Document Information
Date: 1865-05
By: Edward Whelan
Citation: Edward Whelan, The Union of the British Provinces (Charlottetown: G.T. Haszard, 1865).
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THE BANQUET AT TORONTO.
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The Chairman then proposed “Her Majesty’s Ministers.” The toast was drank with every demonstration of enthusiasm.
Hon. George Brown, on rising to respond, was received with enthusiastic cheering. He said—Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen, I desire to return you the hearty thanks of my colleagues and myself for the manner in which you have received this toast. It is an old saying, that England loves not coalitions—and I am sure if the adage is true of England, it is doubly true of Canada. And I am free to say now as I have always said, that, except under the pressure of a most grave and urgent necessity, the combining of public men of opposite political sentiments to form a Government, under the British Parliamentary system, is very strongly to be deprecated. (Hear, hear.)
But if ever there was a coalition that had a sufficient object to justify its formation, I do think it is that Administration which I represent here to-day. (Cheers.) The present Administration was formed for a special purpose—for a great public end—it was formed in the light of day—its whole object and end was fully and openly proclaimed to the world—and no charge of intrigue or desire for personal aggrandisement could with justice be laid at the door of any party to the compact. (Hear, hear.)
But, Mr. Mayor, if any defence were required, if it were necessary to offer any justification for the formation of the coalition— I think we offer it to you abundantly here to-day, in the remarkable scene now before you, as the practical result of our three months’ labors. (Great cheering.)
Formed though the coalition was of very incongruous materials— this much can most truly be said of it, that so far it has realized and more than realized all the results that at its creation were anticipated from it. (Cheers.)
It will be recollected that Parliament adjourned immediately after the coalition was formed, and very soon after the adjournment the Government opened communications with the Lower Provinces. It is well known that the political party with which I have the honor to be associated did not view a federation of all the Provinces with that degree of confidence with which it was regarded by a portion of our opponents. Not that any of us deemed it an objectionable thing that all the British American Provinces should be united. On the contrary, I think no public man in Canada, aspiring to the position of a statesman, could have looked at the position of these great and increasing colonies without descrying in the future their association together for purposes of defence and commerce, as an inevitable and desirable event destined at some day to be accomplished. (Cheers.)
But while we all saw and acknowledged this, some of us felt at the same time that we had practical difficulties, which there was an urgent necessity should be promptly and efficiently met—and we were ill content to have our hands tied up from dealing with those great evils while waiting for a scheme, dependent on so many different Provinces, and that might be postponed for many years to come. When, therefore, the Government was formed, it was upon the express understanding that the constitutional difficulties of Canada should be met immediately—that a measure for that purpose should be submitted to Parliament at its first session—and that in the meantime we should strive with all our energies to ascertain whether or not a just and satisfactory arrangement for the union of all the British American Provinces could be effected, so that we might present it at the coming session of Parliament in lieu of the lesser scheme. And, sir, the best proof that could be given of the zeal with which we have executed our work is to be found in the assemblage before you to-day of gentlemen from all sections of the British American Provinces—gentlemen representing all the different political parties of their several sections.
I had proposed to enter at some length into the details of the great scheme of union which has been elaborated by the Conference, but time is passing swiftly, and it is obvious that to our friends from the Maritime Provinces belongs the speaking on such, an occasion as this. My colleague, Mr. Galt, and myself, you have all the time with you, but our friends from the Lower Provinces you may not have another opportunity of hearing until the union has been consummated—an event which, let us fondly hope, is not far distant. (Cheers.)
However, as briefly as I can I shall endeavor to glance at our proceedings of the last few weeks, so as to convey at least a general idea of the scheme which has been unanimously adopted by the Conference. Every one is aware that at the very time the present Government was formed a conference of delegates from the Maritime Provinces was about to be held, for the purpose of considering the propriety of uniting Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island under one Government. Instantly we opened communications with the Governments of these Provinces, asking to be permitted to send representatives to their Conference—and in the kindest and most prompt manner they sent us a hearty welcome to their meeting.
We arrived at Charlottetown on the 1st September, and most kindly and hospitably were we received. We were invited to take seats in the Conference and to address its members, and we at once proceeded to open up to them the object of our mission. What we said to them was this—”We in Canada have had serious sectional differences; but at last we have agreed to a settlement of our troubles on a basis just and equitable to all sections of our country; we are about to frame a new constitution, which will be acceptable to the great mass of our people; and it has occurred to us, on hearing that you too were considering a change of your constitution, whether it would not be well for us all to sit down together, and consider how far it would be for the welfare and good government of our Provinces were we to unite them all under one system of government.”
