 “ 5 0
New Quebec .. .. . . 5 “ 5 5
0tberColoni . .. . 4 “ 3 10

SALES BY AUCTION
Champion, Steam-Tug 147445 Tons.. ..

Countess of Lonsdale, Steam~Tu.g, 209.98 Tans
Anne Moore, Brig. 238 Tons per Register,

Mary Allan, Brig, 241-257 Tons
Sultana,
Alice Gill, Barque, 255-280,

Bar-que, 278 0.411., 302 nan.

J a1]\3(&1‘y

u

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u

.S°.?°. »5’*’3″’$ »

«
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n
M

At Tong-e, Curry &, Oo’s. Sale Room, Derby Builtlings,

«
u
u
u

Fenwick Street.

lllllllllli

18§l.—~At One 0’ Clock.

:4,

>-»—«>—oa»—-
FF¢><n~!\x:x:olo=fi~I\1
i.-
can

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»—- »-n—-
oxooooooo

1224 ELGI N —GRE Y PAPERS
SHIPS NOW ON SALE IN LIVERPOOL
romuen.
SHIPS’ NAMZES. wires): nunr. wszn 11‘, AND HOW mzsunms.
0,11, mu. sumr. cmssxm.

ALBION, bnmun. . , . . . – 302 St. John’s, NJ3. . . 1844 Suited for Timber
AMERICAN LAES, bnrque . . 708 757 Quebec . . . . 1850 To Class 5 years
AUSTRALIA. shg) . . . . 907 1028 Quebec To Class 6 years
ANN PATTERS N, bx-lg 200 238 Proton . . . . To Class 4 years
AFFGHAN, hsrque 630 690 uebcc . . . . . .
AGNES bngnntine 149 180 . E. Island E 1 4 years S. S. in 1848

‘ .. 1847 To Class 4 years

AMIDAé sh
ARGO. slain “7
ABANA

BELLE mm, fiérque Ii

CANADA,sh1p .
CH.ANCE,bnrque_ ..
CAS’1‘INE.bri ammo ..
cawumuxmxflaams,
sc_hooner.. .. ..
CONS’l‘1’I‘UfI‘ION‘. ship
CLUNY.bn .. ..
CYNTHIA, rig
DORCAS buruo .. ..
ELIZABETH ‘kADcLm1rE,
bur uo .. .. .. ..
121.12/§’l31~2u~15.bmquu., ..
ESSEX,brig. .. .. ..
mum .1; susm bri ..
ELIZABETH msmfics.
bum. .. . .. ..
I1:;Lv1‘fm.1usg
FENELLA,bm’qua ..
mom ..
rowmn .. ..
aoocmmr brig ..
GARTCRAIG shrug ..
§31;5.:ET 590% .~ —
to am. . B6 001193..
HORN »lP.._ .. .. ..
EYAD1LS,bng ..
HUGH,b1-ig ..
HEBE, schooner ..
HOPE .. ..
ISABELLA.
INTEGRITY
umr .

1, .
JESSE’) .. ..
JOHN & EDWIN
JAMES I4‘/LGAN ..
JIJKOSSUTH. . . .

‘ Y . . . . . . . .
MARGARET CAMPBELL . .
MARY . . . . . . . .
MARY ANN, barqye ..
LLANGERTON, ship .

MALABAR. . . .
MARY ALLAN, brig
MARION .. ..

MIDAS . . . . . . .
NEW IRON BARQUE ..
NEW SCHOONER . . . .
Du. do. , .
NATIVE, schooner ..
NEW BRIG . . , ,
NEW BARQIUE .. ..
NEW BRUI SWICK, ship
OTTAWA, shin ..
OTTILLIA shxp ..

rnosmaés 1§’a;_2§:;1£ II
QUEEN 01:‘ THE o’cs«ll’N, »

31′ U9 :4 1 4
mncT‘}’rUDE .. .
swam, brlgantina
SA cm, burque . ..
SANDFORD .. ,. ..
TITANIA, batque ..
TARTAR .. ..

TR . . . .
VESTA, brig
VICTORY . .

YEOMAN

765 807 St.Jolm‘s, N213.
Ditto

290 213 Novasooziif
332 2124 Weymouth N.s
sz.Ja1m’a,ix1

1347 K 1 4 yeulnia

A18 years

ass 373 Sunderlnndu‘
1513 138 Novssootin
112 sa Bolfsst Al7yem’s

857 992 usbec To Class 0 years

253 245 I edericton, N

180 144 Snokville. N. . . . . .
—- 372 Moukwearmolxt A l 8 years
222 – Chester Classed A 1
204 — I.ei(-.1: . A 1 I5 years
203 212 Wivoulme . .

A 1 12 years
~ 152 Cape Breton ..

180 113 S(:.John’a,N.B… 1847
Ditto .. ..

-— 180 1850
202 184

300 320

914

180 165

216 191

408 551

380 353

133 110

181 168

228 2!!) Nova Seotia

212 — Belfast . .
113 103 Plymouth . .
520 580 Nova Sootia.
P. E. Island
47/4 520 Picbou
Guernsey _. .
I87 168 Nova Sootm

T6 Class 4 ya…

Classedlsl 1
. . .. To Class 0 years
275 290 Suuderland. ._ . . I838 Conxuzr-fastened
M4 132 New Brunswick . . 1850 . . . .
140 112 Nova Smtin . 1860
416 405 Richibxlcto. .
965 1100 Quebec
-— ssa <I1ugbeo
:-

242 257 v-me . . A 1 9 years
—— 919 Quelmu . . To Class 6 years
—- 741 Sb. 1 7311’s, N.B. . To Class E yeius
320 345 Hull .. .1 .. A 1
I44 110 Liverpool . . . . . .
ISO 130 1’. Modes . . ,. ‘ . .
180 110 Bellasb A 1 0 years
183 109 Whitehsven . . . .
500 520 Wexford _ .. ToCls.ssAl9yrs
—— 902 lfiramlchl . . . . . .
463 M2 New Brunswick . . ‘ . .
918 922 St. Iolm’s, N33. To Class 5 years
180 160 I’. 1?}. Island . A 1 4 years
662 713 Sfulohn J3. .. .. ..
—- 765 Mirsmmh . ..
505 505 uebeo ..‘ .. 1341
120 82 aw Br\ms\vmk . . I850 , . . .
160 143 Nova. Sootiu . . . . . .
857 902 Quebec . To Class 6 yrs.
479 540 Quebec . . To Class 6 yrs.

1024 1109 SC. J0hn’s, N33. . . . .
—— 427 Piotou . . To Class 4 years
475 543 M1’mmiehi_. . To Class 5 years
176 1413 Nova Seam. .. ,.
850 383 Nova Soatizz A 1

150 122 Falxnouth .. ..
420 aso se.:o2m’a._N.1a. ..
172 137 Lyme mm

— 774 Roeti ouch N.‘B
240 2113 P. E. lsml. .. ..
3152 age Sunder]and.. A 1 9 years
842 952 St.John’s,N.B. .. 1846 .. ..

1844 A 1 8 years
1860 .. ..
1350 A 1 10 years

To Class 4 years

Ditto

Sheuthed with Y. M. in 1848
To Class 4 years

Cop(|3cr~fs.sLsnad
To Ans: 6 years
To Class 4 years

Lsngthened in 1847
Continued in 1844, 4 yrs.
To Class 4 years

sheathed with Y. metal
$° Elf” l ‘W’

ears
sfieaafi fits Y. metal

ppsred
Coppeniestsaecl

’11 c1 4
sfieacllfd vyiillrgf. mam

Suited for Baltic

To Class 4 years
Rosbgrbd 1349, (3 years
Contmuod I840~—4 years
Coppsr-fastened

To Class 4 year»;

To Class 4 years
Coppenlustened, 6; Y. M.
Copécbfasteucd

To lass 4 years
Shenthcd wnth Y. metal
Coppenfaztcned , _
Nowcpenediorooxxununuon
To Class 4 years

Ditto

Ditto

To Class 6 years

Suitod for W. India trade
Coppewfsstensd
Copper-fastened

Built of Iron

To Class 12 years

To Class 9 years

Light drafl of water

Carries 800 tons
To Class 6 years, Comm-
fastened

To Class 6 years
Conlwrvfsstqncd _
Shoathed Wm: same

3% Clay? 5 tyenrls

– as ne<

Shgnpéged with Y. metal
Not yet Clnsscd

To Ohms 4 yeaxs

Built by J . Munn

Copper-Xnstened, 13: Y. M.

Copper-fastened
Copéar-(astound

To lusa 4 years
Sheathed wrtb Y. metal
Sheuthed w-M: Y. metal
To Class 6 years, wmecd

To Class 4 ymrs
To Class «S years

Well found in Stores

, .. -—-s-.-—._.&_, _
« r  » …._.__. \..__.._.

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1225
SWAMERS.

NAKE3. \VE3Rl “WIT: | W3“. TVNNAGI K P
MOUNTAINE.\’)R.. Emmi .. {Rebuilt} 32cm use
EDWAR .. .. Preston . in was
ROYAL VICTORIA .. .. . ., ,. ., .. Liverpool .. ran asoeus zoo
DAIRY MAID 4» .. AV .. .. .. .. .. Chester ..
norm or sussmx .. .. .. .. .. .. 74 Chester .. 32 mm. 40
ELIZABETH ., .. .. ., .. Liverpool .. 110-151 40
i?tII;hII\Iih}f/l]1\ll:N’ « 5 3’ ‘<7i’‘“°‘‘°i5  » iiii miéiw 133

.. 0 .-

NEWCASTLE Lffiffml .. 1334 231495 my

mum, COENBY, AND (10., rnixrexzs, rxcnzomrn urn smrnxa eazsrru orricm, LIVERPOOL.

[Endorsed]
Ship Building.

HINCKS TO MCLANE.

[17riute<1 for convenience of reading, and not for circuloI;ion.]

NATIONAL Hornn,
Washington, January 6th, 1851.
To the Hon. R. M. MCLANE,
Chairman Com. of Commerce, House Reps.

SIR: I avail myself of your kind permission to state the grounds on which
the passage of the bill which has been repeatedly brought under the consideration
of Congress for establishing reciprocal free trade in certain articles, the natural
products of the United States and Canada, is urged by the latter. To bring the
subject fairly under consideration, I must advert to the changes which have
taken place within the last few years in the colonial policy of Great Britain.
The old policy of the mother country was to compel the colonies by means of
heavy differential duties, to purchase their supplies exclusively from her. The
trade was carried on in British bottoms, and the products of the colonies were
admitted into the markets of the mother country on more advantageous terms
than those of foreign nations. While such was the commercial policy of Great
Britain, the political affairs of the colonies were materially influenced by the
Imperial Government, the local Parliament having no practical control over the
administration of afifairs. About the same period, when, owing to the change
in the commercial policy of Great Britain, it became necessary to remove all
restrictions on the colonial trade, a most important concession was made to the
North American Provinces by the introduction of a system of government under
which the local Parliaments obtained an effective control over their Govern-
ments. The consequence of the withdrawal of the protection formerly enjoyed
by the colonies has been, that they have been left to buy and sell in the markets
of the world, just as the United States, or any other foreign nation. Under the
colonial system, the differential duties were so onerous, that the trade between
the United States and Canada was of the most limited and unimportant char-
acter. In 1846, the Canadian Legislature having been authorized by an act of
the Imperial Parliament to regulate their own tarifi’, and being anxious to cul-
tivate a free commercial intercourse with their powerful. and enterprising neigh-
bours, removed the existing clifi »erential duties, and admitted American manu~

1226 ELGI N -GEE Y PAPERS

factures, and foreign goods purchased in the American markets, on the same
terms as those from Great Britain. Had Canada at that time stipulated with
the United States, that in return for her admission of American manufactures
the duties should be removed from her products, it would obviously have been
the interest of the United States to have agreed to such an arrangement. No
such proposition, however, was made; and the very important concession in
favor of the United States to which I have advorted, seems scarcely to have
attracted the attention of your Federal Government, and so little was it under-
stood that when Gen. Dix urged it as an argument in favor of the reciprocity
bill in the Senate, the fact was disputed. Most important results, however, have
followed from the legislation of the Canadian Parliament. Since 1846, the
manufactures of the United States, the teas, sugars, fruits, and other foreign
luxuries purchased by the merchants on the Atlantic sea—board with the produce
of American labor, and transported to that sea-board in American bottoms,
have been poured into Canada. The duties at the port of Toronto have increased
within a few years from about $30,000 to nearly $400,000, and Hamilton,
Kingston, and other ports contiguous to the United States would show a similar
result. This increase is to be attributed mainly to the American trade which has
sprung up since the removal of the difierential duties, and which I need. hardly
say has been most profitable to the various American interests, to the manufac-
turers, the ship owners, the railroads, and the canals. The consequence of this
trade, however, has been that the Canadians have been led to export their raw
products to the same markets from which they have drawn theirsupplies. Here
they are met by a heavy American duty on their staple commodities, lumber
and breadstuifs.

As I have frequently heard it asserted, that the reciprocity asked would be
all on one side, and that the Americans are not exporters to Canada of any of
the articles named in the bill, permit me to call your special attention to the
operation of the present tariffs on two leading articles. One of the great staples
of the Western States is pork, which can be produced there at such rates as to
defy competition in Canada. This article is the principal food of the Canadian
lumberer, and lumber is the principal Canadian staple. Canada charges a duty
on pork, which swells the price of the lumber which is sent to the markets of
Bulfalo, Albany, and New York. The consequence is, that the Eastern con—
sumer of lumber actually pays the Canadian duty on the pork furnished by the
Western States, from which the entire supply is obtained for the lumbering
districts. It has been urged, and with some plausibility, that Canadian products
being similar to those of the United States, would meet the latter on equal terms
under the reciprocity bill, and that Western wheat growers would be injured by
the competition of Canadian wheat. Assuming, for the sake of argument, in
order to meet objections of every kind, that there is no surplus of breadstuffs
in the United States, and that the manufacturing districts of your country and
the Atlantic cities are likely to be the consumers both of American and Canadian
wheat, I am yet prepared to deny the soundness of the argument drawn from
that fact against the admission of the latter. I aflirm that the Canadian trade
has created, and must continue to create an increased demand for breadstuffs
quite equal to the supply. If it be a fact, that prior to the removal of the

—l

ELGIZWGREY PAPERS 1297

dilferential duties against the United States, Canada imported her sugars from
Cuba and Porto Rico through the St. Lawrence direct or via Halifax, her teas
from China direct or via London, and that she consumed English manufactures
almost exclusively, then I would ask, whether the change in the trade, owing
to which Canada is now largely supplied with these commodities by United
States manufacturers and the merchants of the Atlantic cities, must not have
increased the demand for food in the United States. If an Ohio farmer were to
bring a thousand bushels of wheat to New York to be exchanged for groceries
and domestic goods for his consumption, he would not sufier any injury from
the competition of a Canadian farmer who wanted to effect a similar exchange;
on the contrary, in proportion to the number of such exchanges would the profits
of the merchants and forwarders be reduced, a large trade being conducted more
economically than a small one. 1 am persuaded, therefore, that the exchange
of Canadian agricultural products for domestic manufactures, sugar, tea, coffee,
tobacco, fruits, &c., so far from being injurious to the interests of the Western
farmers of the United States is rather calculated to benefit them; and I am
moreover firmly persuaded, that should the Canadian trade be forced into other
channels, as seems not improbable, it will then be estimated at its true value by
the people of the United States. Though I have deemed it advisable to discuss
the question as if the United States had no surplus of breadstufi »s to export, I
think the more correct assumption would be, that for many years, the Western
wheat growers will have to compete with Canada in the markets of the world on
equal, and possibly on disadvantageous terms. A reference to official documents
will prove that the Provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward
Island, and Newfoundland, have been among the best customers of the United
States for breadstuifs. In those provinces there are revenue duties on flour,
varying from 25 cents to 75 cents per barrel. Within the last year arrangements
have been effected by Canada with three of those provinces for a free inter-
change of their natural productions; and the experience of a single season
induces me to believe that a very large trade will be diverted to those provinces
from the City of New York, unless the present restrictions be removed. At the
very opening of the navigation last year, a steamer was chartered at Toronto
to take a cargo of flour to Halifax, and to bring back sugar, molasses, &c. The
protection in favor of Canada flour, when sent by the St. Lawrence to Halifax,
St. John’s, and other ports, must divert the supply of those provinces from New
York, to Montreal and Quebec; and the vessels which take the flour, will bring
back sugar, molasses, and and other foreign commodities, which, during the last
few years, have been purchased in the New York markets. Under the existing
commercial regulations, therefore, the United States wheat growers will have to
compete with the Canadians on terms disadvantageous to the former in a market
which is next in importance and nearly equal to Brazil. In the other markets
of the world both will meet on an equal footing. Canada flour is at this time
competing in the New York market with that of the Western States to supply
the foreign demand which regulates the price of the article; and it would be
injurious to American interests to force the trade which is now carried on with
the Atlantic cities into the channel of the St. Lawrence.

1228 ELGIN -GEE Y PAPERS

It is assumed, and as perhaps it may turn out unfortunately assumed, by
the opponents of the reciprocity bill, that, in the event of the bill being rejected
by the American Congress, Canada will maintain her present commercial policy
and continue to foster the import trade from the United States.

