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Date: 1867-05-25
By: The Montreal Herald
Citation: “Dinner to Mr. Galt—The Education Question”, The Montreal Herald (25 May, 1867)
Other formats: TBA
DINNER TO MR. GALT—THE EDUCATION QUESTION.
—The Session of the Canadian branch of the grand association for mutual admiration, which met at Lennoxville on Wednesday night, cannot but have afforded edifying examples to the outside World of some of the Christian graces. We remember when Mr. Cartier in a patriotic frissonnement declared that he “shuddered” even to think of the finance of the country being in the hands of Mr. Galt. We admire the more when we consider that the circuit of applause took in all the best men of the country, including the whole Canadian delegation to England; for we are reminded that among them was a gentleman of whom Mr. Cartier, in language which we shall avoid, declared that he could not bear even to be in the same room with him, on account of that personal peculiarity which is said to make “Niggers” bad company for white persons with well-tuned olfactories. We must also note that this declaration included Mr. W. McDougall, who we all remember was but a few years ago held up as a traitor by the friends of Messrs. Cartier and Galt all through the country, as “Looking to Washington McDougall.” That, however, has apparently ceased to be objectionable for both at Lennoxville, and at the St. George’s Dinner in this city Mr. Galt spoke in a manner which suggested that he kept at least one eye turned in that direction. We never saw anything in Mr. Cartier to create so powerful a sensation as a shudder, except indeed the narrow escape he once had from Her Majesty’s troops and judges, which fortunately acted on him like a vision of judgment and made him a prime loyalist ever since. Mr. Galt, therefore, we suppose, never shuddered at Mr. Cartier, and he is too well bred a man to remark upon bad air, except when he has to do with the prevention of Cholera. But though remarkable for a propriety of language, which he doubtless inherits from his father, whom Mr. Cartier’s exuberance of affection for all the family induced him to bring in some how as a patron of Confederation, Mr. Galt has on many occasions testified to that sort of doubt—not to put too fine a point on it—which many of us entertain as to the justice of the implicit faith which Mr. Cartier has in himself. The wonderful unanimity amongst these gentlemen, now that they do agree, is, therefore, wonderful. Let all that pass for the present. As the meeting took place in the centre of the Eastern Townships, and especially in the buildings belong to a Protestant College, it was to be expected that we should hear something about the Educational question; and we did. We learn that every body thereabouts was extremely pleased and entirely satisfied with what has been done, and that they regard Mr. Galt accordingly as a sort of saviour of the peculiar interests of that part of the country. We are heartily glad of it, because if the people in the outlying districts find no fault, we in the cities shall have no reason to complain as we are in sufficient masses to take care of ourselves. But we must venture this observation—that this satisfaction being so complete, it is difficult to understand all the pother which last Session was made in Parliament about the School question; and all the enthusiasm which is now manifested on the energetic defence of Protestant interests by Mr. Galt, and at the extreme liberality of Mr. Cartier. In what respect is the School system different, or to be made different, so far as any Lower Canadian action is concerned, by the proceedings in England. The guarantee afforded us by the constitution is that the minorities in Lower Canada shall have all the special privileges in favor of separate Schools, which are possessed by the Upper Canadian minority. But in fact if it be a mere question of separate schools, every one knows that the Lower [Illegible] had, in the main, larger facilities than the minorities in Upper Canada. What then has been gained? Nothing; because the root of the whole evil remains untouched, which root consists in this, that whereas the public schools in Upper Canada are non-sectarian, or if you please non-religious, and, therefore, no one is driven from them by anything done in them, the public schools in Lower Canada are religious, according to the creed of the Roman Catholic Church, and Protestant children cannot go to them upon equal terms with their Catholic neighbours. That was so before, of course; but the objection to Confederation, quoad education, was that leaving the Protestant inhabitants of Lower Canada wholly in the hands of an overwhelming majority of another Church, Confederation deprived them of the possible advantage of the sympathy of their coreligionists in Upper Canada. This was the only ground of asking at that moment for any special guarantees, which for our parts we have always regarded as illusory, no matter in what terms they may be drawn. Mr. Galt met the demand by making a special and secret pledge in writing for the ministry, which he knew and all men knew could not be complied with, and which was addressed to individual members of the House, instead of being announced as the Ministerial policy just for that very reason. When the bill, which was to fulfil the expectations created by the private letter, failed as fail it must, Mr. Galt resigned. Why, has hitherto been a mystery, now happily cleared up. He resigned to protest!—but against whom? Not against his colleagues, for he says that they were doing everything that was right. Against those who defeated his measure, then;—but in that case he took the most singular method with his opponents which we have yet heard of even in Canadian politics. And, after all, why protest? We are now told that everything which was to have been done has been done—that is, done by the ministers of a popular government, ex mero motu, after Parliament had determined that it should not be done. It might, therefore, have been done just as well without this resignation, which was, therefore, purely theatrical. The truth is, that nothing has been done, except the insertion in the constitution of a few words having no practical effect whatever. But it is no use crying over spilt milk. We repeat that we are glad those most interested are satisfied, because we want to have no more quarrelling about the constitution as it stands, till the desire for reforming it shall be developed by an experience of practical evils. If these are not felt, though it is right that we should comprehend the true position, the time is past for a priori reasoning. There are several other subjects arising out of this celebration which we shall have to discuss hereafter.