Well, Sir, we did sit down together—we discussed the whole subject in all its bearings —we looked at it from every point of view—and after eight or ten days’ deliberation we came to the unanimous conclusion that if the details could be settled upon a basis just to all, it would be for the advantage of the whole of these Provinces that we should be united. (Loud cheers.)
Perhaps I should state that we from Canada were not content with mere argument in coming to this conclusion—for we passed through a large portion of the Lower Provinces, and saw with our own eyes the fairness of the land. Our first visit was to the beautiful Island of Prince Edward, and I think my friend Mr. Palmer did no more than justice in what he said of his Island home—for a more delightful spot, a spot more likely to become ere long the Isle of Wight of the American continent, it were impossible to find. (Cheers.)
And assuredly these Provinces will not be long united before the health and pleasure-seeking portion of our people will be finding their way in thousands annually to her shores. (Cheers.)
From Charlottetown we proceeded by steamer to Pictou—the chief shipping-port of the great Nova Scotia coal-beds. We examined the works of one company, conducted on a very extensive scale. Under the able management of Mr. Scott, the products of that one mine had, we were assured, in the short space of five years, been increased from 150 tons per day to the vast quantity of 2,000 tons per day. (Hear, hear.)
We found lying at the wharves of Pictou not fewer than from 60 to 80 vessels taking in coal; and we were told that frequently not fewer than 100 coal vessels were waiting for cargoes in the harbor. Let it be remembered that this is a trade which has only begun to be efficiently developed, and that from Pictou is shipped off the products of but a small portion of the vast coal district of Nova Scotia. From Pictou we passed on for about forty miles through a picturesque agricultural country to the town of Truro. There we found iron claimed to be equal to the best Swedish iron, and works established by an English company for the manufacture of steel, turning out, as we were assured, not less than 15,000 tons per annum of excellent steel. We were told that this valuable iron ore extends over a very large section of the country, and I believe that the geological surveys that have been made prove the accuracy of the statement.
From Truro a rapid ride over the rail brought us to the gold country, and we were afforded ample opportunity of examining the working of the gold mines. The general impression of this branch of industry is that it is a species of gambling—that the gold-seekers dig up sand, pass it through a sieve, get little or nothing for their labor for many days together, but some lucky day make a hit and realize a fortune. But very different from this are the gold mines of Nova Scotia. The precious ore is obtained regularly and certainly by patient and persistent labor. We found 200 persons employed at the mines we visited, getting at that time $8 a week, the whole weekly expenses being $1,600, and in 14 successive weeks the product of the works had been not less than $3000 a week, and sometimes consider ably more.
We were assured by the intelligent superintendent that the gold bearing region extends over an immense tract of country—that he had been to many of the other gold works, and while some of them might be more and others less productive than his own, still he was satisfied that, properly worked, the whole of them might be made to give an ample return for the capital and labor invested. We thus found Nova Scotia to be a land of coal, of iron, and of gold. We saw these great sources of wealth in practical development, all within the brief space of twenty-four hours—and when we couple with these the exhaustless fishing resources of that country, and its ship building industry, I think my friend Mr. McCully was not far astray in suggesting that if Nova Scotia comes in to the union she will not by any means come in emptyhanded. (Cheers.)
We proceeded next to Halifax, a most thriving city, and one of the first harbors of the world, but on our doings there I need not enlarge, for who does not know the enterprise and the hospitality of the good citizens of Halifax? From Nova Scotia we proceeded to the Province of New Brunswick, and there we saw St. John, a city of which, as British Americans, we may all well be proud; a city showing marked evidences of vitality—extensive commerce, large ship-building interests, lucrative timber-trade—and a harbor filled with ships from all parts of the world. (Cheers.)
From St. John we passed by the beautiful St. John River to Fredericton, the political capital of New Brunswick, and we were one and all highly delighted with what we saw of the resources of the country through which we passed. Want of time forbade our visiting the Island of Newfoundland, but I am satisfied that no one who has read anything as to the resources of that Island will say that my friend Mr. Carter has over-stated its capabilities. The fishing and the mineral resources are very great—a vast fleet of ships is constantly employed in the traffic—and the revenues of the Island are very large. But even beyond these, as arguments in favor of its coming into the proposed union, is this consideration: that Newfoundland is the key to the St. Lawrence, and in the event of war would be absolutely necessary to us for purposes of offence and defence. (Hear, hear.)