It is very desirable that you should be fully aware of the state of public
opinion in Canada on this question. Having myself been a strong advocate for
free commercial intercourse with the United States, and having had, in my
position as finance minister, to resist in Parliament, the advocates of a restrictive
policy, I am thoroughly acquainted with the views of all parties. I have no
hesitation in stating that the advocates of a retaliatory policy are rapidly
gaining ground. Whether all or any of the plans suggested, will be carried out,
it is of course impossible for me to say, but it is certainly highly desirable that,
in arriving at a very important decision, you should be fully aware of the
probable consequences. The re—imposition of the difi°erential duties against the
United States manufactures, has been strongly urged. Such a measure would be
most acceptable to the commercial interests of Montreal and Quebec, whose
trade was seriously injured by their repeal. At the close of the last session of our
Parliament, an influential member of the opposition, a gentleman who held
under a former administration the oflice which I have now the honor to fill, gave
notice of his intention to introduce a bill during the next session, to re-impose
these duties. Leading organs of the opposition have strongly advocated such
a measure, and no doubt can be entertained that it will engage the consideration
of our Parliament at an early day. Should it be adopted, the United States
would have no just cause of complaint. They never invited Canada to repeal
the differential duties, and their rejection of the reciprocity bill would of course
be looked upon as a deliberate rejection of the Canada trade. In England the
re-imposition of differential duties by Canada would be viewed most favorably,
and there can be no doubt that the effect would be to stimulate the efforts of
those who are seeking to obtain some modification of the present corn laws.
Another measure of retaliation which is beginning to engage attention in Canada,
IS the closing up of all the canals to American vessels. Should this policy be
adopted, a most serious injury would be inflicted on the trade of Chicago,
Cleveland, and other lake ports, Oswego, Ogdensburgh, and the New England
Railroad interest, Burlington, Whitehall, and the New York northern canal.
The Canadian revenue derived from tolls would of course sufifer, but as that
forms an insignificant portion of the resources of the province, the loss would
cause no inconvenience. It is contended by the advocates for this policy, that
the Western products which new find their way by Oswego and Ogdensburgh,
to New York and Boston, and carried in American bottoms, would be diverted
to the St. Lawrence, and that the entire inland trade would be in British
bottoms. It is affirmed that the tonnage of Canada, with what could be
spared from Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, Would very soon be sufiicient
for the increased trade. I have stated the views which are entertained very
extensively by influential parties in Canada as to her future commercial policy
in the event of the rejection of the reciprocity bill by Congress.

I am, however, unauthorized to announce the views of the Canadian
Government; indeed its policy has not yet been determined on. Since the
accession of the present Administration to oflice in 1848, they have been watching

ELG’IN—GREY PAPERS 1229

with anxiety the proceedings in Congress regarding the reciprocity bill; and my
object in visiting Washington at this time was to ascertain, if possible, the
probable fate of that measure, as the Government must be prepared at the
approaching session to meet Parliament with a defined policy regarding our
commercial relations with the United States.

Although I have probably already exhausted your patience, I must make
a remark or two on the importance to the United States of the free navigation
of the St. Lawrence. It has been afi‘irmed by the opponents of the Reciprocity
Bill, that inasmuch as a considerable quantity of Canada flour is sent by the
Oswego and Ogdensburgh routes, the St. Lawrence route must be much
inferior. I believe on the other hand, that the increasing trade of the
West will afford business for all the channels which are likely to be opened
to it; and it surely would be an immense advantage both to the shipping and
agricultural interests of the West to be allowed to participate in furnishing
supplies to the great depots of the fishing trade. The vessels on the Western
lakes engaged in this commerce, and which are now idle during the winter months,
would obtain a share of the West India trade for which they are well suited.

I may state a fact or two bearing on the importance of the St. Lawrence
navigation. Repeated applications have been made to the Canadian Govern-
ment during the last two years by parties in Buffalo, Cleveland, and Chicago,
for permission to pass vessels through the St. Lawrence, which it has been
constrained under existing circumstances to refuse. Special permission, however,
was given in two cases, one to a vessel to carry a cargo of copper ore from Lake
Huron to Swansea, in Wales; the other to a vessel bound to California with
emigrants. Besides these cases the Government of the United States made
application for permission to send two war steamers through the Canadian
canals and St. Lawrence to the Atlantic, which was at once granted.

Having now presented you with my views on this important question, I
have only in conclusion to express my warm acknowledgments to you for having
kindly permitted me to do so, and for the patient consideration which, as
Chairman of the Committee of Commerce in the House of Representatives, you
have paid to the subject.

I have the honor to remain, sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,

F. HINCKS,
Inspector General of Canada.

1230 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS
WORKING OF THE NEW NAVIGATION LAW1

M1‘. Fonblanquc to Lord Stanley of Alderley.

Statistical Department, Board of Trade.
May 1851.
MY Loan,

HAVING been directed by the Lords of the Privy Council for Trade to
transmit to the Foreign Oflice, for the use of Her Majcsty’s Minister at Madrid,
all possible information as to the working of the new Navigation Law as regards
national vessels, I have herewith the honour of forwarding the annual accounts
of shipping, exclusive of vessels in ballast; the financial accounts for the year
1850, containing the complete returns of the same, inclusive of ballast, and of
the vessels built and registered in the year 1850; and the last quarter’s account
of shipping, exclusive of ballast. As there may appear to have been some delay
in furnishing this information, I beg to explain that information for an earlier
period would have been wanting in completeness, and calculated to mislead.

It appears from the accounts transmitted, that the tonnage of shipping of
the United Kingdom, employed in the Foreign Trade, entered inwards in the year
1850 has decreased, as compared with the year 1849, 184,011 tons; and increased,
as compared with the year 1848, 134,666 tons.

The tonnage of the shipping of the United Kingdom employed in the
Foreign trade, which cleared out in the year 1850, has decreased, as compared
with the year 1849, 43,083 tons; and has increased, as compared with the year
1848, 18,318. g

The aggregate tonnage of shipping of the United Kingdom, employed in
the Foreign Trade, which entered in and cleared out in the year 1850, has
decreased, as compared with 1849, 227,094 tons; and increased, as compared
with the ybar 1848, 152,984.

It does not follow, from the disappearance of 227,094 tons of British
Shipping from the inward and outward returns, that the employment of vessels
of the United Kingdom has declined to that amount.

One of the good consequences reckoned on from the repeal of the Navi-
gation Laws, which favoured the Direct Trade, was the increase of the Cross
Trade, and ships employed in the distant Cross Trade must, so long as they are
so employed, disappear from the accounts of Entries and Clearances in the ports
of the United Kingdom. A large extension of the Cross Trade must, thus con-
siderably diminish the account of tonnage in our home ports, and present a false
appearance of decline in the employment of our shipping in the Foreign Trade:
And that there has been an increase of the Cross Trade is certain, it appearing
from returns relating to the American Trade and Navigation for the first six
months of the year 1850, during which time the Free Trade system was in force,
that the British Shipping, with cargoes, from foreign ports, which would have
been shut out under the former system, amounted to 68,000 tons. So that
supposing the trade in the second half-year to correspond with the first, our
ships, through the abolition of the Restrictive system, will have found a new

1From a. printed copy.

W

—-zr »‘-..a.—un…— v…».._._._ _

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1231

trade with our country amounting to 136,000 tons yearly, and accounting for
three~fourths of the deficiency in our accounts of entries in the ports of the
United Kingdom.

There is thus good reason to believe that there has been no decline in the
employment of our shipping; and that, on the contrary, the supply of British
Shipping has not been equal to the demand.

Last autumn, Messrs. Higgins, of Liverpool, stated in their circular; “The
continued scarcity of British Shipping in this port (Liverpool) obliges many
Foreign vessels to be taken for the Brazils and other ports, which would not
otherwise be the case; whilst so entirely employed elsewhere are our A 1 ships
that great difliculty is found in procuring vessels for which 300 to 400 tons is
only admisible.”

And this deficiency of supply of British Shipping has not been confined to
the second port of the kingdom; it has been experienced also abroad; and Her
Mvajesty’s Consul at Galatz stated in a despatch of September last, “The Grain
Trade is likely to suffer very much from want of shipping, and extravagant
freights may rule. At least 200 vessels are wanted for England, perhaps 300
may be wanted, and it does not appear that 100 are on their Way to the Danube.”

From a subsequent despatch from the same authority it appears that the
supply of shipping for the United Kingdom proved so much short of the demand,
that grain destined for the English market was sent to Constantinople for trans
shipment. ‘

And with reference to the general question of the Working of the change in-
the Navigation Laws, Mr. Vice-Consul Cunningham states, “it may be pro»
nounced with great confidence, that British vessels can successfully compete
with vessels from any nation frequenting or likely to frequent the Danube or
Black Sea.” And further, he states, “British vessels sail cheaper than any
Mediterranean vessels whatever, and therefore can stand against any competition
they can possibly meet with in this quarter.”

The insuflicient supply of British Shipping to meet the demand for ships
for the largely—increa.sed Imports and Exports of the year 1850, is probably
referable to the alarm of the shipowners at the prospect of the repeal of the
Navigation Laws, and to their having consequently prepared for a decreased
instead of an increased demand.

Certain it is, that in the year preceding the change in the Navigation Laws,
the building was below the average, the number of ships built and registered
in the ports of the United Kingdom having been 730, with a tonnage of 117,953,
the yearly average for the last ten years being 827 ships and 123,621 tons‘

And the supposition that the shipowners in their alarm had unwisely con- i

tracted their stock of vessels before the change in the Navigation Laws came
into operation, and showed them their error, is borne out by the fact that in the
year 1850 the tonnage of the ships built and registered in the United Kingdom
exceeded the average by upwards of 10,000 tons, though the number of vessels
fell short of the average by 138; a fact deserving of special attention as denoting
a change in ship—building, attributable to the change in the Navigation Laws.
Before the shipowners had discovered the groundlessness of their fears of
foreign competition, the more intelligent and enterprising amongst them, fore-
most of whom was Mr. Lindsay, had perceived that improvement in the scant—

1232 IJLG’IN~G’REY PAPERS

ling, structure, and equipment of their ships was indispensably necessary, and
the ships now built for the foreign trade are generally of a very superior class
in every respect relating to stowage and sailing qualities. Thus has competition
been immediately followed by improvement.

The account of the number of vessels with the amount of their tonnage,
built and registered in the United Kingdom in the last ten years, is as follows:

New Vessels Built
Years ended 5th January

Vessels 1 Tonnage.

1842.. 1,111 159,578
1843 . 4 129,9?)
1844 . 698 83,097
1845 . 689 94,995
1846 .. 853 123,230
1847 . 800 125,350‘
1848 . 933 145,8%
1849 . 847 122,552
1350 . 730 117,953
1851 . . . . . . 689 133,695
Average…………………… 827 133,621

One of the objections most strongly urged against the change of the Navi-
gation Laws was the danger that British Ship-Building would be superseded by
the purchase of Foreign-built ships and the registry of them as British, and it
was loudly asserted that the British builder could not compete with the produce
of foreign yards, and that his occupation would be gone as soon as his rivals
were admitted to the market.

It appears, however, that the Foreign-built vessels registered in the ports
of the United Kingdom in the year 1850, were only 57, of an aggregate tonnage
of 10,499; and insignificant as this amount is, it would probably have ‘been
much less but for the representations of the impossibility of the British builders
competing with the foreigner, which naturally invited foreigners to send their
vessels for sale to a country where such advantages were promised them.

The encouragement to this speculation has not, however, been great, and
the reduced price of ship—building in this country, which has been a consequence
of the repeal of the Navigation Laws, will not tend to favour a repetition of the
venture. ‘

From the monthly accounts of Trade and Navigation for the present year,
it appears that 761,521 tons of shipping have entered inwards, within the
quarter ending 5th of April, showing an increase of 134,003 tons as compared
with the corresponding period of the year 1850, and an increase of 33,185 tons
as compared with the year 1849.

Within the same period 907,823 tons of Shipping of the United Kingdom
have cleared out, showing an increase of 69,893 tons as compared with 1850,
and 38,205 as compared with 1849.

The increase of the Foreign Tonnage has been in a still greater proportion,
448,273 tons having entered inwards in the quarter; an increase of 164,892 as
compared with 1850, and of 50,669 as compared with 1849.

r::.—-1. =&

ELGIN -GRE Y PAPERS 1283

The Foreign Clearances for the same period amounted to 420,073 tons; an
increase of 116,769 tons as compared with 1850, and of 55,612 tons as com-
pared with 1849.

This increase is to be accounted for in part, no doubt, by a deficient supply
of British shipping, which has compelled merchants to have recourse to Foreign
vessels, and it is also to be observed that the Cross Trade opened under the new
Navigation Law must swell the returns of foreign shipping in our own ports, as
it diminishes the account of our own tonnage in the same, and vice ‘ue7‘sort froim all pairts, ghatevelr tliiey -wfanted,fi‘l oy were noxxgslrthelzlms b3‘Ifl%’l§a 11 txlilebairfieg

receiving ue suppics mere an ise -rom e or nations 0 ony co ti en, i
“import them.” Anderson. Charon. Deduct. of Comm. II. 416
Note 6. This was a were instance of the iiiibsurdrity of the reciprocal or retaliating
rinciple. Great Britain: admitted 7JK) American Ships into her Ports, & accordingly the
united Shalxm admitted no British Isdiiips into ‘hers, so tilint -two, sets of shi. were requirecl
to effect one purpose. The consequence was that the Trade between the two V ountries dwindled
away till they were forced to come to a. fair understand» _»or abaiidon intennntional c/am~
merce altogether. Accordingly a ‘Frosty was concluded by w icli the Ships of the two Coim-
tries were admitted into their respective Ports upon equal terms, & all discriminating duties
on their on ‘ , were remitted. _ _

The resu t is that the Exports alone from this Country to the United States amounted in the
year 1845 to the value of £7.l42,839. _ _

Note 8. The first of these repealed some obsolete acts relating to foreign Commerce. The
second repealed such .part oi the Navigation Law as enacted, that goods, the growth, produce
or mzznufaeture of Asia, Africa 01‘ America should not be imported into this country in other
than Britisl1‘S]iips, and that no goods of_ fI(>I‘0lg11 grovrtli, p_ro1‘l}§d, migJi1;_be again exported any other
Colony _or to_ the United Kingdom The fifth Bill nod for its obiect the legnlising of the
export in British Ships from any Colony to any fcreimi Port in Europe or Africa, any goods
of the grrowth, produce or ninniifac-time of such Qolotry, or as had been legailly imported
thereinto. & fl’lI »i7l)e‘I‘ to allow certain G1I‘ll771e1‘.2‘iX3(l {irtieles to be exported to any such colony in
Biitish Ships from any port in Europe or Africa.

‘…… …_….». .. —._.:_

ELGIN —GRE Y PAPERS 1235

gation Acts. In 1823 the American and Portoguese treaties produced their natural
result. Prussia took the lead in threatening retaliatory measures & M‘ Huskisson,
bending at once to a necessity which he had not the power, even if he had had
the will, to avert, introduced & carried the reciprocity Acts 4 Geo. IV C. 77 &
5 Geo. IV. C. 1., which authorised the Crown in Council, to adapt the duties
levied upon foreign vessels in our ports, to those levied by other countries in their
ports, upon British Shipping.

In 1845, the various Acts were consolidated & the Act of 8 8: 9 Victor“. R. C.
88 ——- (An abstract of which is appended) now embodies the navigation Law of
the Country.

This like any other restriction on Commerce is only to be justified by some
adequate motive of political expediency. It is unquestionable that although the
importance of establishing & nourishing our naval power was & will be perhaps
urged again as its justification Yet in accordance with the system which has till
lately been the Governing principle of our commercial policy, its main object
was restriction & prohibition, in other Words, protection to British Shipowners.
This principle being now abandoned, it remains to be seen whether in fact our
naval power be dependent on any & in What degree, on our restrictive Maritime
law.

It is indisputable that our commercial Marine is the nucleus of our naval
power, maintaining by natural means those of its elements which a non~maritime
Country can only supply by artificial efforts. Does this Law augment & im-
prove our Commercial Marine?

To carry out the principle of a Navigation Law, two sets of ships must be
employed, each leaving its own port in ballast, as was the case at one time between
Great Britain & the United States, (See Note 6) & the present remnant of
the Law of the Rump Parliament can only serve its purpose in proportion to
the waste of freight in carrying on the commerce of the country. If there be no
waste, there can be no advantage, even in the view of the advocate of a restrictive
policy. A waste of freight is an increase in the cost of freight. An increased cost
of freight is an increased cost of production, an increased cost of production
produces a diminished demand, a diminished demand requires less freight
altogether. Therefore fewer ships are employed in Commerce, & the Country
with the most commerce & the greatest number of ships is the greatest
Sufi:-3rer.(9) A mercantile marine is the nurse of a defensive navy, but commerce
itself is the parent of a mercantile marine. The extension of a Nations foreign
trade is the sure extension of her shipping & the increase of the factories in her
towns, carries with it the increase of the tonnage in her ports. And as Commerce
itself is the only sure foundation of a mercantile marine, so is it demonstrable,
that the late measures which have been adopted for opening new fields for British
traflic, will do more towards the extension of her shipping than the most stringent
laws for its protection.

The increase of British Shipping employed in the foreign trade of the
country in the first nine months of the year 1846, over the same period of the

Note 9. “These laws are a tax upon navigation & cornmcrcc & will fall ll0f!.Viest upon
those coun-trim who have the greatest amount of shipping 62. trade.” Hnskisson 1826

9337-73;

1236 ELGIN -GEE Y PAPERS

year 1844, is no less than 2,111 ships, representing a tonnage of 771.810. (Note
10) In 1843, the Year before the reduction of the duties on timber, were
employed in the Timber trade with the North American Colonies 1841 Ships,
representing a tonnage of 689,731, whereas in 1845, the year after the reduction,
were employed in the same trade, 2608 Ships, representing a tonnage of 964,276.

In 1835, a hundred British Ships with a tonage of 56.645, were employed
in the China Trade, which in 1845, required 207 Ships of a tonnage of 86.193,
thus nearly doubling our Trade without the assistance of navigation Laws.

The increase in the number & tonnage of British Vessels employed in the
Foreign & Colonial Trade in the five years ending 1839, was 7159 Ships, equal
to 1.503.673 tons. In the five years ending 1845, the increase was 5716 Ships,
2.055.605 Tons, or 551.932 Tons greater comparative increase in the five last,
than in the five first mentioned years.

That the increase & encouragement of British Shipping was not attained
in an equal degree by the Navigation Laws, is indicated by the following
Statement shewing the number & tonnage of Shipping that entered & cleared
from Ports of the United Kingdom, distinguishing British from Foreign and
shewing the centesixnal proportions which the British & Foreign tonnage bore
to each other, in the year 1814 (the last year of the war), in 1824 (the year
of reciprocity treaties) & in 1845.

Inwards Ceutesirmal proportions
British Foreign British Foreign
Years» Ships Tons. Ships Tons
1814— 8.975~— 1.290,248—— 5.286——~ 599.287-’~ 68.28 31.72
1824—- 11.733——’ 1.797.320– 5.653 759.54.1 70.29 29.71
1845. 2l.00*1——- 4.3l0.6\’39—v 11.651 1.735.979 71.23—-— 28.77
Outwards
1814. 8.620-* 1.271.952— 4.622 602.941 67.84 32.16
1824. 10.157—~ 1.657.533—— 5 026 746.707. (38.94 31.06
1845. 20.23l——« 4.235 451 12.296 1.796.136 70.22 29.78

_ Note 10. Annouirt of number & mnnmge of vessels employed in the Foreign Trade of the
Umted Kingdom, stated exclusive of vessels employed in the Coasting trade or vessels in
Ballast, 1D. the nine months ending 10 October in the years 1844 & 1846.

1844 1846
Ships Tonnage Ships Tonnage

British Vessels 22.266. 7352.821 24377. 5.123.631
Increase In 1846. 2111. 771.810 —

F(1reign— 11.089. 1.731.286 14.523 1.731.286
Increase in 1846. 3 434. 500.848.

Excess of British over Foreign Shipping
Stated in Tons

Inwards Outwards
1814r~ 690.961 669.011.
1824.-—- 1.037.779. 910.826
1345A 2.575.560 2.430.315

So that British Shipping employed in the Foreign Tradepf the United Kingdom increased
270,962 Tons more than that of the Ships of fifteen nations with whom we trade,

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1237

Here is in 1824 & 1845 after the Repeal of the more stringent part of the
Navigation Laws, :2. large increase of the proportion of British over Foreign
Shipping employed in Foreign Trade & as compared with that of the year
1814, notwithstanding that on that year our ports were on account of the War
less accessible to foreign Ships, (Note A) — the navigation Laws were such as
the Government of Charles the II had left them,— & this too, giving the advan-
tage of the old system of registration which was changed in the year 1827.
(Note B).

Having endeavoured to shew that the prosperity of our commercial &
therefore of our naval marine, is dependent on far other & surer sources than
a protective law, it remains to examine whether the policy designed for the
encouragement of British Shipping be not of mischievous operation to the general
prosperity of the British empire.

As the law stands, none of the products of Asia, Africa or America, can be
imported into this country, except in their own Ships or ours, (Note Xa) and
even We ourselves from an unfounded jealousy, lest we should be deprived of
part of our carrying trade, by the import of goods of these countries in foreign
Ships, into contiguous ports, are not allowed to bring such commodities from
Europe. (Note XB)

The following example demonstrates the mischief of the system.

We may now import sugar, the produce of foreign countries, but though
there may be a large quantity of sugar in Hamburgh where there is a demand
for our cotton goods, we may not buy it or receive it from thence, but are
obliged to send all the Way to the Brazils or Cuba or the West India Colonies
where, on the arrival of the ship there may possibly be no want of the com—
modities of which her cargo is composed, so that independently of the waste
of freight, we have to send our goods to an uncertain instead of a certain
market. And further is it not reasonable to suppose that we may make a
larger exchange, if there be greater facilities & that so the British Ship may
make several voyages to Hamburgh, traversing as many miles & earning the
same freight in the same space of time, as if she went all the way to Asia?
For Hamburgh would certainly import more both of our goods & of those
which she exchanges for them, if she were sure of a certain outlet for them.

If the direct trade were more profitable, in that should we find the Capital
of our Merchants, but if the indirect or triangular trade be that which yields
most, why should we pass laws to prevent it? If A. wants Cotton, & B. wants
hemp, while C. requires wine, why should not A. take his hemp to B. & bring
from him wine with which to purchase Cotton of Q? But when A. arrives
with the wine, the law in the shape of a Custom House ofiicer says “ no, it is
“ very true that we want wine, but B. must bring it himself ” “ But ”, reman-

Note A. In consequence of the restoration of peace, the demand for shipping was much
:(§a’ilmLil]i1sl182e6(1 & the rates of freight considerably lowered. after the year 1815 Mr. Huskisson

ay

Note B. The system of registration was changed in 1827. Up to that time, all Ships
registered were assumed to exist until evidence to the contrary was p.ror_1ueed. The new
R istry act 15. Geo. IV. Cap. 110. ohhged the owners of all vessels to register them anew,
dz it e returns of 1827 & the subsequent years be’1D;§3f0uDdGd on the new Registrations, though
more correct, must obviously shew an amount of ritisth Shipping, smaller than would have
appeared under the old system. A _ _

Note X-a. With a few triflm exceptions which it would onl impede the course of
argument to notice. Sec. 4. °3 & 4 illmm IV_. C. 54° 8 & 9. Via. . C. 88. [Editors note]
 » ° These words have been scored through in pencil. .

Note. XB. With a. few exceptions, see Aibstract of Navigation. Act appended. Section 3.

1238 ELGIN -GEE’ Y PAPERS

strates A “ he will not bring it because he dont want cotton.” “I cant help
that,” says the Custom House oflicer “ our navigation Law says that no one
“is to bring it but B.’’, and the consequence is that A. goes without his cotton
& C. without his wine;« the manufacturer misses his profit <3: the revenue loses
its toll.

Did the limits of this paper permit it, instances might ‘be multiplied to
shew the interference of the navigation Laws with the natural course of trade,
but it is on the Colonies that the greatest amount of injury & injustice is inflicted.
The system of endeavouring to isolate a Colony from the rest of the world, for
the benefit of the mother country is that which, tried in various forms,—— in
none more effective than in monopolising the transport of her produce, lost the
Brazils to Portugal, drove England from the United States, reduced Holland to
the Isle of Java & of all her mighty Colonial possessions, left Spain with Cuba
& the Philippines. This system is now happily exploded & as we look to the
prosperity of the Colonies as the sole source from which the Mother Country
can derive advantage in their possession, Why should we endeavour to impede
or restrict their independent commerce? Why should we compel them to drive
from their ports all foreign Ships whose cargoes are not exclusively « the
“produce of the countries to which they belong & from which the goods are
“imported”, thus destroying the profitable “triangular” trade, altogether?
And be it observed that many Colonies consume a great amount of foreign
articles, and that it frequently happens that the best country for the growth
or manufacture of those articles may not be that which can afford to carry them
at the cheapest rate.

The West Indian Colonists demand that the trade in shipping be rendered
as free to them as that in Sugar is to us, otherwise they say they will be subjected
to even higher rates of freight than the present from the demand which will
arise for British Shipping to carry the produce of slave labor countries (Note
X.1).

There can be no doubt but that many of the British Ships which have
hitherto been employed in the carrying trade of our Sugar Colonies will now be
despatched to Cuba. or the Brazils & it is certainly neither logical nor equit-
able, to increase the charge of the transport of Colonial produce to those markets
into which we have just admitted a formidable competition. (Note X. 2)

It was upon the Navigation Laws that was modelled & engrafted the old
Colonial system. A sort of compact was entered into by which the Colonies
became bound to take everything from England & send everything to her in
British Ships; England on her part agreeing in return for this double monopoly
to give a preference in the home consumption of Colonial produce (Note X).
Now it is manifest that having deprived them of their monopoly we have no just

round to insist upon retaining our own. _

In common justice, in common honesty we are called upon to give them
every facility in meeting a rivalry which we have forced upon them for our own
advantage.

Note X. 1. Resolutions passed at a meeting in Jamaica.

Note_X. 2. Thus whale we are bringing the Baltic Timlber into competition with timber
of Canadian growth, we throw artificial daifficulties in the way of its 171-ansporrt, notwithstanding
[that one Colony la »bou.rs Luntler a natural disadvantage of nearly 5/‘ in the cost of Freight, from
its eater distance from Great Britain.

ote X. Speech of M‘ Marryatt 1821

__.-._….._._..,,.__..____.._ .____.‘ _ . , ___M___,,____

ELGI N ~GI.i’.EY PAPERS 1239

If therefore it cannot be denied that this Law is injurious to the commerce
of Great Britain & vexatious & unjust to the Colonies. If it has been shewn
that there is no corresponding political advantage in its continuance. If, rather
than upon a miserable remnant of an ill-judged La-W, Great Britain may be
believed to be dependent for her naval supremacy on those elements of superiority
which she undoubtedly possesses (Note X. 1), there never was a moment so
propitious for acting on these assumptions, by repealing the clauses from 2.
to 12, of the Act. 8. & 9. Vic. R.=C. 88. It will be taken as a measure of justice

to the Colonies.
It will put an end to dispute & discussions with foreign powers (Note X. 2)

The extension of our commerce through the late relaxations & more parv
ticularly the opening of the Corn Trade & the China Trade,—— the lower price
of Timber & the use of iron in the construction of Ships, will make it less
unpalatable to the Shipowners & Shipbuilders. (Note X) It is one of those
measures of commercial reform which do not bring the Exchequer & the Board
of Trade into collision, being likely rather to benefit than to diminish the
revenue,— And, lastly it will be a measure received gratefully by the whole
mercantile manufacturing & trading interest of the country, who are looking to
the present government to vindicate the principles of free trade, by cleansing
the Augean stable of our commercial policy, of the accumulated corruptions of
centuries of false political economy.

J. Lewis. Ricardo

Note X. 1. Inasmuch as she is an Island Kingdom with Island Colonies, her Empire
is washed by nearly every son that flows‘ She has Capital & minereil wealth,»-—she is
surpassed by none in industry, i enuity 85 resources. She is the {best customer of every
nation in every mzirkei; of the wor ri,—<>

This Act was amended by the present Statute 8 & 9 V. C. 88. M

, . ~ – 1. t ‘
copy of which 15 herewith annexed. J‘
. tom
WH 10 Oct/46 §‘;§%-rims
in ’
Blewkwoods
paper on
Canada.

1258

Rec“ from
N A Dept
7 Oct

1::

of is
Session.
See A

See B

ELGI N -GRE Y PAPERS
Canada

Canada appears to be the only Colony in B N America which
has yet complained of the injurious effect occasioned to her trade by
the Imperial Navigation Laws. In consequence of the increased
importance of that trade during the last few years, and principally
owing to the apprehensions excited by the American Drawback Act,
which remitted all duties on goods brought into the United States
from any foreign Country and intended for exportation to Canada,
the Legislature of that Province petitioned the Queen and both Houses
of the British Parliament in May 1845, first to repeal the 31“ Clause
of the Imperial Act 3 & 4 W. 4 C. 59 which permitted Goods the
produce of Foreign Countries to be brought into Canada by land or
inland Navigation from any adjoining foreign Country in foreign
as well as in British Vessels —- the clause in question being, under
oxisting circumstances, considered to be no longer necessary, or
advantageous for provincial interests —- Secondly to extend to Colonial
Vessels, employed in navigating the inland waters, the privileges and
advantages of the Registration and Navigation Acts (3 & 4 W 4), and
Thirdly — to grant, by Act of Parliament, to persons of foreign birth,
naturalized by Provincial Acts, all the rights and privileges in mat-
ters of trade, shipping, and Navigation, so far as respected the Coast-
ing trade, the Fisheries of the Province and the United Kingdom,
other British Colonies and Foreign Nations, which are enjoyed by
natural born British Subjects.

This was the first application from Canada to be relieved from
the pressure of some of the Trade Regulations of the Empire. The
last mentioned point has been promised to be conceded, the two
former topics are now the subject of consideration. The arguments
for the repeal of the 31“ Clause of the Act 3 & 4 W 4 C. 59, and
for the extension to Colonial Vessels of the Imperial Laws which
do not now extend to Canada, are forcibly stated by the Attorney
General for Canada, M’ Smith, in his report, dated the 26”’ April
1845, of which, for more convenient reference, a printed copy is
attached to the end of this paper.

Lord Metcalfe’s observations upon the same subject, addressed
by him to the Secretary of State on the 35 Feb? 1844 are likewise
placed among the Addenda.

The next representation from Canada against the Navigation
Laws of this Country was occasioned by the announcement of the
contemplated change in the English Corn Laws. The impending
policy on this subject created a general impression throughout Canada
that the Home Market would be effectually closed in Three Years
time against Canadian Produce, which impression was strengthened
by the high charges of the “Forwarders ”, who were represented to
have almost monopolized the carrying Trade between Montreal and
Kingston, and by the apprehensions which were entertained that the
change in these Laws would render the Inland water communications

ELGIN—G‘RIBY PAPERS 1259
of the Province, on which so large a sum of money had been expended,
nearly useless. The Legislature consequently asked for some per~ WE
manent preference in the British market in favor of Colonial products, Deep: 27
and that all Grain, Wheat and Flour imported into this Country from £3“
Canada should be admitted here on payment of the smallest specific Itm-avbe
Duty. They further asked for the assistance of Her Majesty’s Gov” §1″e§‘;“ »t’;‘°“t
in raising a fresh Loan for the completion of the public Works.

On the 25”’ llebruary, the 25”‘ and 27″‘ March, the Governor fim
of Canada transmitted, without remark, to the Secretary of State, f§§;‘° »“
petitions from the respective Boards of Trade at Montreal & Quebec, refused on
praying for the repeal of the Provincial Act imposing a local duty :],?§;“T‘;’§“d »’
of 3“/ per Quarter on American Wheat, for the repeal of the Imperial gfiadgmne
Enactments (5 & 6 Vict C 49) which levied a duty of 25/ per barrel in his
on Foreign Flour imported into Canada, & for the abolition of the Eff‘j’o:ffh
duty on Grain 8; Meal imported into this Country from Canada of gagigart
whatever origin it might be, representing, as the ground for this 18″‘A-pril.
application, that the American Drawbaek Act had seriously dimin— Ezfgliwtion
ished the importations by the River S‘ Lawrence. The Petitioners for the
from Montreal prayed for -the repeal of the Imperial Duties under
the Act 8 & 9 Vict C 93 on Articles imported into Canada whether rggogignw
by See, or by Inland Navigation, and that such Articles conveyed fiy rarer
to a Shipping Port by the River S‘ Lawrence might be regarded as 5
Colonial & be admitted into the United Kingdom on the same terms v‘-
as the produce of the Province.

The answer returned by M” Gladstone (see his Published Igdend
Despatches of the 1“ April and 4”‘ May 1846) stated that the Legis- Gd 3′
lature was at liberty to repeal the local enactment imposing the 33/
duty on Foreign Wheat if it was thought expedient to do so, but that
the alteration of the Imperial Duty on Flour imported into Canada
should follow and be dependent on the abrogation of the Colonial
Duty, and that as to the application for the free introduction into
this Country of Grain, Flour and Meal of whatever origin, Her
Majesty’s then Government did not think it entirely compatible with
the spirit of the Commercial Treaties between England and Foreign
Powers, to revive the system of allowing the introduction of Goods
from Colonies at Colonial Duties with reference not to their origin,
but solely to their place of export. M” Gladstone added that though
the Government would not refuse consideration to the question how
far the Imperial Duties chargeable in Canada might be susceptible
of alteration with advantage he was of opinion that it was premature
to enter on the consideration of the question without further knowl-
edge than the Government possessed at that time of the sentiment
of the various parties interested in it.

The decision therefore upon the question of relieving the Canada
Trade by repealing the Laws 5 & 6 Vict C 49 and 8 & 9 Vict C 93,
was deferred by the late Government for further consideration, but
H M’s present Gov‘ have by the recent Act 9 lit 10 Vict C. 9/1 author-
ized the removal of the duties complained of by the means of local

1

S
S
3

260

. of
tate
June/4-6.

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

Enactments, if the Colonial Legislatures think fit to resort to that
mode of relieving themselves.

On the 28* » April and the 13”‘ and 18”’ of May last Lord
Cathcart forwarded to the Secretary of State Resolutions of the
House of Assembly as well as an Address from that House and a
Petition from the Board of Trade of Toronto containing the usual
general objections to the then impending alterations in the Corn
and Customs Laws, praying for the protection of H M’s Gov‘ and
asking them to endeavour to procure from the United States the
admission of Canadian Produce into the Ports of that Country on
the same terms as their produce was admitted into Great Britain and
Canada — Secondly — It was requested that the products of Canada
might be admitted into Imperial ports free of duty, the expense of
transportation and the disadvantage of ports closed for Six Months
of the Year being held to be ample protection for the farmers of this
Country. The fixed determination of the Government to carry, if
possible, the Corn and Customs Laws and the then advanced stages
of those measures in Parliament precluded M‘ Gladstone from encour-
aging the applicants to expect an abandonment of the policy of the
Government — He therefore addressed a Despatch (3“ June 1846) to
the Governor, in which he controverted the Statements made by the
Assembly in respect to the advantages which the Colonial Trade was
alleged to have derived from the protective system, and, declining,
on the part of the Gov‘, to depart from their policy nevertheless
signified his readiness to apply to the Gov” of the United States to
establish an equality of Trade between that Country and the British
North American Colonies. The British Minister at Washington was
accordingly instructed to address an application on this subject to

the Gov‘ of the United States but M‘ Pakenham considered it prudent .

to defer any overtures on the subject on account of the then pending
Tarifl‘ question. The matter is therefore at present in abeyanee.
Possibly now that a Tarifi » for Revenue and not for protection has
been carried a. negotiation may have commenced at Washington on
the subject.

I now come to the more recent and, in consequence of the
threatened measures having become Law, more distinct applications
from Canada for a modification of the Laws affecting the Trade of
the Province.

On the 27 July 1846 the Governor transmitted a Petition from
the Free Trade Association of Montreal, praying for the removal
of all differential Duties and restrictions on the Trade of the Province,
and likewise a Petition from the Board of Trade of Hamilton praying
that Canadian produce forwarded thro’ the United States might be
admitted into this Kingdom on the same terms as if shipped from
Canadian Ports. The first Petition set forth, that now that the free
trade Policy of Great Britain was certain it considered it right to lay
before the Province the means by which the evils, if any, likely to
flow from it might be averted, and the benefits of the measure secured.