You will therefore understand, Sir, that the members of the Canadian Government all returned to this country with a most earnest desire to carry out the union of Canada with the Maritime Provinces, if it could possibly be accomplished. In this spirit we at once sought the aid of his Excellency the Governor General, in summoning a formal conference for the mature consideration of articles of union; and I cannot mention his Excellency’s name without expressing my sense of the debt the country owes him for the earnestness with which he has sought to promote this measure and the hearty desire he has ever shown to give effect to the wishes of the people of this Province. (Cheers.)
His Excellency, without delay, summoned a Conference of representatives from the several Governments, and the late sittings at Quebec were the result of that summons. For sixteen days we were earnestly engaged in considering all the details of the scheme; and though, of course, it was impossible that such a body of men could be without differences of opinion, looking at matters as we did from different points of view, and with different interests to protect—still it is highly questionable whether any body of thirty-three gentlemen, even if composed of men of the same country and the same party, could have sat together for so long a period discus sing matters of such grave importance, with more entire harmony and more thorough good-will and respect than prevailed throughout the whole of our deliberations. (Cheers.)
The various details of the Confederation scheme were brought up for consideration by the Conference in the form of resolutions. These resolutions were separately discussed, amended, and adopted; and as finally adopted by the unanimous consent of the whole Conference they now stand on record. (Cheers.)
The precise course hereafter to be adopted has not yet been finally settled, but the first step in any case is to submit the results of our official deliberations to the Imperial Government. The next step that will probably be taken is to submit the scheme to the Legislatures of the different Provinces for their approval, and in the interim to address Her Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament, praying for an Act of the Imperial Legislature to give effect to the resolutions of the Conference, which Act will be and remain the foundation of our political system—the Constitution under which the new Confederation will be brought into existence.
Sir, it ought ever to be borne in mind, that when we came together to consider the details of the new constitution we were about to frame there were very many interests to be considered. In the first place, we had to consider that this country is of immense extent, presenting a vast variety of interests, great and small, for which it would be exceedingly difficult for any one body of men to legislate. And in the second place, even had it been desirable to govern so vast a country by one Executive and Legislature, it would have been impossible to carry it, as our Lower Canadian fellow-subjects would never have consented to it.
As the only practicable scheme, therefore; and as in my humble opinion the best scheme, we adopted the plan of constituting a general Administration and general Legislature, to which should be committed matters common to all the Provinces, and local Governments and Legislatures for the several sections, to which should be committed matters peculiar to their several localities. I know there are those who say—”Oh ! we do not like a federal union, we want a legislative union which will bring us all under one legislature and executive.” But setting aside the fact that this could not have been carried had it been ever so desirable, I do think the sectional jealousies and discords that have so long distracted Canada should stand out as a warning to us, and that we should diligently steer clear in the larger federation of whatever has tended to mar the harmony of our present union. And in this view I am persuaded that, by committing all purely local matters to local control, we will secure the peace and permanence of the new Confederation much more effectually than could possibly have been hoped for from a Legislative Union.
I am sure; it is unnecessary to say that the Governor-General of the United Provinces is to be appointed, as heretofore, by the Crown. The duration of Parliament will be limited to five years, and of course it will be composed of two branches—a Legislative Council appointed by the Government of the day on the principle of equality of the sections, and a House of Commons, in which we are to obtain that so long desired, so long earnestly contended for reform—Representation by Population. (Great cheering.)
Objections will no doubt be urged against the manner in which the Upper House is to be constituted, especially by those who would prefer that the members of that body should be elected rather than appointed. But I do confess, Sir, that in my opinion an appointed Upper House and an elected Lower House would be much more in harmony with the spirit of the British Parliamentary system than two elected bodies. (Cheers.)