ELGIN —GRE Y PAPERS

The Petitioners admitted that under the protective system and
especially under the Act of 1843 the manufactures of the Province
had been artificially encouraged, and they added that it could not be
denied that the sudden and almost total withdrawal of protection would
occasion considerable losses to the agricultural interest in the Colony.
The Petitioners stated their conviction that the principles of the
new Commercial Policy were sound, but acquiescing on general
grounds in that view of the case they claimed as a consequence the
removal of all restrictions on the Provmcial trade with Foreign
Nations in the shape of discriminating duties with a view to protect
British Manufactures; and stated that they considered themselves
entitled “ to buy in the cheapest and sell in the dearest Markets.”
They likewise urged as of infinitely greater importance than the
removal of the discriminating duties, that the S‘ Lawrence should be
thrown open to Foreign Nations — vessels using that River being
only subjected to a moderate charge for tolls; and they further
submitted the following arguments for the requisite alteration being
made in the Navigation Laws.

“But important to the future prosperity of this Province as this
“Association deems the abolition of discriminating duties to be,
“ that question sinks in insignificance when compared with that of
“the opening of the Navigation of the Saint Lawrence to Foreign
“Nations. That River is obviously the most essential element of
“ Our Power, and on the use we make of the natural advantages it
“affords will mainly depend our future position as a Commercial
“ Country. The natural outlet for the products of the Western States,
“ a Country but newly sprung into existence, and yet numbering
“already upwards of Four Millionsof Inhabitants, shall its full
“capabilities be made available? Shall we possessing this great
« highway to the Ocean, succumb, without at least a struggle, to our
“competitors in the race for Commercial pre-eminence? It is true
“that we shall have to contend against difficulties which the energy
“and enterprize of our neighbours have interposed. It is true that
“Railroads and Canals are being constructed to branch out in every
“direction from the Stream of the St Lawrence, in order to divert
“that produce to the Ports of the United States, which would other-
“ wise be brought to our own ports for Shipment. Nor is the rivalry
“of our Competitors confined to the construction of these Public
“ Works. In order to make them profitable, she modifies her fiscal sys-
“ term, so as to allow our Articles of Merchandize to pass through Her
“Territory free of duty, both from and to the Atlantic Ocean. How
“are we to meet and counteract this interested, but enlightened
“ policy? Simply by adopting a similar course of action. We must
“ in like manner remove every obstacle in the way, and hold out
“ every possible inducement to the Inhabitants of the United States
“to pass their Merchandizc through our Country. Instead of her—
“metically sealing to their ships the outlet of the S” Lawrence, we
“ must ofier to them the free Navigation of its Waters, subject only

1262

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

“to such a moderate imposition in the shape of Tolls, as will suffice
“ for the annual expense of Keeping the Canals in repair, the payment
“ of the interest of the money expended in their construction, and the
“appropriation for the sinking fund for the redemption of the debt
“incurred. The amount required to be raised annually for these
“purposes would amount to £100,000; a moderate impost, and easily
« collected with an enlarged Commerce along this route, as must be
“ admitted, since the Revenue derived from Tolls on the Erie Canal is
“ about £6000,000 per annum.

“That by this means the Saint Lawrence can advantageously, as
“ regards economy, compete with any other route can scarcely be
“ doubted.
“ In the first place (no trifling saving, especially in Grain, Flour and
“ other bulky articles) Goods may ‘be consigned without transhipment
“from their original port of embarkation to that of their destina-
“ tion; whereas, by the other routes, there must be two transhipments
“before the goods can be landed in a shipping Port. Secondly, the
“large size of the Vessels which can be employed on the S‘ Lawrence
“ route, in comparison with those on the other, will enable the former
“to convey goods at a very much cheaper rate of freight than by the
« latter. Thirdly, the small amount of Canal navigation by the
“ S‘ Lawrence in comparison with that by the Erie Canal route, is a
“ decided advantage to the former; as the following statement
“extracted from the Journals of the New York Legislature will
“evince.
“Even at the present reduced rate of Toll, on the Erie Canal, River transporta-
« tion has -the advantage by more than 300 per Cent. The charge upon the
“transportation of Wheat «per Bushel from Troy to New York is 3 Cents, while

“ the some transportation for a like distance upon the Canal cannot be efiected

“for less than 10 Cents.” ,
“The comparative claims to public Support of the two routes
“ are clearly exemplified in the following Table:

1)’ b- . Lak & Lok- T –
tulsce Size of Canal & Locks Canal Riv; age 511%:
Miles F995 M1195 Miles Feet ment
Canal Lock
Buffalo to
NeWYo Port Size 150 by26.6 Welland
Colborne to 363 of 200 “ 55 Cornwall 68% 295 533
Montreal Lock 200 “ 45 Beauhnrnois
Size of Canal 110 by 10

“Under this aspect, need we despair of succeeding in directing
“through the S‘ Lawrence 8. large proportion of the Exports and
“Imports of the Western States, and of the upper portion of the
“Province? But it can only be done by making this the cheapest
“route; to that object every other must yield. Competition in
“every form must be encouraged —— the employment of Capital,

ELGIN -GRE Y PAPERS

“British, or Foreign, must he invited, and if the Foreigner can ‘l:rans-
“ port our Produce or that of our Neighbours, to or from the Shipping
“ Ports the cheapest, he must not be thwarted, or impeded, under the
“ plea of protection to native industry, or under any of the other
“ pretexts which are used to perpetuate monopoly and its concomitant
“evils.”

“The Association trusts that a representation of the injury
“to this Province, arising from the restrictive Character of the
“British Navigation Laws, is all that is requisite to induce the
“British Ministry to cause their modification, so far as respects this
“Colony. Their baneful influence has, more especially during the
“present year been felt both in our Export and Import Trade.
“Such h—as been, and -is, the scarcity of British Vessels adapted to
“the conveyance of Wheat and Flour in the Ports of Quebec, and
“Montreal, that freight has advanced fully fifty per eentum beyond
“ the remunerating or average rate. Now had those Laws per-
“ mitted, Foreign Vessels could have -been procured in the ports of
“ the United States, at moderate rates (as is manifest from the low
“ freights between New York and Britain) to convey the produce
“ to its destined market. Is it not obvious that we are thus placed
“ in a much less advantageous position than Foreigners, in being
“ taxed to support British Shipping, and that that tax offers great
“encouragement to the Western producer to send his goods via the
« United States, rather than by the route of the S‘ Lawrence?

“ Thus this Colony is laboring at the same time under the two
“fold inconvenience of removal of Protection and prohibition of
“ Free trade!

“The like evil is severely felt in the Imperial Trade of the
“Province, and is exemplified in the -article of Mus—covado Sugar,
“ of which our Supplies are now principally derived from the
“Spanish Islands. The Navigation Laws, on which we now anim-
“advert, prevent our importing Foreign Commodities in any but
“British Ships, or Ships of the Country where the Goods are pro-
“ duced. Now, Spain has little Shipping, -and none suitable for the
“trade with America, and there are no British Vessels to be met
“with in the Spanish Islands. The Importer of a Cargo of Sugar
“to this Province is thus compelled to Charter a British Vessel
“ from some distant Port to proceed in ballast, to convey the Cargo,
“for which he pays a freight of, say 43/ per cent, or fully 25 per
“cent on the prime cost of the article, whilst there are fleets of
“American Vessels on the spot which would convey it at one half
“ that rate. Can he then —- drawing his supplies of Sugar in this
“circuitous and expensive method, compete in the Western Market
“ with. the Merchant of the United States? Obviously he can’
“ not; nor need it be matter of surprize that the Trade which, under
“ a free system, would flow through the S“ Lawrence, is thus diverted
“ to other channels.

1263

1264

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

“The article of sugar is a pregnant illustration of the injurious
“effects of the Navigation Laws on our Import Trade; but the
“remarks applicable to it apply also, to a certain extent, to every
“ other article of Foreign Production. Why is there a discrimina-
“tion of 25 per Cent in the Sterling duty on Foreign Goods, between
“such Goods when imported from the Bonded Warehouses in
“Britain, and when direct from a Foreign Country? Is not such
“a discrimination in favor of the former, pro—tanto, a bounty to
“New York in opposition to Quebec or Montreal? and can we be
“surprized that, under this insane and suicidal policy, the com-
“mercial connexion of Canada West with New York is extending
“ year by year, and with our Cities is proportionably diminishing?

“This association, it will be observed in making the present
“report on the Commerce of the Country, has refrained from
“touching on any of those topics which lie immediately within the
“scope of the Provincial Authorities. These open a wide and
“important field of investigation, and must form the subject of a
“future Report. The present, relating to subjects Imperial in their
“character, and on which the action of the British -Government
“ may with propriety be sought, it is deemed advisable to lay before
“ Her Majesty’s Ministry with the least possible delay, under the
“conviction that they will take such proceedings upon it, as the
“urgent circumstances of the case render expedient.

“Wherefore Your Petitioners respectfully urge that Her
“Majesty’s Government will be pleased to take the facts contained
“ in this their Memorial into their serious consideration, and apply
“such remedy as to them in their wisdom may seem fit; and Your
“Petitioners as in duty bound, will ever pray.”

Lord Cathcart himself had added his testimony (Despatch’

N° 117 — 27 Aug‘ 1846) in favor of altering the navigation Laws
to suit the present circumstances of Canada. He expresses himself
thus —- —- “A fuller consideration of this subject, in connexion with
“various representations which have been made to me, induce me
“earnestly to entreat Your Lordship’s consideration to a more
“ extensive change in the Navigation Laws as being really necessary
“ under existing circumstances.

“ The Revenue of the great Canals to be derived from trans-
“porting the Produce of the Western Country as well American as
“Canadian, must be hereafter looked to as the principal, if not only
« source for paying the debt incurred by Canada in their construc-
“ tion.

“Sound policy Will, of course, dictate the keeping down the
“ tolls to the lowest possible rate, consistent with the proposed ob-
“ject. It becomes therefore important to endeavour to reduce the
“ cost of transporting such produce to the market of consumption
“ as much as possible, in order to maintain the tolls and yet make

‘4r

ELGIN -GEE Y PAPERS 1255

“ this route preferable in point of cheapness to any by the United
“States.

“But while the carrying trade from the ports of Quebec and

“Montreal is confined exclusively to British Shipping — there will
“not be judging from past experience, a sullicient supply of vessels
“ to create competition and to keep down freights to reasonable prices.
“ I am informed that the difference between freights at these Cana-
 » dian Ports and at American Sea Ports is very great — and that at
“the former, there exists frequently the greatest diflfieulty in getting
“ vessels at all to carry the products of this Country to market.

“ If foreign Vessels were allowed the free navigation of the 8‘
“Lawrence, this evil, it is apprehended, would be greatly diminished,

“ and though from the danger of the River Navigation freights ma-y
“ not become as low as at American Ports, they would certainly be
“ very greatly reduced.

“ The business of the Canals would also be greatly increased if the
“Americans could employ their own Vessels to bring cargoes down
“ from the Inland waters and at their option proceed with them to Sea.

“ I have little doubt that a Trade down the S‘ Lawrence would be thus
“ created, if immense value to the Canadian Revenue.

“It is unnecessary for me to point out to Your Lordship more The
“distinctly those relations [sic] on the Navigation of the S‘
“ Lawrence, the removal of which appear to me important, I might lélgzntry
“ almost say indispensable to the financial properity of Canada.” towzhose

On the 26″‘ Aug (N° 116) Lord Cathcart sent home a second 355%,?“-
Memorial from the Board of Trade of Montreal in which they urged
in greater detail than they had even done before the absolute neces- Townovr
sity for affording the Provincial trade relief from the restrictions of ,,,,“,;“,‘,“,_}§:“
the Imperial Laws. It being obviously impossible to abridge to any ,1f““‘Ndr

. . , aslately
useful purpose the various reasons assigned by these Memorahsts, I (2%);
have extracted from a Canadian Newspaper the Report (See 3,3335“,
Addenda D) of their Committee —- the, Report being in all essential gigflght

respects a counterpart of the Memorial. the .
On referring to that extract it will be seen that the Memorialists
ask in errorin
supposing

1“ for the repeal of the Imperial diflerential Duties in so far as

they affect the Colonial Commerce Of Canadian

Produce
2”“ for the repeal of the local duty of 3“/— on American Wheat %1;f¢,$‘e
(Which has subsequently been accomplished by local Legislation); fvfgfig
3″‘ a Modification of the British Navigation Laws so as to enable irflireclbglugient
the Colony to employ any vessels they may prefer for their carrying §§,ip‘;f;;hm
trade ;— ltgsfigwlimze
18

4:“ the removal of all the restrictions that now operate against the 333%;
free navigation of the S‘ Lawrence. °9“5id?Y3“%’
diversity
of interest
in Canada

9337-80

1266

and blue
inex-
pediency
of altering
the new
Corn Laws
they could
not
recommend
tzhat
Canadian
pro dwco
through
the United

admitted
into the
Ports of
this
Kingdom on
the same_
terms as if
it wer e
shipped
from
Canada,
but
that they

thought

it was
incumbent
on the
Gov‘ to
promote on
the
céfintrary

C E

of United
States
Wheat
bhro h
Cana do,
reguu‘ 1

Lhe Artnpéle
as Colonial.
Wifih
respect to
the Appli-
cation
from the
Free
‘1‘r::.de
association
of Montreal,
the B oord.
of Trade has
likewise
observed
that the
Petitioners
should be
ref erred to
the recent
Ace of
Parliament
8 & 9 Vict
C 94,

which
enables

the
Colonies if

WY
should -heso
minded to

ELGIN—GREY PAPERS

The requests preferred under the two first heads having been,
in point of fact, conceded, it only remains to determine how far, if
at all, the Registration and Navigation Acts, and the 31“ Section
of the 3 & 4 W 4 C 59, should be altered to meet the circumstances
of the times and the views of Canada.

AB51 6 ocw 45.

GAMBIA

The Governor of the Gambia in June /46 reported that he had
in consequence of 3. representation from the British Merchants resi-
dent in that Settlement granted in Licences for 12 months, subject
to the approbation of Her Majesty’s Government, to the Owners of
several Foreign built boats, some decked and measuring 4 Tons to
navigate the River Gambia under the B1’ii;ish Flag —

Referring to the 10 & 14 Clauses of the Navigation Act it appears
that the Governor had no power to grant these licences, the employ-
ment of these Vessels being contrary to Law.

Upon a private reference of this despatch to M‘ Trevelyan it
appears that he is of opinion that Whether we look to the description
of people who own and navigate the Vessels engaged in the Gambia
or with the description of Ofliceis who are charged with enforcing
our Regulations there or the French competition, the legal provisions
of the Navigation Act are totally inapplicable to the case M’
Trevelyan suggests that the execution of these provisions might be
suspended until an Act can be passed indemnifying for the past and
amending for the future~— and further that judging from the Working
of the Navigation Laws in India as well as in other parts of the
British Empire M‘ Trevelyan is inclined to think that the time has
arrived at which those Laws have ceased to be necessary and that
they now do more harm than good even as regards the increase of our
Ships and Sailors.-

Sir Thomas Fremantle, in reference to this Case, states that it
is worthy of consideration whether it is imperativcly necessary to
enforce the Law with regard to small boats, not exceeding in size 4
Tons burthen, which may be viewed as River Craft rather than
Vessels of Commerce — and mentions that the attention of the Board
of Customs has lately been called in several instances* to the opera-
tion of the Navigation Law in respect to the Trade in our possessions
on the West Coast of Africa on references from the Treasury.-—

Lord Grey concurring in the above remarks of M‘ Trcvelyan
and Sir Thomas Fremantle a letter has been drafted to the Board

of Trade embodying them.-
[lnitials illeg.]

1I’oseibly Arthur Bluckivood, Senior Clerk of North American Division,

[Editor’s note.]

‘The Treasury perhaps-—migl1t with advantage be requested to State thcseinstances.——-

‘:x.s

._

. *- . —v-.tv–=s~\-. »c—:-j¢y—- -IN‘ ’

‘7

.ELGIN—G’.REY PAPERS 1267

HONG KONG abolisluor
’“?§f;n”l3;
The Peninsular Company apprehending that legal objections Eflfichhhe

might be taken at Hong Kong, under the Navigation Laws, by their
sending a Danish Vessel, purchased by them, to that place to lie in A0§3=‘;‘ft\i’§f<1
the Harbour as a Goal Hulk for the service of the Company, requested fértods

(in May 1846) that instructions might be sent to the Governor with E‘erP »eft »‘1

a view to obviate such objections.— W91“ the

The Commissioners of Customs however by their report, ren- §3)‘1(;e*eign
dered these instructions unnecessary being of opinion that although
under the 11″‘ and 24”“ Sections of the recent Navigation Act 8 and would
9 Vic: C: 88 the Vessel in question being foreign could not legally ;}‘;$§§$€°“
import Goals into Hongkong—yet there would be no objection to §§;j‘i »;°“°
her proceeding to that place in Ballast for the purpose of being made lenplication.

use of as a Floating Coal Depot. N“§,,;’Z.‘t‘*L’,,
the reLaxa~
tions, 01‘
rather
abanfidom

av-iga wn
Laws,
\vl1i<>l’Ltl1e
Petition-
QTS

At the commencement of the present month a Memorial was

received from 811- G. do Lurpent and M’ Ravenshaw representing the ianqggstion»
inconvenience and injury they sustained in consequenoe* of the difl‘i- Qpini0’fl,0f
culty experienced in procuring British Vessels at Adelaide South
Australia for the Shipment thence to this Country of large quantities logcgfit
of Copper Ore, the produce of the Rapunda Mines and suggested inxporfimfice
that the Foreign Vessels that took out Mining Emigrants from Ger— g§e‘}ho‘a°i?d
many to South Australia might be placed on the footing of British felon, to
Vessels in respect of any mineral produce which they might bring
direct from Adelaide to any Port in Great Britain ~ f;g§‘$°“
This suggestion’ being in direct violation of the Navigation Laws insulated
could not be complied With, but the Board of Trade were invited §::f,’gh the
to consider how far it might be possible to forward the views of the altered

. . circum-
Memorialists.

[Initials illeg.]

SOUTH AUSTRALIA

sltantoes mi
. . . tie imcs
[Initials 111eg.] “~0.,1dm
seem
Acts annexed rend”
some
alteration
of hhc
Navigotions
awe
expedient.

99°
8°2°
9.0
coon
! ».°°

_*_It appears that at Adelaide in March 1845 there was a great want of
Shipping to carry mvay produce such as Ore, VVhea.7.———Barl< do Gum.-—

9337—S(l&

1958 ELGI N -GRE Y PAPERS
A

THE OBSERVATIONS OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL, MR. SMITH, ON
THE ADDRESS OF THE CANADIAN LEGISLATURE FOR
THE REPEAL OF THE NAVIGATION LAWS

Montreal, 26 April 1845.1
Sir,

His Excellency the Governor—general having been pleased to refer to me, for i
any observations that I might deem it expedient to make thereon, an address t
which was adopted by the Legislative Council and Assembly of this province
during its last season, in relation to the Act for the enregistration of British
vessels in this Province, I have now the honour of submitting the following report
for his Excellency’s information.

The object of the address to Her Majesty, on the subject of British shipping
on the inland waters of America, is to obtain, if possible, from the Imperial
Government the repeal of the 31st section of the 3d & 4th Will. 4, c. 59, and to
obtain also an extension to the inland waters, of the laws of the empire, which do
not now extend to these waters. The law as contained in the 3d & 4th Will.
4, c. 59, sect. 5, declares, “ that foreign ships shall be permitted to import into ,
any of the British possessions abroad, from the countries to which they belong,
goods the produce of those countries, and to export goods from such possessions,
to be carried to any foreign country whatever,” but it adds a condition to the
following effect: “That this privilege is granted only to those countries, which
having colonial possessions, shall grant the like privileges of trading with those
possessions, with British ships, or which not having colonial possessions, shall
place the commerce and navigation of this country and its possessions abroad,
upon the footing of the most favoured nation.” Under the provisions of the
latter part of this clause, the United States are entitled to trade with the British
possessions in America, upon the same footing as the empire is entitled to trade K
with the United States. The United States can, therefore, under the provisions
of this clause, import by sea. into the British possessions, the produce of their
own country; and the British possessions can, on their part, export into the
United States, the produce and growth of their possessions.

If the law had stood thus, these colonies would have had no cause of corn- [
plaint; but by the 31st section of the same law, it is enacted, “ That it shall be (
lawful to bring and import by land and by inland navigation into any of the
British possessions in America, from any adjoining foreign country, any goods 3’
which might be lawfully imported by sea into such possessions, from such 4
country, and so to bring or import such goods in the vessels, boats or carriages
of such country, as well as in British vessels, boats or carriages.”

By this enactment, the position of these colonies was completely changed, [

.g_ _.—~r—-—

and the United States thereby were empowered to bring into them by inland
navigation or by land, any goods not the produce of their own country, in their i
own boats, vessels or carriages, which before the introduction of this clause
they could not do, and even now cannot do by sea; for the carriage of foreign
goods was and is confined to the vessels of those countries of which the goods

1 Printed copy. ‘

ELGI N ~G’RE Y PAPERS 1269

imported were the growth, and it thereby threw into the hands of the United
States nearly the whole of the carrying trade into the British possessions of
foreign productions, thereby giving and granting to American vessels, in their
intercourse with the British possessions on the inland waters, the full and
exclusive privileges of British vessels under the registry laws of the empire, a
privilege which they do not now possess by sea, Although at the time this
clause was introduced, it was the intention of the Imperial Government to
confer a boon on the colonies, by facilitating the introduction of foreign pro-
ductions usually required in the colony through the United States, and in the
vessels of the United States, yet the effect of this clause is now to throw into the
hands of the traders of the United States the whole shipping trade of the interior
lakes, to the exclusion of colonial shipping, a matter of great importance even
now, but which in the increasing trade and commerce of the colonies, if per~
mitted to continue, will entail consequences totally destructive to the commercial
shipping interests of the British colonies. These colonies have scarcely any
thing which they can export to the United States in return; and as regards the
transportation of productions of foreign countries, the geographical position of
the colonies precludes the possibility of its ever being done; so that in the
introduction of foreign products into the British possessions, the United States
stand without a rival, and it need hardly be remarked, that if a British vessel
should attempt to compete with an American vessel in an American inland ‘port
for the transportation of foreign goods into the British possessions, that the
preference would be given to the American vessel. This is rendered the more
certain, as in many instances the American shipowners are connected with the
principal lines of forwarders in this province. But it becomes now even a
matter of still greater importance, when taken in connexion with the Drawback
Bill lately passed into a law in Congress; for if the law be allowed to stand as
it is, and British goods as well as foreign goods are allowed to be introduced into
these possessions in American bottoms, the commercial prosperity of these
colonies will be entirely destroyed, and the trade of the St. Lawrence lost for
ever. The matter is one of the deepest interest to this colony; for the carrying
trade not only of the St. Lawrence, but also of the inland waters of the interior,
if fostered and protected, will be found hereafter to be the true source of its
wealth and prosperity, and as the struggle between the state of New York and
this colony for the carrying trade of the productions of the western parts of
America has already begun, it becomes absolutely necessary, to prevent the
ruin of the colony, to urge upon the Imperial Government the importance of
repealing this clause of the Imperial statute, so calculated to cripple the future
shipping interests of the colony. In reference to the Drawback Bill, it may not
be out of place to mention, that its effects will be to create an immediate inter-
course between the traders of Upper Canada and those of New York, which in
the course of a few years will ripen into mercantile associations and co—partner-
ships, founded on identity of interest. This identity of interest, if allowed to
become strengthened, will prove a connecting link between the two countries,
diffieult at all times to ‘be broken; and as community of interest has been found
to prevail over political duty, it may be worthy of consideration, in a political
point of View, how far in the interests of the empire at large this direct and close

1270 . ELGIN -GRE Y PAPERS

intercourse ought to be cut ofi‘. These remarks on the Drawback Bill evidently
refer only to its operation on the shipping interests of the colonies; and taken
in connexion with the privileges now enjoyed by the Americans, under the
provisions of the 31st section of the statute above referred to, the efiect will be
to throw into the hands of the Americans the monopoly of the entire carrying
trade of the British possessions. If We take into consideration that Canada,
properly speaking, is not a producing country, and therefore not an exporting one,
and that it must, in my humble opinion, depend on its carrying trade down the
St. Lawrence for its real wealth and prosperity, the ultimate effect of the law as
it now stands will be to confine the colony within the very narrow limits of its
own inland trade. The right of trading with the British possessions on the
inland waters, enjoyed by the Americans with their own vessels, together with
the want of the registry laws of Great Britain, has in itself a most pernicious
effect on the commerce of the country; ‘but the addition of the mischievous
tendency of the Drawback Bill, in opening up a new source of commercial
enterprize, will, if not counteracted, destroy all hope of the colonies ever posses-
sing a commercial navy on the great inland waters of America.

I have, &c.

(signed) J. Smith, Attorney-general.

Captain Higginson, Civil Secretary.

(No. 29.) B1
COPY of a DESPATCH from Sir Charles M etoalfe, G. 0.13., to Lord Stanley

Government House, Kingston,
3 February 1844.

I CONSIDER it to be my duty to bring the subject of the following statement
under your Lordship’s notice.

2. By the Imperial Statute 6 Geo. 4, c. 109, intituled, “An Act for the
Encouragement of British Shipping and Navigation,” s. 11, it is enacted, that
no goods shall be imported into any British possession in America “ in any
foreign ships, unless they be ships of the country of which the goods are the
produce, and from which the goods are imported.”

3. The Imperial Statute 3 & 4 Will. 4, c. 59, in the 5th clause, recites this
provision of the Law of Navigation, and limits the power of export given by
another section of that law to the ships of those foreign countries which, having
colonial possessions, grant the like privileges to British ships. The 31st section
is as follows: “And whereas it is expedient to make regulation respecting the
inland trade of the British possessions in America; be it therefore enacted, that
it shall be lawful to bring or import by land or by inland navigation into any
of the British possessions in America from any adjoining foreign country, any

1 Printed copy.

ELGI N -GRE Y PAPERS ‘1 271

goods which might be lawfully imported by sea into such possessions from such
country, and so to bring or import such goods in the vessels, boats or carriages
of such country as well as in British vessels, boats or carriages.”

4. The statute 6 Geo. 4, c. 114, contained similar provisions, and the com
struction given to it shortly after it was passed, which has since been acted upon,
has made no difference in regard to the import of goods between British and
American. vessels, but the latter have been permitted to import into Canada
goods not “ the produce” of any part of the United States.

5. At the time this construction was adopted, very few British vessels were
employed in the navigation and carrying trade of the inland lakes. It is prob-
able, that had a different opinion then prevailed, it would have injured instead of
benefitting and protecting British interests in the Canadas.

6. The state of things is materially altered since that time. The inhabitants
of Canada own vessels enough to do all their own carrying trade as well with the
United States as within their own limits. On Lake Ontario alone the value of
British steamers exceeds 100,000l.

7. Owing to recent enactments, a great quantity of British manufactures
and other goods foreign to the United States, are imported into Canada from
American ports on the lakes; and having, of course, the entire control of the
carrying trade through their own country, the Americans possess also the power
of disposing of the freight across the lakes to such vessels as they please. It is
needless to state that they give the preference to American vessels.

8. American vessels have this further advantage, that at the ports on their
side of the lakes they rigidly prevent goods being imported from Canada of
foreign production. Only last season the British Steamer “America ” was seized,
among other alleged causes, for importing a case of gin, containing a few gallons,
on the very ground that it was not lawful to import into the United States in a
British vessel, goods the produce of a country foreign to that wherein the vessel
was owned.

9. There may exist reasons, founded on convenience, why the principle
applicable to importations by sea should not be carried out to the same extent as
regards the inland communication between the British possessions in America
and the United States. But it has been suggested to me that a sufficient protec-
tion, eonsistent with the true policy of the Navigation Laws, might be afforded
to British vessels navigating the lakes, without at all infringing on the convenient
intercourse between the two countries, in the following manner.

10, If the 31st clause of the 3 & 4 Will. 4, already quoted, were so altered
as to limit the right of importation in United States vessels from those States
into Canada of goods not the produce of the former country to vessels not ex-
ceeding five tons’ burthen, and to carriages when the boundary is on land; and
giving the advantage to British vessels which is secured to sea-going ships by the
Navigation Laws already referred to, a fair protection would be given to Canadian
shipownors on the lakes, while they would not be placed in a more favourable
position than the inhabitants of any other British colony having intercourse by
Water with foreign countries.

1272 ELGI N -GEE Y PAPERS

11. I submit copies of memorials from owners of shipping on Lake Ontario

on this subject.
I have, dtc.

(signed) C’. T. M etcalfe.

P.S.—The accompanying list, showing the names, tonnage and cost of shipping
upon Lakes Ontario and Erie, was received after this despatch was written.

16th February.

Enclosure 1, in No. 7.

Toronto, 24 January 1844.
Sir,

As owner of much steam~boat property on Lake Ontario, I beg to lay before
you, for the information of his Excellency the Governor—general, the national
disadvantages that British steamers labour under when compared with American,
and the peculiar annoyances to which they are subjected in American ports,
particularly on Lake Ontario, where British and American steamers are brought
into immediate rivalry and competition with each other. When I first arrived
in this country in 1822 (and I have lived on the border ever since), nearly the
whole of the navigation was done by American bottoms. A law passed or
enforced, forbidding American vessels to coast on our side, started the building
of British vessels, and now they greatly outnumber the American, in spite of
the pecuniary advantages American vessels have over British, the former paying
neither « tax, tonnage or light dues; the latter being subjected to 1 3. per ton
annually light dues, 7 Z. 10 3. each for licence to sell wine, &c., and the whole
coast is infested with harbours, constructed by charter, to each of which the
British vessel pays for touching. ‘ Even the Niagara River is a monopoly of a
private company; and whilst I pay 10 3. weekly for each of my boats being
obliged to touch at Niagara, the Americans enter there daily, and free, not being
obliged to touch, yet competing with me precisely on the same route. Properly
protected, we shall have nearly the whole of the navigation of Lake Ontario to
ourselves, and it is a national duty to foster advantages in peace that constitute
power in War. To quote words used by Mr. Daniel Webster lately, “the nation
that has the most carrying trade will have the most ships; the most ships require
the most seamen; and the power that has the most ships and the most seamen,
will have the dominion of the seas.” These words apply to our position on Lake
Ontario, the only lake where we have maritime preponderance; and the
American steamers, if not fostered by us, will, limitedly speaking, die a natural
death, for the simple reason that they have not wherewith to keep them alive.
Lake Ontario is to British commerce by its geographical position, as one vast
canal leading to the western country, it being the direct continuation of the
St. Lawrence from Quebec to Hamilton, the sea-gate to the West. On the con—
trary, it is to American conimcrce of little value, since it has been cut oif as a
channel to the west by the Erie Canal to Buffalo, and the greater part of the
travelling is done by railroad to the same place. Their shipping interest, which

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1273

was in part created before their improved internal communications. and before
the rising commerce of Canada came to be of great moment, now melts away
before the augmenting power of our steam fleet, and was rapidly on the decline,
when the late British tariff came to its relief, and opened a new field of enter-
prise for their commerce, and of which the Americans claim, and almost have the
monopoly, bringing hundreds of tons of goods not only of the produce of the
United States, but of that of countries foreign to them, a privilege denied to
British vessels in American ports. This trade has created so much jealousy and
anxiety to prevent British vessels participating in it, that they have resorted to
vexations (legal vexations) towards our steamers, with a view to drive us from
their ports. Three British steamers were seized and detained last season, under
pretext of infraction of the revenue laws, a measure they never resorted to
before. Two of them were at Rochester, both under trifling pretexts; the one
turned out to be by conspiracy, the other for having on board 9. case of six
gallons of Holland gin. Now, unless some representation be made on our behalf,
these vexations may drive us from American ports, whilst American steamers
will have free ingress to ours, as the Americans know full well that we never
can resort to such means of annoyances. In the rapid movements of steamers,
the variety and small parcels of their cargoes, the numerous passengers with
baggage, there is no steamer, in spite of the utmost vigilance of its olfieers, but
some time or other, articles may be found on board, that in the rigid exercise of
power may subject her to detention, and detention to a steamer is loss. ‘As this
annoyance only happens in the ports where we interfere directly with this com-
merce, and knowing full well how all classes are worked upon in the United
States when any great interest is affected, I have not a doubt whence it originates.
Why, if this be allowed to continue, before a war could break out we might
expect to see a great part of our steamers change sides by a much easier process
than hauling down our colours. May we hope that the British Government
will extend to.us on the lakes so much of the British Navigation Laws as shall
prevent foreign vessels from bringing to our ports other than the growth,
produce or manufacture of their own country. I need scarcely allude to the
extreme importance of Lake Ontario. It is the marine Tote du Pont of the St.
Lawrence, and the naval fortress of Canada west, and here our naval power
both commences and ceases on the lakes. It is true we have the naval citadel
of Penetanguishinc, whcncc we may make sallies to annoy the upper lakes; but
Ontario is emphatically our own. With Kingston at one end, Burlington Harbour
at the other, a fortress at Hamilton, a fleet on the lake, Penetanguishino in the
rear, and a small effective army between, we ought to hold the Canadas from
Quebec to this « tote du pont at least, against any force the Americans could bring
into the field at one time. Requesting, upon the strength of early and youthful
reminisoenses, the honour and liberty of presenting my individual respects to
His Excellency the Governor-General.
I have, &c.

J. M. Higginson, Esq, Secretary, (signed) Hugh Richardson.

620. &c. &c.

I274 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

“ THERE is now an immense trade sprung up between this province and the
United States; and foreign goods to the United States are permitted. upon easy
terms, to pass through that country into Canada, and they become the carriers
of those goods, bought by Canadians, not only through their own country, but
also to any port in Canada. We have now an immense fleet of schooners upon
both lakes, and a large number of steamers, and we are, by the 31st section of
the Trade Act, deprived of the carrying trade to which we should have a right,
as the American forwarders from New York, &c,, are interested in steamers and
schooners, propellers, &c. upon this lake and Lake Erie, and of course put those
goods on board their own vessels. If they could only carry goods the produce
of the United States, it would not be worth their while to separate them from
the products of foreign countries, and we should become the carriers.

“Besides, the custom-house oflicers at many of the American ports have
declared that British vessels have no right to carry goods foreign to Great Britain
and her possessions to American ports; and the collector at Rochester has seized
my’ steamer “ the America,” for having on board a case of gin (about three
gallons), and landing it at that port. He gives two reasons for the seizure; first,
because it is a foreign production; and secondly, because distilled spirits cannot
be imported there in less quantities than 90 gallons,—-Vicle the law of Congress
already mentioned, 1799; and by which it will appear that he is clearly wrong
upon both points. By the Act of Congress 1817, c. 204, s. 1, no goods can be
imported into the United States in foreign vessels unless they are the produce
of that country to which the vessel belongs. To this section there is a proviso,
“ that this regulation shall not extend to the vessels of any foreign nation which
has not adopted, and which shall not adopt a similar regulation.”

“I do not know what the secretary of the treasury of the United States may
decide upon in the case of the “America;” but in the mean time I have been
obliged to give bonds for the surrender of the steamer next May, if required.

“ It is quite time that something should be done for the protection of our
trade, and there is now a favourable opportunity to have the 31st section of 3
& 4 Will. 4., c. 59, so altered, as to prohibit the importation of foreign goods into
this province in vessels or boats of the United States of a greater tonnage than
say from three to five tons. This would confine the trade to rivers, where noth-
ing larger than skiffs and small sai1—boats could be employed, and it would
not prevent such goods being brought in sleighs or carriages in such parts of the
country as it might be expedient to allow such importations.”

I/’LG’I N -GREY PAPERS 1275

F Enclosure

Enclosure 2, in No. 7.