I was one of those who, at the time the change was made from an appointed House to an elected House, resisted the innovation. Not because I was at all afraid of popular influence, but because I felt that while the Lower House controlled the Government of the day, and the Government of the day appointed the members of the Upper House, the people had full and efficient control over the public affairs of the country. But I am free to admit this, and I say it with the greatest pleasure—that the apprehension I and others entertained of a collision between the two elective bodies, and a dead-lock ensuing, has not been realised. I am bound to say that under the operation of the elective principle, we have had a body of men sent to the Upper House who would do honor to any Legislature in the world, and who have worked with a degree of harmony and a desire to benefit the country which have been really admirable. But we cannot forget that when a new power first passes into the hands of the people, great sensitiveness and care are exhibited in acting upon it—much more than when the new power has lost its freshness, and its exercise sinks down into a thing of every day wont.
The Elective Upper House has not long existed in Canada. Besides, when the elected Councillors first took their seats, they found already in the Chamber a large number of old, appointed members, who, no doubt, exerted a certain degree of influence over their proceedings; and the question, I think, fairly presents itself whether, when the elective system had gone on for a number of years, and the appointed members had all disappeared, two elective chambers, both representing the people, and both claiming to have control over the public finances, would act together with the harmony necessary to the right working of Parliamentary Government. (Hear, hear.)
And there is still another objection to elective Councillors The electoral divisions are necessarily of enormous extent—some of them 100 miles long by 60 wide—so large that the candidates have great difficulty in obtaining personal access to the electors, and the expense of election is so great as to banish from the House all who are not able to pay very large sums for the possession of a seat. From all these considerations, it did appear to me when our friends of Lower Canada, who were most interested in the constitution of the Upper Chamber, desired to have the members appointed by the Crown, that acting in the interest of Upper Canada it was my duty to consent. The Chamber is to consist of 76 members, distributed as follows:—
| Upper Canada | 24 |
| Lower Canada | 24 |
| Nova Scotia | 10 |
| New Brunswick | 10 |
| Newfoundland | 4 |
| Prince Edward Island | 4 |
| Total | 76 |
I am told that there are persons who object to Lower Canada, with so much smaller a population, receiving equal representation with Upper Canada in the Upper House; but a little reflection will. I am persuaded, remove all objections on this score. I am one of those who have always stood firmly up for the rights of the Western section of the Province. But now that our rights are admitted—now that we are seeking a compromise measure for the final settlement of all our troubles—now that we are seeking to build up a new constitution that will be just to all—I for one am ready to cast aside old feelings of hostility, and to consider not only what will be abstractly just, but what will carry with it the hearty sympathy and assent of all the parties to the new compact, and lay the foundations of our new fabric deep and permanent. I could not but feel that having obtained for Upper Canada that just preponderance in the Lower Chamber for which we have so long contended, we ought to allow the gentlemen from Lower Canada, so long as no flagrant injustice was done, to frame the constitution of the other Chamber very much as they chose. In the view taken of this matter by the Lower Canadians, all our friends from the Maritime Provinces entirely agreed. The House of Commons, as I have said, is to be constituted on the basis of Representation by Population. It is to be composed at first of 194 members, distributed as follows:—
| Upper Canada | 82 |
| Lower Canada | 65 |
| Nova Scotia | 19 |
| New Brunswick | 15 |
| Newfoundland | 8 |
| Prince Edward Island | 5 |
| Total | 194 |
After each decennial census the sectional representation is to be re-adjusted according to population—and for this purpose Lower Canada is always to have 65 members, and the other sections are to receive the exact number of members to which they will be severally entitled in the same ratio of representation to population as Lower Canada will enjoy by having 65 members. Thus the representation will be strictly based on population—the disparity of population between the several sections will be accurately provided for every ten years—but the number of members in the House will not be much increased.
I come now, Sir, to the powers and duties proposed to be assigned to the General Government. It is to have control over all questions of trade and commerce; all questions of currency, finance and coinage; all questions of navigation and shipping, and the fisheries; all questions of defence and militia, all matters connected with the postal service, and all questions affecting the criminal law. To it will belong the imposition of customs and excise duties, and all other modes of taxation—the construction of great public works of common benefit to all the Provinces—and the incorporation of Telegraph, Steamship, and Railway Companies. It will also have control of Banks and Savings Banks, Bills of Exchange and Promissory Notes, Interest and Legal Tenders, Bankruptcy and Insolvency, Copyright and Patents of Invention, Naturalization and Aliens, Marriage and Divorce, Immigration and Quarantine, Weights and Measures, Indians and Indian Lands, the Census, and generally all matters of a general character not specially assigned to the local governments. These are the duties proposed to be assigned to the General Government.