Names of SCHOONERS upon Lake Ontario and Lake Erie, their Tonnage and Cost,

Vessels’ Names. Tonnage. Cost Vessels’ Names. Tonnage. Gost.
£ £
England – — – – 150 1,500 George Mofiatt – – – 90 1,000
Rose — – – – ~ 100 1,700 Toronto ~ – ~ – 00 800
Thistle — – – – 160 1,750 Princess Royal – – – 160 1,800
Shamrock – – – – 140 1,500 Enterprise v — — – 00 750
Cayley – – — – 150 1,600 Caledonia – — – – 100 1,850
Henrietta ‘- – – – 160 1,750 O. 1’. Thomson – — – 150 1,350
Sir F. )3. Head – – 180 1,250 Merchant Miller – – – 150 1,750
Sir C. Bagel: – – — 100 2,000 Almezla – – – – 180 1,750
Sarnia – – – – 166 2,000 Chief Justice – – ~ 140 LMO
Brock – – — – 130 1,250 Lady B ot – – ~ ~ 150 1,050
Louise – – – – – 100 1,800 Highlan or – – – – 100 1,100
Prince Albert — – – 100 1,000 Rover – – – – – 90 1,
Jung . . . . . 100 1,000 Fanny — – – – – 40
St, Patrick – – – – 180 1,850 Gamble – – – — 45 700
Jessie – – – – – 170 1,750 Lord Nelson — – — 50 000
Emily . . . . – 90 900 A. Gage – – . . 50 600
Prince of Wales ‘  » ‘ 145 1,000 Hero – – – – – 45 500
Atlantic – ~ – – 170 1,750 Three small craft about 150 1,500
Eliza Jane Browne – – 155 1:690 Oobourg and Presq’uile
Jane and Eliza – – – 150 1.600 Three small craft about
Isabella – ~ – ~ 100 1,900 Whitliy, D erlington 150 1,500
Jessie Woods – – – 120 1,500 and Bond Head
Ontario ~ – – – 90 1,000 Richard Tinuing – – 50 000
Lord Seaton ~ ~ – 180 1,750 Canada – – – – 160 1,600
William Penn – – r 160 1,600 Amherstburg – – – 100 1,750
Queen – ‘ * ~ – 190 2,000 John Dougvall – – ~ 120 1,500
Hort Cnlvin – – – 150 1,000 Helen Park – ~ – 150 1,750
Hannah Counter ~ – – 150 1.1300 Chapman ~ – – – 90 1,000
Cook – ~ – – 150 1,600 Sir R, Peel – – – – 55 700
Thames – – – – 120 1,500 Herold ~ – – – 70
Clyde – – — – – 1513 2,000 Royal Tar – – – – 160 1,750
Shannon – – ~ – 164 2,000 J. Genry — – – – 1’70 1,850
Telegraph – – – – 90 1,000 Elizabeth – – – – 850
Flatmboro’ – – – – 70 750 Olive Branch – – – 00 700
Kent – ‘- – – – 80 1,000 Mariner ~ – – – 100 1,100
Princess Victoria – – 120 1,500 Margaret Morgan – – 100 1,250
General Wolfe – – – 140 1,650 Jane – ~ – – – 70
Amity — – – – – 80 900 Vannorni/an owns one} 50 600
Margaret « – – – 60 800 about – – – –
Elizabeth – – – – 100 1,150 Ives, two sehooners, about 650 6,000
Sovereign – ~ – – 160 2,000 -—————-
Amelin -‘ – ~ – 100 1,750 TONS – – – 10,007 109,700

1276 ELGIN -GRE’ Y PAPERS

01
(No. 48.)

Copy of a DnsrAcrcH from the Right Honourable W. E. GLAnsroNn to Gov-
ernor the Earl CATHCART, K.C.B.

Downing~street, 1 April 1846.
My Lord,

I HAVE received your Lordship’s despatch, No. 19, of the 25th February
last, in which you enclose a memorial from the Board of Trade at Montreal,
praying, that in consideration of the injury which the memorialists appre~
hended from the anticipated change in the Corn Law of this country, Her
Majesty’s Government would recommend the repeal of the Provincial Act,
imposing a local duty of 3s, per quarter on foreign wheat imported into
Canada; that the Imperial duty of 2s. per barrel on foreign flour brought into
the province may be repealed, and that grain, flour and meal, of whatever
origin, may ‘be introduced from Canada into the United Kingdom free of duty.

The despatches noted in the margin, which I have had occasion to address
to your Lordship on the subject of the trade of Canada, will have already
explained the views which, in common with my colleagues, I entertain with
respect to the apprehensions of the Board of Trade of Montreal, or of other
parties similarly situated, as to the effect in ‘Canada of the alteration of the
English Corn Law, if it be passed in conformity with the views of Her
Majesty’s Government. But as it is necessary that I should return a. distinct
answer to the memorial which is now before me, I have to instruct your Lord-
ship to acquaint the mcmorialists, that if Parliament shall adopt the changes
in the Corn Law of this country which have been submitted to their delibera-
tion, Her Majesty’s Government will regard the local duty of 33. on corn as
an exclusively provincial question, and if the Legislature of Canada shall think
it expedient to pass an Act for the repeal of that duty, Her Majesty will not
be advised to disallow the measure.

2. You will state to the memorialists that, according to the View of Her
Majesty’s Government, any proposal to alter the imperial duty on flour
imported into Canada should follow, and be dependent on, but should not pro-
cede the abrogation of the 3s. duty on wheat.

3. That with respect to their application for the free introduction into
this country of grain, flour and meal of whatever origin, Her Majesty’s Gov-
ernment regret that they do not think it entirely compatible with the spirit of
the commercial treaties between this country and other powers, to revive the
system which once prevailed, of allowing the introduction of goods from col-
onies at colonial duties, with reference, not to their origin, but solely to their
place of export.

I have, (he.

(signed) W. E. GLADSTONE.

1 Printed copy.

ELGIN—GREY PAPERS 1277

(No. 62.)

Copy of a DESPATCI{ from the Right Honourable W. E. Gmnsronn to Gov-
ernor the Earl CATHCART, K.C.B.

Downing Street, 4 May 1846.
My Lord,

I HAVE to acknowledge the receipt of your despatohes, Nos. 27 and 31,
in which you enclose addresses to myself from the Boards of Trade at Quebec
and Montreal, praying for the repeal of certain provisions in the Imperial
Enactments, 5 & 6 Vict. c. 49, and 8 & 9 V-ict. c. 93, the continuance of which,
it is represented, will seriously affect the trade of Canada, if the proposed
alterations in the commercial policy of this Country should be sanctioned by
Parliament.

I have to instruct your Lordship to acquaint the memorialists, in answer,
that the interests of Canada continue to engage the lively solicitude of Her
Majesty’s Government; but that they have felt it their duty to decline acced-
ing to the request that the system denominated “naturalization” of goods
may be introduced into the pending law, upon grounds which they conceive
to be of such force as to leave them no option. Her Majesty’s Government
are, however, by no means similarly pledged or disposed to refuse considera-
tion to the question, how far the Imperial duties chargeable in Canada may
be susceptible of alteration with advantage, though they entertain the opinion
that it would be premature to enter upon that subject without further knowl—
edge than We now possess of the sentiments of the various parties interested in
it. With respect to the article of timber, adverted to in the memorial of the
Board of Trade of Montreal, your Lordship will observe to the Memorialists,
that Parliament has already declared itself on that question in unison with
the views of Her Majesty’s Government; but your Lordship will be pleased
likewise to add, that Her Majesty’s Government are firmly persuaded, that
the British North American timber, from its own useful properties, and with
the aid of the reduced protection which it is proposed to retain, as well as
from the energy and intelligence of those who trade in it, and their command
of capital, will continue to hold its place in the British market.

I have, (to.
(signed) W. E. GLADSTONE.

1273 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

D

BOARD OF TRADE

At a special meeting, very numerously attended, of this Board, held yester-
day, the Hon. Geo. Moifatt, M.P.P., in the Chair, the following Report was,
we understand, unanimously adopted; and 9. Committee, consisting of Messrs.
Glass, Elder, and Young appointed to draft a Memorial on the same:-—

REPORT

OF THE COMMI’l.’l‘EE APPOINTED T0 ENQUIRE INTO THE STATE OF THE TRADE OF THE
PROVINCE OF CANADA, PARTICULARLY WITH REFERENCE TO THE NEW COMMER-
CIAL POLICY OF ENGLAND.

Your Committee, appointed in April, for the above-named purpose, beg to
report that the great commercial measure submitted by Sir Robert Peel, in
February last, to the Imperial Parliament of Great Britain, having become the
law of the realm; it has become their duty to enquire into and if possible ascer-
tain the probable efifects which that law will have upon the commerce and
welfare of this colony.

In the first place, they find that the high differential duties on foreign corn
imported into Great Britain for consumption are, by the law in question, reduced
from a scale slid-ing from 20s. to ls. to a more moderate scale of 10s. to 46. per
quarter, the fixed duty of 1s. per quarter being still retained on corn of colonial
growth; a change by which the differential duty in favour of Canadian wheat is
virtually reduced to 3s. per quarter, as in all probability the minimum rate of 4s.
per quarter on foreign grain is that which will most generally prevail. They find
further that this new differential scale is limited in its duration to February,
1849, when the duty on all grain imported into the United Kingdom for consump-
tion becomes equalized, that is, colonial and foreign will be then equally sulbject
to a fixed duty of 1s. per quarter.

Turning their attention then to the laws by which the external commerce
of this Colony is regulated, they find a system of differential duties in existence
which they conceive to be at variance, under present circumstances, not only
with sound commercial principles, but also with justice and abstract right. These
differential duties were imposed upon our commerce with the view of giving the
manufacturers of the Mother Country and the planters of the West India
Islands a monopoly, as far as laws could effect that object, of our markets for
the consumption of the articles produced by tl1em———an arrangement which could
not reasonably be objected to under the balanced system which had heretofore
prevailed between the Mother Country and this Colony; the adjustment being
such as to be regarded by both parties as a fair equivalent for the benefits
mutually conceded.

Your Committee, however, beg to submit that the case is now most
materially altered, the slight differential duty to ‘be maintained for the next
three years on our produce imported into her markets for consumption, with
the exception of Timber and a few other unimportant articles, being no adequate
equivalent, they humbly conceive, for the injury done to our commerce and

IJLGI N -GREY PAPERS 1279

industry by the differential duties on foreign articles imported into this Colony
for consumption, the oppressiveness of which may be estimated by the following
table, showing at one view the amount of extra duty which they impose upon
articles of foreign production imported into Canad-9.1-

AI:’rwL1m. Foreign. Britisli. Di3crim£mm’ua.

goof, salted or cured. . 150s. per c\vtt…. gs. peg cwt . . . . , .. . per“ cwt.

utter . . .. . s. per cw . s. . . .
Ghccse. . . .. (is. per cwt. .. . 2s. 6d. pct cwt . 23. 6d. (per cwt.
Candles, Sperm. . 15 per cent. do 2d. 13. lb. 2d. per 1b.. . 15 per cent.

:: Wfixx .1. .d 7 per cent. and 23. -p. . g
ote cine 7percen.an<1.p. . . . ““?:“““ic.;.eea.‘. . .. ii’: 32.’. 33%: 3 ii 5: it’: if}: 55 : « “u° » »‘ Figln, driegll 31‘ salted .. is. per gr’ % p. oeng. g per, cent. . 25. ‘g e] pic c . . . . . l . . .. 5. per . ‘ p. een . . 45. per arr . Glass and Glassware‘ .. 20 per cent.“ 5 “ . . 15 per cent. Harclwaro, .. 12 “ . . g ; . ,,‘ 15. per c\\}t.. Linen, Woollen 12 “ . 59. “ .. . per cwt. (O)oikuIr‘n.fi . . F-ree. . . 7%. ,1’ , Vs , . . . .. . . per con… .. 1 Phrlr, lsalted or cnicd . per cwt. . 29. per owl; 3s. per cwt. Paper Man-ufactuvres. per cent. . 5 per cent… .- 7 per cent. Spirits, Rum . . . . .. .. 1s. per gallon. . 6d. «per gallon . 6:1. per gallon. Brandy and other Spirits. 23. 3d. per nllon. . . . . . .. 1s. 3d. per gallon. .. ls. ‘ Sugar, Refined . . . . . . . . . .. 20 1). cent 2 . tb . 10 per cent 82 M p. lb. 10 per cent. 1) g “ & Bastard. 6d. per Lb. 6d. per) cwt. .. .. per ugor ny.. .. per nt. .13. , .q>er .. Operccn.
Wine. …. . 17 pct‘ cgfxt. & 8d. p gal . 10‘ per cent. & 8d. 1:. gall. 7 per cent.
Wheat Flour. . . . . .. . 2s. 6d. per 196 lbs . . . . .. 8d. per 196 lbs.. . . . . . . .. 2s. per 196 lbs.

On most Articles of import not included. in the above Table is a ‘protection in favour of
British Goods, varying from 4: pct ccntnzm upwards.

As 9. proof that these discriminating duties impose heavy burdens on us in
their operation, it may be added that the amount of duty collected under them
last year was not less than £104,555, or about one fourth on the whole nett
revenue of the Province derived through the Custonmhouse, a fact from which
your Committee draw the conclusion that the articles required for consumption
in this Colony are in many instances cheaper in foreign than in British markets;
and that, therefore, our interests are seriously compromised by their operation,
in preventing our freely resorting to the cheapest markets for the supplying of
our wants. But the amount of duty thus levied affords a very inadequate
criterion, taken alone, of the extent to which Canadian interests are sacrificed
by the laws in question. Your Committee are of opinion that it is reasonable to
assume that the amount lost by the Colony by the operation of the differential
duties in question, in enhancing the cost price of imported goods, is fully equiva~
lent to the amount of duty levied under them, viz £l04,555,——a sum utterly
wasted as far as this Colony is concerned by our being deharrcd from the right
of going to the cheapest market to supply our wants. To mercantile men this
deduction will require no explanation; but for the benefit of others who may not
have given the subject adequate consideration, we may add that it arises from its
being cheaper in many instances to buy goods in England at a considerable
increase over the price of similar articles in foreign markets, provided that such
increased price fall short in any degree of the amount of discriminating duty
levied on such foreign articles.

1280 ELGI N -GRE Y PAPERS

Your Committee however would wish carefully to guard themselves against
a misconstruction of their motives in making these observations. They depre-
cate the imputation that these remarks are intended to east blame upon the con-
duct of the Mother Country. On the contrary, they acknowledge with pride and
gratification that they have a due sense of her love of justice, conveyed through
Mr. G1adstone’s Despatch of the 3rd March, in her offer to release us from the
effects of the laws in question, so soon as the Colony should make an applica-
tion to that effect, in a way which the Imperial Legislature could recognize as
the well understood wishes of the people~meaning, doubtless, by petitions from
the people of this Colony, and by addresses from their Legislature. Nor can
your Committee for a moment entertain a doubt as to the weight and eificacy
of a memorial to such effect, presented by this Board, representing as it does the
opinion of a large majority of the mercantile population of this city.

II. The next point which attract the attention of your Committee was the
existence of a duty of 3s. sterling per quarter, levied on American wheat imported
into this Colony for consumption. This duty is of local enactment, in connec-
tion with the English Canadian Corn Act of 1842, by which, in consideration of
this 3s. duty being imposed on American wheat imported into Canada, our corn
was admitted into Great Britain for consumption at the nominal duty of 1s.
per quarter, while that of foreign countries was, by the Corn Laws of 1842, sub-
ject to a scale of duties ranging from Is. to 20s. per quarter. That compact
under those circumstances was just and reasonable, and doubtless operated for
the benefit of Canadian agriculture; but the present Corn—laW of England, sanc-
tioned in June last and already referred to more particularly in this report,
cancels those advantages, and renders it our duty as well as our interest to call
for the repeal of the 3s. duty in question. It was not imposed for the purpose of
creating revenue, but as a part of a. contract made with the English Legislature
for the benefit of the British Landowner; yet it was recently urged by our local
Legislature, forgetful of the grounds on which it was originally enacted, that it
should be maintained, irrespective of all other considerations, for the benefit of
the Canadian agriculturist, as having the elfect of enhancing the value of his
produce by limiting the quantity in the Canadian market, an opinion so utterly
fallacious as scarcely to merit a refutation.

It is acknowledged that this Colony raises a large surplus of Wheat and
other agricultural productions for exportation; and the conclusions of science and
commercial experience in such a case are that the value of the surplus which has
to be exported regulates the value of the Whole to the producer. That being so
generally admitted as to be regarded by well-informed men as entitled to all
the force of an axiom, your Committee would deem it futile to introduce in this
Report statistical facts to prove that there is nothing in Canadian commerce
to render it an exception to that general rule. Tested, then, by that principle
it follows that the duty in question cannot have the effect of enhancing the value
of Canadian Grain; and hence that its maintenance for that object is nugatory
and superfluous.

It may, however, be viewed in another light, as having the eliect of limiting
the supply that could gain admission to the markets of Great Britain; but on
this ground also it is untenable, as that market is open to the surplus of the
United States, either from their own ports direct, or through the St. Lawrence

ELGIN -GRE Y PAPERS 1281

free of the 3s. duty by the aid of the Bonding system; a system highly beneficial
to commerce in a general sense, but yet cumbrous, expensive, and attended with
delays that tend powerfully to embarrass and curtail the business of forwarders,
millers, and all others engaged in this highly important branch of trade.—Under
every consideration, therefore, your Committee would urge the repeal of this duty
as most detrimental to the general interests of this Colony.

III. The last subject, but by far the most important which has engaged the
attention of your Committee, is the question of the British Navigation Laws.
These laws are so framed as virtually to give an absolute Hionopoly of the
carrying trade of Canada, both internal and external, to the British ship~owner.
The following extracts will show how restrictive they arct-+

“ 1. Goods the produce of Asia, Africa, or America, shall not be imported
into the United Kingdom, to be used therein, in foreign ships, unless they be ships
belonging to the country of which the goods are the produce, and from which they
are imported.

“ 2. No goods shall be exported from the United Kingdom to any British
Possession in America, except in British ships.

“3. No goods shall he carried from any British Possession to any other
British Possession, nor from one part of any such possession to any other part
of the same, except in British ships.

“ 4. No goods shall be imported into any British Possession, in foreign ships,
unless such belong to the country of which the goods are the produce, and from
which they are imported.”

Why should Canada be thus limited to the use of British vessels? What
equivalent in trade docs England now afford to compensate her for that
injurious restriction? None,-——-absolutely none.

But your Committee, averse to employing unsupported assertions, or to
creating odium against a class by mere general charges, will select a few instances
to prove the fact which they assert, that these laws are highly injurious to the
commerce and welfare of this Colony. First, as regards our external commerce:
on instituting a comparison -between the average rates of freight current between
New York and Liverpool, where British and American ships meet in open oom-
petiti0n,——and Montreal and the latter port, in which case British vessels alone
are permitted to engage in the carrying trade,—-the difierence operating against
Canadian interests is of sufficient magnitude to excite Well-founded alarm for the
permanence of our prosperity, if those oppressive laws are persevered in. The
following tables show the current and average rates of freight at New York and
Montreal respectively for the past three years, showing an average excess of
charge against Canada of 3s. 3d. currency per barrel of Flour, and 7d. currency

per bushel of W’heat:—–

9337-81

1282

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

Rates of Freight current from M ontreal to I/iverpool in the years

May
June
July
Aug.
Sept.
Oct.
Nov.
Average ,

May
June
July
Aug.
S apt.
Oct.
Nov.

Average,

Mean average of

1844. 1845. 184-6.
FLOUR. WHEAT. FLOUR, WHEAT. moon. WHEAT.
Per Barrel. Per Qua/rter. Per Barrel, Per Quarter. Per Barrel. Per Quarter.

5. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. _ s. d. s. d.
4 6 8 0 4 5 8 3 4 3 8 3
4 6 8 0 4 0 8 0 4 3 S 3
4 9 9 0 3 9 6 6 5 3 9 3
5 0 10 0 4 0 6 6 6 0 10 0
5, 0 8 9 3 6 6 6 8 0 10 O
4 6 8 3 4 0 6 8 5 9 10 0
4 6 8 0 4 3 6 G

4 0 8 0 4 G 7 0

4 0 8 0 4 6 7 0

3 9 4 6 7 0

3 9 5 3 9 0

5 0 8 O 6 9 12 0

5 0 9 0 7 0 14 O

4 6; 8 5 5-11 4 7 11v-13 8 0§ 5 1% 9 3;
1 02 per ‘bush. 1 Opel‘ bush. 1 2;7gp.b.
Rates of Freight current from New York to Iziverpoal in the years
1844. 1845. 1846.
rwmz. WHEAT. moon. WHEAT. FLOUR. WHEAT.
Per Barrel. Per Bushel. Per Barrel. Per Bushel. Per Barrel. Per Bushel.

s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. 5. d. s. d.
2 6 0 8 l 6 0 6 2 3 0 8
2 0 0 7% 1 6 0 6 3 0 O 9
2 0 0 7} 1 6 0 6 3 0 0 9
1 6 0 6 1 6 0 6 2 0 0 8
1 6 0 6% l 6 0 6 2 3 0 8
1 6 0 6 1 6 0 (H 2 3 0 8
1 6 0 6 2 6 0 8

1 6 0 6 2 3 0 7%

1 6 0 6 2 3 0 E

1 6 0 6 2 O 0 7%

1 13 O 6 2 6 0 7}

1 6 0 6 2 6 0 8

1 6 0 6 3 9 0 10

1711-13 063: 20% 07 264} O8}

N0’x’E.-These latter averages are subject to 5 per cent. primnge.
Recapitulatian of above Average Rates of Freialnt.
FROM MONTREAL. FROM NEW xomz.
WHEAT. FLOUR. \VHI’3A’1‘.
s.d. 5.41. s. .
1 0} 1 7 11-13 0 3%
1 0 2 02 0 7
1 2% 2 6} 0 8%
1 I 2 1 0 7%

three years.. 4 Si

Excess against Canada, 2s, Sid. stg. per barrel of Flour, 5«id. stg. per bushel of Wheat; equal in
round figures to 35. 3:}. cy. per barrel of Flour, and 7d. per bushel of Wheat.

_ The quantity of Wheat and Flour exported from Canada to Great Britain and Ireland dur-
ing the same period was as follows:

Flour. Wheat.
1844 . . . .. . .. 415,167. . . . .2S2,183
18é5 . . . 442,228,

1846. . . .

Tol;ul…..

. a1o,cc5… ..
. . .1,16e,3co

985,371

ELGIN -GRE Y PAPERS 1233

Your Committee in submitting these tables, do not intend to imply that
the rates of freight would be equalized from Montreal and New York respect-
ively, by the abrogation of the British Navigation Law but that they see the
strongest reasons to infer that a great reduction of freight at Montreal might
safely be calculated upon as a necessary effect.

The manner in which these laws, in connection with the differential duties,
cramp our trade with foreign states, such as the sugar-rproducting states of
Cuba, Porto-Rico, and the Brazils, and the spirit and wine producing countries,
might be here expatiated upon at great length and with much effect; but your
Committee forbear entering upon so wide a theme of injury and loss to this
colony, being apprehensive of thereby extending their Report to an unwieldy
size. One instance, however, may be given as an illustration.

Our supplies of Muscovado Sugar are now chiefly derived from the Spanish
Islands, but by the Navigation Laws on which we are animadverting foreign
commodities can only be imported in British ships 01′ ships of the country where
the goods are produced. Spain has but little shipping and none suitable for our
trade, while on the other hand there are frequently no British vessels for charter
to be found in those islands, although United States vessels may be had in
abundance to convey Sugar to Canada at about 2s. per cwt. What then is the
necessary consequence? The Canadian merchant is compelled to proceed to a
distant port to look for a British vessel. Having found one he engages her to
proceed in ballast to a Spanish Island to take in his cargo of Sugar for Canada,
for which he has to pay her 3s. per cwt. or 20 per cent. on the prime cost, a great
advance on what the American vessel on the spot would have willingly accepted
for the same service. And yet with these impediments in her way, Canada is
now called upon to compete with the world!

IV. Nor can your Committee conclude their Report without referring par-
ticularly and minutely to the operation of the laws in question upon our internal
carrying trade.

The St. Lawrence is legally accessible to American vessels from Montreal
upwards to the furthest point of navigation; but it is practically closed against
them, because they are not permitted to touch or break bulk at two Canadian
ports without touching intermediately at a port in the United States, nor can
they legally navigate between Quebec and Montreal, that portion of the St.
Lawrence being absolutely closed against American, as well as other foreign
vessels. These restrictions, against which your Committee see the strongest
reasons for urging an energetic protest, virtually seal the whole of the St. Law-
rence against the vessels of the United States, to the great detriment, as your
Committee conceive, of our general commerce, foreign as well as domestic.

It is not for your Committee to trace out the probable causes of the com-
parative chcapness of United States over Canadian vessels. Their duty is accom-
plished in calling attention to the fact, and urging on the attention of your Board
the necessity of petitioning for the abrogation of the laws which occasion the
evil and prevent our availing ourselves of all the advantages which nature has
liberally placed within our reach, in the possession of so noble a stream as the
St. Lawrence. Your Committee are perfectly convinced, after thorough investi-
gation, minute calculation, and mature thought, that, after our inland means of
communication are completed, when vessels capable of carrying 3,500 brls. of

9337-81}

1284 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

flour andupwards may sail without breaking bulk from the Upper Lakes to
Montreal or the ocean, nothing but the restrictions imposed upon us by the
Navigation Laws in question can operate to prevent that river being the channel
through which the great bulk of the Western trade, both upwards and outwards,
shall be conducted. Shall we, then, sufifer these laws to exist Without making
an effort to get them repealed? Is it not our duty rather to appeal to the mother
country to release us from them on the pleas of justice and liberality, as our
prosperity is obviously dependant, in a great measure, on such being accom-
plished without the least delay? Your Committee conceive that this great
reform cannot ‘be to strongly urged, or to frequently brought under the notice
of her Majesty’s Government,——~every other commercial reform dwindling
into insignificance when compared with the repeal of these destructive laws,
ruinous, as they are shown to be, of the best interests of Canadian industry
and commerce.

V. The Provincial Tariff also, it may be added-, presents many anomalies
and palpable defects; but your Committee are of opinion that from the very
comprehensive and complicated nature of the questions involved in its considera-
tion, it would be more advantageous, as well as convenient, to reserve it for the
subject of a future report.

Summing up then What has been already stated in detail, your Committee
see the highest reasons for urging upon you the necessity for immediate and
energetic action, by Petition or otherwise, for the purpose of obtaining relief for
the trade of this Colony from the various restrictions to which your attention has
been called, and which may be here briefly recapitulated, viz:—-

lat. The repeal of the Imperial Differential Duties.

2nd. The repeal of the 3s. frontier duty on American Wheat.

3rd. Such a modification of the British Navigation Laws as will leave us
free to employ, at our option, the cheapest vessels we can procure, whether they
be British or Foreign.

And, Lastly,—-«The removal of all the restrictions that now operate against
the Free Navigation of the St. Lawrence.

All which is respectfully submitted.

J. GLASS, Chairman of Committee.

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1235

ANNO OCTAVO & Norrol
VICTORI./E REGINZE.
Car. LXXXVIII.

An Act for the Encouragement of British Shipping and Navigation.
[4th August 1845.]

holden in the Third and Fourth Years of the Reign of King

William the Fourth, intituled An Act for the Encouragement 3&4W.4.
of British Shipping and Navigation, whereby the Laws for the °’
Encouragement of British Shipping and Navigation were consolidated:
And whereas since the passing of the said Act divers Parts of Acts
for the further Amendment of the Law in that respect have been
found necessary, and it will be of Advantage to the Trade and Com-
merce of the Country that the said Act and Parts of Acts should be
consolidated into One Act: Be it therefore enacted by the Queen’s
most Excellent Majesty, by and with the Advice and Consent of the
Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parlia-
ment assembled, and by the Authority of the same, That from and
after the passing of this Act the same shall come into and be and Commence-
continue in full Force for the Purposes therein mentioned, except mi
Where any other Commencement is herein particularly directed.

II. And be it enacted, That the several Sorts of Goods herein— shgpsiu

after enumerated, being the Produce of Europe, (that is to say,) ‘,’;i‘,‘,‘:§:.;’;‘1’;,,

Masts, Timber, Boards, Tar, Tallow, Hemp, Flax, Currants, Raisins, figgigf
Figs, Prunes, Olive Oil, Corn or Grain, Wine, Brandy, Tobacco, Wool, may be
Shumac, Madders, Madder Roots, Barilla, Brimstone, Bark of Oak, «  »p°md’
Cork, Oranges, Lemons, Linseed, Rapeseed and Clover-seed, shall
not be imported -into the United Kingdom to be used therein, except
in British Ships, or in Ships of the Country of which the Goods are
the Produce, or in Ships of the Country from which the Goods are
imported.

III. And be it enacted, That Goods the Produce of Asia, Africa, p1am,f,.o,,n
or America shall not be imported from Europe into the United King- ggggghognly
dom to be used therein, except the Goods herein-after mentioned;

(that is to Say:) or Amevrica

may

Goods the Produce of the Dorninions of the Emperor of Morocco, imp0‘,°§ed_
which may be imported from Places in Europe within the
Straits of Gibraltar:

Goods the Produce of Asia or Africa which (having been brought
into Places in Europe within the Straits of Gibraltar from or
through Places in Asia. or Africa within those Straits, and not
by way of the Atlantic Ocecm,) may be imported from Places
in Europe within the Straits of Gibraltar:

1 Printed copy.

W HEREAS an Act was passed in the Session of Parliament

Ships in
which only
Goods of
Asia,
Africa,
America
may be
imported.

Proviso.

Manufac-
ture

1 deemed

– Produce.

From
Guernsey,
&c.

Exports to

si a, &.e.,
and to
Guernsey,
&»c.

Coastwise.

ELG/IN-GREY PAPERS

Goods the Produce of Places within the Limits of the East India
Oompany’s Charter, which (having been imported from those
Places into Gibraltar or Malta in British Ships) may be im-
ported from Gibraltar or Malta.‘

Goods taken by way of Reprisal by British Ships:

Bullion, Diamonds, Pearls, Rubies, Emeralds, and other Jewels or

‘ precious Stones.

IV. And be it enacted, That Goods the Produce of Asia, Africa,
or America shall not be imported into the United Kingdom to be
used therein, in Foreign Ships, unless they be the Ships of the Country
in Asia, Africa, or America of which the Goods are the Produce, and
from which they are imported, except the Goods herein-after men-
tioned; (that is to say,)

Goods the Produce of the Dominions of the Grand Scignior in
Asia or Africa, which may be imported from his Dominions
in Europe in Ships of his Dominions:

Ra-W Silk and Mohair Yarn, the Produce of Asia, which may be
imported from the Dominions of the Grand Seignior in the
Levant Seas, in Ships of his Dominions:

Bullion:

Provided always, that in case any Treaty shall be made with any
Country having a Port or Ports within the Straits of Gibraltar, stipu-
lating that such Productions of Asia or Africa as may by Law be
imported into the United Kingdom from Places in Europe within
the Straits of Gibraltar in British Ships shall also be imported from
the Ports of such Country in the Ships of such Country, then and in
every such Case it shall be lawful to import such Goods from the
Ports of such Country in the Ships of such Country.

V. Providedalways, and be it enacted, That all manufactured
Goods shall be deemed to be the Produce of the Country of which
they are the Manufacture.

VI. And be it enacted, That no Goods shall be imported into the
United Kingdom from the Islands of Guernsey, Jersey, Alderney, or
Sarlc, except in British Ships.

VII. And be it enacted, That no Goods shall be exported from
the United Kingdom to any British Possession in Asia, Africa, or
America, nor to the Islands of Guernsey, Jersey, Aldemey, or Sark,
except in British Ships.

VIII. And be it enacted, That no Goods or Passengers shall be
carried Coastwise from one Part of the United Kingdom to another,
or from the United Kingdom to the Isle of M art, or from the Isle
of Man to the United Kingdom, except in British Ships.

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 1237
IX. And oe it enacted, That no Goods shall be carried from any
of the Islands of Guernsey, Jersey, Aldemey, Sark, or Man to any Jersey, at. _
other of such Islands, nor from one Part of any of such Islands to
another Part of the same Island, except in British Ships.

X. And be it enacted, That no Goods shall be carried from any Between
Bzitish Possession in Asia, Africa, or America to any other of such a‘,;§‘;“gm
Possessions, nor from one Part of any of such Possessions to another
Part of the same, except in British Ships.

XI. And be it enacted, That no Goods shall be imported into §I;_11_I2$Sifll/9
any British Possession in Asia, Africa, or America in any Foreign possessions
Ships, unless they be Ships of the Country of which the Goods are 3, 5”’
the Produce, and from which the Goods are imported.

XII. And be it enacted, That it shall be lawful for Her Majesty ggwcy

from Time to Time, by any Order in Council, to declare that Goods my

the Growth, Produce, or Manufacture of any Foreign Country may in
be imported into the Island of Hong Kong from the same or any declarehhat
other Foreign Country, in Vessels belonging to the same or any other
Foreign Country, and however navigated, subject nevertheless to
such Limitations and Restrictions as shall be contained in any such K011 in
Order in Council; and from and after the Publication of any such any mm »
Order in Council such Goods may lawfully be so imported into the

said Island of Hong Kong according to the Provisions of such Order,

and until the Revocation thereof; and any such Order in Council

may from Time to Time be altered or revoked by Her Majesty by

any subsequent Order in Council.

XIII. And be it enacted, That no Ship shall be admitted to be a No‘S_l1.ip
British Ship unless duly registered and navigated as such, and that f,§1′;”,;§h
every British registered Ship (so long as the Registry of such Ship $1‘:-f5”e’°d
shall be in force, or the Certificate of such Registry retained for navigate
the Use of such Ship), shall be navigated during the whole of every “Sufi”
Voyage (whether with a Cargo or in Ballast), in every Part of the
World, by a Master who is a British Subject, and by a Crew where-
of Three Fourths at least are Bfitish Seamen; and if such Ship
be employed in a Coasting Voyage from one Part of the United
Kingdom to another, or in 2. Voyage between the United Kingdom
and the Islands of Guernsey, Jersey, Aldemey, Sarlc, or M an, or from
one of the said Islands to another of them, or from one Part of either
of them to another of the same, or be employed in fishing on the
Coasts of the United Kingdom or of any of the said Islands, then the

whole of the Crew shall be British Seamen.

1288

But
Vessels
under
Fifteen
Tons
Burden
admitted

an
Navigation
upon
Rivers.

c.,
although
not
registered.
Vessels
under
Thirty
Tom: for
Newfound-
land
Fishery,
&c., need
not be
registered.

in e
with United
Kingdom
and _
Colonies

in America.

Ship of any
Foreign
Country to
be of the
Build of or
Prize to
such
Country,
or British~
built, and
owned and
gavigatcd

Slibjeets of
the Country.

ELGI N «GEE Y PAPERS

XIV. Provided always, and be it enacted, That all British~built
Boats or Vessels under Fifteen Tons Burden, wholly owned and
navigated by British Subjects, although not registered as British
Ships, shall be admitted to be British Vessels in all Navigation in
the Rivers and upon the Coasts of the United Kingdom, or of the
British Possessions abroad, and not proceeding over Sea, except
within ‘the Limits of the respective Colonial Governments Within
which the managing Owners of such Vessels respectively reside; and
that all British-built Boats or Vessels wholly owned and navigated
by British Subjects, not exceeding the Burden of Thirty Tons,
and not having a whole or a fixed Deck, and being employed
solely in fishing on the Banks and Shores of Newfoundland and
of the Parts adjacent, or on the Banks and Shores of the Prov-
inces of Canada, Nova Scotia, or New Brunswick, adjacent to
the Gulf of Saint Lawrence, or on the North of Cape Canso, or of
the Islands within the same, or in trading Coastwise within the
said Limits, shall be admitted to be British Boats or Vessels,
although not registered, so long as such Boats or Vessels shall be
solely so employed.

XV. Provided also, and be it enacted, That all Ships built in
the British Settlements at Honduras, and owned and navigated as
British Ships, shall be entitled to the Privileges of British registered
Ships in all direct Trade between the United Kingdom or the British
Possessions in America and the said Settlements, provided the
Master shall produce a Certificate under the Hand of the Superin-
tendent of those Settlements that satisfactory Proof has been made
before him that such Ship (describing the same) was built in the
said Settlements, and is wholly owned by British Subjects: Provided
also, that the Time of the Clearance of such Ship from the said
Settlements for every Voyage shall be endorsed upon such Certificate
by such Superintendent.

XVI. And be it enacted, That no Ship shall be admitted to be a
Ship of any particular Country, unless she be of the Build of such
Country, or have been made Prize of War to such Country, or have
been forfeited to such Country under any Law of the same made
for the Prevention of the Slave Trade, and condemned as such Prize
or Forfeiture by a competent Court of such Country, or be British-
built (not having been 8. Prize of War from British Subjects to any
other Foreign Country), nor unless she be navigated by a Master
who is a Subject of such Foreign Country, and by a Crew of whom
Three Fourths at least are Subjects of such Country, nor unless she

‘be wholly owned by Subjects of such Country usually residing

therein, or under the Dominion thereof: Provided always, that the
Country of every Ship shall be deemed to include all Places which
are under the same Dominion as the Place to which such Ship
belongs.

ELGIIWGREY PAPERS 1289
XVII. And be it enacted, That no Person shall be qualified to be {luster and

9. Master of a British Ship or to be a British Seaman within the not
Meaning of this Act, except the natural-born Subjects of Her ‘;Z,“{f,f’,’,‘f”$. »

na turalized.

Majesty, or Persons naturalized by any Act of Parliament, or made or Dame”

Denizens by Letters of Denization, or except Persons who have or Subjects
become British Subjects by virtue of Conquest or Cession of some

newly acquired Country, and who shall have taken the Oath of
Allegiance to Her Majesty, or the Oath of Fidelity required by the Ear
Treaty or Capitulation ‘by which such newly acquired Country came s£§,‘:°f,’E
into Her Majesty’s Possession, 01′ Persons Who shall have served on W“
board any of Her Majesty’s Ships of War in Time of War for the gfm
Space of Three Years: Provided always, that the Natives of Places be British
within the Limits of the East India Company’s Charter, although S““‘“‘~
under British Dominion, shall not, upon the ground of being such g;‘;,}§;;§“,gh
Natives, be deemed to be British Seamen: Provided always, that ’37§i°¥‘t¥t’—§;I’5
every Ship (except Ships required to be wholly navigated by British se’:>nsci:ietlhtea

Seamen) which shall be navigated by One British Seaman if a British “”°I’°r 0’°“”

Ship, or One Seaman of the Country of such Ship if a Foreign Ship,

for every Twenty Tons of the Burden of such Ship, shall be deemed

to be duly navigated, although the Number of other Seamen shall

exceed One Fourth of the whole Crew: Provided also, that nothing

herein contained shall extend to repeal or alter the Provisions of an

Act -passed in the Fourth Year of the Reign of His late Majesty King

George the Fourth, for consolidating and amending the Laws then ;*G~4°-3°-
in force with respect to Trade from and to Places within the Limits ‘ ‘

of the East India Company’s Charter, nor the Provisions of an Act

passed in the Session of Parliament holden in the Third and Fourth

Years of Her present Majesty, intituled An Act further to regulate 3%,? WC”-
the Trade of Ships built and trading within the Limits of the

‘ East India Companz/’s Charter.

XVIII. Provided always, and be it enacted, That it shall be Foteiszners

having

lawful for Her Majesty, by Her Royal Proclamation during War, to served V
declare that Foreigners having served Two Years on board any of E,‘:§°1;f§‘S

Her Majesty’s Ships of War in Time of such War shall be British gig‘:-“,ar’
Seaman within the Meaning of this Act.

XIX. And be it enacted, That no British registered Ship shall B»ritishS1xip
be suifered to depart any Port in the United Kingdom, or any 333:3,
British Possessions in any part of the World, (whether with a Cargo I1*,‘<‘)3r‘,§“‘l:n1e$
or in Ballast,) unless duly navigated: Provided always, that any duly
British Ships trading between Places in America may be navigated §fc”_ »g“t°d’
by British Negroes, and that Ships trading Eastward of the Cape of
Good H ope, within the Limits of the East India Company’s Charter,
may be navigated by Lasoars, or other Natives of Countries within

those Limits

1290

Penalty for
Excess of
Foreign
Senmen.

Proportion
of Seaman
may be
altered by
Proclama-
ti on.

Goods prohi~
bited only
by N aviga.
tion Law
may be
imported

for

Expor ta-
‘tion.

Her
Majesty
may, by
Order in
Council,
appoint
Ports

in the
British
Possessicns
abroad,
wlierein
any Goods
imported
in any
Vessel
may

he ware-
housed.

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS

XX. And be it enacted, That if any British registered Ship
shall at any Time have as Part of the Crew in any Part of the
World any Foreign Searnen not allowed by Law, the Master or
Owners of such Ship shall for every such Foreign Seaman forfeit the
Sum of Ten Pounds: Provided always, that if a due Proportion of
British Seamen cannot be procured in any Foreign Port, or in any
Place Within the Limits of the East India Company’s Charter, for
the Navigation of any British Ship, or if such Proportion be
destroyed during the Voyage by any unavoidable Circumstance,
and the Master of such Ship shall produce a Certificate of such
Facts under the Hand of any British Consul, or of Two known
British Merchants if there be no Consul at the Place where such
Facts can be ascertained, or from the British Governor of any Place
within the Limits of the East India Company’s Chart-or, or in the
Want of such Certificate shall make Proof of the Truth of such Facts
to the Satisfaction of the Collector and Comptroller of the Customs
of any British Port, or of any Person authorized in any other Part
of the World to inquire into the Navigation of such Ship, the same
shall be deemed to be duly navigated.

XXI. And be it enacted, That if Her Majesty shall at any Time
by Her Royal Proclamation declare that the Proportion of British
Seamen necessary to the due Navigation of British Ships shall be
less than the Proportion required by this Act, every British Ship
navigated with the Proportion of British Seamen required by such
Proclamation shall be deemed to be duly navigated, so long as such
Proclamation shall remain in force.

XXII. Provided always, and be it enacted, That Goods of any
Sort, or the Produce of any Place, not otherwise prohibited than by
the Law of Navigation herein-before contained, may be imported
into the United Kingdom from any Place in a British Ship, and from
any Place, not being a British Possession, in a Foreign Ship of any
Country, and however navigated, to be warehoused for Exportation
only, under the Provisions of any Law in force for the Time being
made for the warehousing of Goods without Payment of Duty upon
the first Entry thereof.

XXIII. And be it enacted, That it shall be lawful for Her Majesty
from Time to Time, by any Order in Council, to declare that Goods
of any Sort, or the Produce of any Place, not otherwise prohibited
than by the Law of Navigation hereimbefore contained, may be
imported into any Port or Ports of the British Possessions abroad,
to be named in such Order, from any Place, in a British Ship, and
from any Place not being a Part of the British Dominions in a Foreign
Ship of any Country, and however navigated, to be Warehoused for
Exportation only, under the Provisions of any Law in force for the
Time being, made for the Warehousing of Goods without Payment of
Duty upon the first Entry thereof , » and from and after the Date of

ELGIN—G’REY PAPERS 1291

any such Order it shall be lawful so to import, for the Purpose of
being warehoused for Exportation only, any such Goods into the
Port or Ports named therein, according to the Provisions of the said
Order, and until the Revocation thereof; and any such Order in
Council may from Time to Time be altered or revoked by Her
Majesty by any subsequent Order in Council.

XXIV. And be it enacted, That if any Goods be imported, Foriqitures,
exported, or carried Coastwise, contrary to the Law of Navigation, ‘ »° » » »
all such Goods shall be forfeited, and the Master of the Ship in which
the same are so imported, exported, or carried Coastwise shall forfeit
the Sum of One hundred Pounds.

XXV. And be it enacted, That all Penalties and Forfeitures in— R »°°Ve”Y
curred under this Act shall be sued for, prosecuted, recovered, and Forieitures.
disposed of, or shall be mitigated or restored, in like Manner as any
Penalty or Forfeiture can be sued » for, prosecuted, recovered, and
disposed of, or may be mitigated or restored under an Act passed in
the present Session of Parliament for the Prevention of Smuggling.

XXVI. And be it enacted, That this Act may be amended or Alifgéwtivn
repealed by any Act or Acts to be passed in this present Session of , ‘
Parliament.

LONDON: Printed by GEORGE E. EYBE and ANDREW Srorrrswoonn,
Printers to the Queen’s most Excellent Majesty. 1845.

1292

8 & 9 Vict.
c. 93.

Colonial
Legislatures
may 1- educe
or repeal all
or any of
the Duties
of Customs
imposed by
8 & 9 Vict.
e, 93.

ELGIN-GREY PAPERS
ANNO NoNo & DECIMO1
VICTORI./E REGIN./3&1

Car. XCIV.

An Act to enable the Legislatures of certain British Possessions to
reduce or repeal certain Duties of Customs.
{28th August 1846.]

HEREAS by an Act passed in the Session of Parliament

holden in the Eighth and Ninth Years of the Reign of Her
present Majesty, intituled An Act to regulate the Trade of

the British Possessicms abroad, certain Duties of Customs set forth in
a certain Table in the said Act contained are imposed upon the
Importation into any of the British Possessions in America, or into
the Island of Mauritius, of the several Articles therein mentioned,
not being the Growtli, Produce, or Manufacture of the Unite}, King~
dom, or of the British Possessions therein enumerated, and a certain
Duty of Ten Pounds for every One hundred Pounds of the Value
thereof is imposed upon the Importation thereinto of certain Sugar
refined in Bond in the United Kingdom: And whereas by the said
Act it is enacted, that all Laws, Bye Laws, Usages, or Customs
which shall be in practice, or endeavoured or pretended to be in force
or practice, in any of the British Posscssions in America, which are
in anywise repugnant to the said Act, or to any Act of Parliament
made or to be made in the United Kingdom, so far as such Act shall
relate to and mention the said Possessions, are and shall be null and
void to all Intents and Purposes whatsoever: And whereas it is ex-
pedient to enable the Legislatures or other proper legislative Author-
ities in the said Bn’tz’sh Possessions, with the Assent of Her Majesty
in Council, to reduce or repeal all or any of such Duties of Customs
as aforesaid, so far as the same may be in force in such Possessions
respectively: Be it therefore enacted by the Queen’s most Excellent
Majesty, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual
and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled,
and by the Authority of the same, That if and whenever the Legis~
lature or other proper legislative Authority of any of the said British
Possessions in America or the Mauritius make 01’ pass any Act or
Ordinance, Acts or Ordinances, reducing or repealing all or any of the
said Duties of Customs so imposed as aforesaid by the said recited
Act upon any Articles imported into such Possession, and if Her
Majesty, by and with the Advice of Her Privy Council, assent to
such Act or Ordinance, Acts or Ordinances, such Duties of Customs
shall, upon the Proclamation of such Assent in the Colony, or at any
Time thereafter which may be fixed by such Act or Ordinance. be so
reduced or repealed in such Possession as if such Reduction or Repeal

1Pa‘inted copy.

ELGIN -GEE Y PAPEIBS 1293

had been effected by an Act or Acts of the Imperial Legislature,
any thing in any Act to the contrary thereof notwithstanding.

11. And be it enacted, That all such Acts and Ordinances shall be flit‘-t‘-is
laid before both Houses of Parliament, by One of Her Majesty’s Ordinances
Principal Secretaries of State, within Thirty Days after Her Majesty 3’§,‘,fi,ef,,,,
shall have assented thereunto, if Parliament he then sitting, or if not, Parliament-
then Within Thirty Days after the next Meeting of Parliament.

Lennon: Printed by GEORGE E. Evan and WILLIAM Srorrrswoonn,
Printers to the Queen’s most Excellent Majesty. 1846.

[The following letter which deals with the affairs of Mauritius is

found in the eorrespondenee.]

P. LOUIS Gpi11i.’£’letii~
Oct‘ 17. 1851 ;;§,,,;_

MY DEAR M’ I-Lxwns “1“ »i°**l°19

If at the moment of receiving this letter you are tired or occupied,
throw it on one side, to resume its perusal at a more convenient season.

You—or rather, L“ Grey——will, by this Mail, receive a despatch
from the Governor in which he applies for a decision upon a contro-
versy which has arisen between us. I have not seen this Despatch
myself, but have no doubt that the points at issue between us are
stated with the utmost fairness. I have nothing to say upon this
topic except that I adhere to my first opinionwan opinion from which
I have never deviated——that an implied responsibility does attach to
the Colonial Secretary for the advice which he tenders to the Gov~
ernor: & that, furthermore, it is his duty to tender him advice even in
questions involving the disposal of Patronage.

But I wish to address you now upon the subject which has given
rise to this controversy between H.E. & myself: the appointment of
M’ Dupont to act temporarily as Judge of the Court of 13‘ Instance
vice M’ Colin.

Personally, towards M’ Dupont I entertain no hostility or dislike.
Indeed, ‘my own feelings w“ rather incline me to sympathize with a
man who-«Whatever be the unfixedness of his opinions, the instability
of his character, or the exciteability of his egotism, is certainly a man
of cultivated mind & scholarlike tastes: & Whose misfortunes &
embarassments may be urged in palliation of his folly & errors.

But I now la1nent——as I did my best to prevent his elevation to
a post so high & important as that of (even Acting) Judge of the
Court of First Instance. He has been a violent opposer of the British
Crown, the British Gov‘ & the British connexion. He abused his
influence as conductor of the “ Mauricien ” to foment disaifection to
the Imperial & Local Governments in the critical year of ’48, &——had

1294

not rg_et
to mention:
the liability

of a

Creole Prue’
Gener al to
local
influences;
which (un-
consciously)
gives him
th

e
temptation
to commit
grave
injustice.

I have

seen

cu rious
instances of
this 80

have heard
Creoles pray

ELGI N -GRE Y PA PERS

we had an English Attorney General here, c“—hardly have escaped a
Gov‘ prosecution; consequently, his sudden elevation over the heads,
first, of men who have, as the Proc: Gen: himself admits, “ properly ”
filled the same temporary Vacancy before: next, of men who have
more practise & larger experience at the Bar than himself, I consider
to be a direct premium on seditious agitation. It damps & discourages
the loyal spirit of those Creoles who have in the worst times firmly
adhered to the British Government; at the same time that it stimu-
lates the malignant energies of every one who has talent enough to
become dangerous to the Government at a critical period.

It is on these grounds that I opposed & regret Dupont’s promo-
tion—sudden & unprepared promotion to so high a post. Not that I
would everlastingly exclude him from all public employment. If
Liberalism is to be the order of the day, let us be Liberal in reason
and moderation. Do not/—~I write it with due deference to Downing
Street & my Chief—~do not let us travestie the liberalism which has
made Canada the theatre of the greatest political corruption (save
Ireland) which the World has hitherto seen. Let us, if you like, extend
our amnesty to our foes; but let not this be at the cost of ingratitudc
to our friends. Let us, if you choose, forgive reconcile, & in the end,
take them unto our service: but do not let us give them a preference
in their political competition. We sh‘! temper leniency with justice;
&, in promoting men like Dupont to situations under Government,
we sh“ take caie to place them in a worse position than that which
they W“ have been entitled to occupy or expect, had they never insulted
the English Crown or decried the English connexion. I Wd gladly see
Dupont Registrar of a Court, or a District Magistrate; but to make
him a J udge—~sole judge of an important Court———without preparation
or probation not merely although, but (I fear) because he made him-
self a formidable antagonist to the Government in 1848—is, in my
humble opinion, a most dangerous & ill-considered precedent.

All that I contend for now is this:—As the approbation or dis~
approbation of his appointment can only be expected to arrive when
he has ceased to fill it, I hope & trust that something will be written to
prevent this his temporary preferment from being hereafter made the
ground of a recommendation to any very high legal or judicial post.
I knew that his having filled, even for 3 months, this office, will be urged
by certain people of the Colony as a pretext for future solicitations in
his favour. It is to the evils which might result from conceeding to
such solicitations that I would draw your attention.

Our Courts are in a transitional state: they are half English &
half French; with, perhaps, the worst characteristics of the practise of
each nation. A great —very great — advantage has been gained by
introducing (& forcing) the adoption of the English language into the
Courts. In process of time, this will have the effect of giving a far
more English Education to the Creole Bar: i.e. to the most intelligent

& powerful part of the Creole population. But this advantage will be

ELGI N ~GREY PAPERS

‘neutralized by allowing any very high & influential post to fall into

the hands of any Creole, who has such French sympathies as Dupont
(to say nothing of the marked line of his past political careerl We
must have a good English Attorney General, when the office becomes
vacant. The Salary is sufficient (with its attendant practise) to secure
us a good man, & the place sh“ not be jobbed. Even if (which may
be desirable enough) we separate the ollices of Pros » Gen‘ & Advocate
General (reserving the latter for an Englishman & conferring the former
on a Creole, under the designation of Attorney Gen‘, I question whether
there are not among the junior members of the Creole Bar men more
competent to fulfil the functions of the place than Dupont. But on
the whole, I am inclined to think that for the next 10 or 15 years, the
most important place under the Bench as well as the most elevated
on the Bench sh“ be filled by an Englishman.-— ie. if the Liberal
returns of the clay allow English statesmen to give any weight to
considerations of English influence & power in a maritime situation
& in garrison like this.

I have now explained myself at length. It only remains for me
to say that though I have thought it right to disagree with M‘ Hig-
ginson upon this matter; our disagreement has been one of opinion
only. It has gone no further & though I might have felt rather hurt
at his making so grave an appointment at the suggestion of the Proc‘
Gen‘, without consulting me, I entirely acquit him of intending any
personal slight towards myself. As to Dupont, I have, I repeat, no
hostility to him: indeed, I have exposed myself to some obloquy on
his account, having introduced him into the Education Committee, in
accordance with the views which I have already expressed: viz: that
such a man might be employed in a probationary state & under the
control of others. In the Ed“ Committee, he was under the check of
three other members, & had but little influence: :3. very different sort
of thing from being a Judge.———

I had intended to write to you about L“ Grey’s theories on 3 years
engagements: But I must defer this for the present & content myself
with saying that they are entirely erroneous & founded on a complete
ignorance of the Indian character.

Very truly yours
0. J. BAYLY

1295

to have
]1l(ly09 from
England
who w“ have
no local
Sy-‘lI1l)ai‘.hies
or antip~
athies.

Cacher

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