And now one word as to the constitution and powers of the local governments. It is propose! that each Province shall be presided over by a Lieutenant Governor, who will be advised by the heads of the various public departments. As to the constitution of the local legislatures we found there was so much difference of opinion on the subject—some of the Provinces desiring to retain their present institutions while we in Canada must necessarily establish new ones, that we thought it the wisest plan to leave the constitution of the local legislatures to the existing Parliaments of the different sections. The powers and duties of the local governments have been clearly defined by the Conference. They are to have the power of imposing direct taxation—the sale and management of the public lands in their respective sections—the maintenance and management of Prisons, Hospitals, Asylums, and charitable institutions — the construction of local works—the promotion of agriculture—and the imposition of shop, saloon, tavern, and auction licenses. The control of all the National Schools and school property is to be vested in the local governments; and they are to have authority over Municipal Corporations, and all municipal matters. They are also to have power to make laws in all matters affecting property and civil rights, and for the administration of justice. And generally, while on the one hand, as we have already seen, all matters of a general character and common to all the Provinces are to be committed to the general government; so, on the other hand, all matters of a local character will be committed to the local governments.
The separate powers to be exercised by each will be clearly defined in the Constitution Act to be passed by the British Parliament, so that there will be no danger of the two bodies coming into collision In thus defining the functions of the general and local governments; it will, no doubt, be objected that we have committed certain matters of an important character to the local bodies which ho people of Upper Canada would have been well content to have seen left to the general government. But if the details of the scheme are closely examined, it will be seen that we have given nothing to the local bodies which did not necessarily belong to the localities, except education and the rights of property, and the civil law, which we were compelled to leave to the local governments, in order to afford that protection which the Lower Canadians claim for their language and their laws, and their peculiar institutions. I am sure we are all glad that they should have that security. I am sure, notwithstanding all that may have been said to the contrary, that none of us have had any desire to interfere with the mere local institutions of our fellow-subjects of Lower Canada—and that it will be held as a sufficient answer to all objectors that the arrangement has been made in a spirit of justice to Lower Canada, and with the view of securing hereafter that harmony and accord which are so desirable in the future government of the country. (Cheers.)
There is one point to which I am desirous of calling particular attention. I refer to the fact that in framing our constitution we have carefully avoided what has proved a great evil in the United States, and that is the acknowledgment of an inherent sovereign power in the separate States, causing a collision of authority between the general and State governments, which, in times of trial like the present, has been found to interfere gravely with the efficient administration of public affairs. In the government to be formed under this new constitution, I believe it will be found we have avoided that difficulty. For, while we have committed to the local governments all that necessarily and properly belongs to the localities, we have reserved for the general government all those powers which will enable the legislative and administrative proceedings of the central authority to be carried out with a firm hand.
With this view we have provided that the whole of the Judges throughout the Confederation—those of the County Courts as well as of the Superior Courts—are to be appointed and paid by the general government. We have also provided that the general Parliament may constitute a General Appeal Court, to which an appeal will lie from the decisions of all the Provincial Courts. We have likewise provided that the general government shall be specially charged with the performance of all obligations of the Provinces, as part of the British Empire, to foreign countries. I may mention also that the Lieutenant Governors of the different sections are to be appointed by the general government, and that the power of disallowing all Bills passed by the local legislatures is to be vested in the Governor General in Council. In this way we will have a complete chain of authority, extending down from Her Majesty the Queen to the basis of our political fabric. The Queen will appoint the Governor General. The Governor General in Council will appoint the Lieutenant Governors. And the Lieutenant Governors will be advised by Heads of Departments responsible to the people. Thus we will have the general government working in harmony with the local Executives and in hearty accord with popular sentiment as expressed through the people’s representatives. (Cheers.)
A very important subject is that relating to the finances of the Federation; but as my hon. friend, Mr. Galt, is about to address you, I will leave this branch of the subject to him. (Cries of “Go on!”)
I may briefly, however, say this, that all the debts and assets of the different Provinces are to be assumed by the general government. It has been found that, with the exception of Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island, the debts of the several Provinces are much the same in proportion to their population. Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island have, however, scarcely any debt at all, and we found a difficulty in associating Provinces which were free from debt with those that owed large public obligations. But we fell upon this plan. We struck an average of the debts of the several Provinces—and we agreed that those whose debts exceeded the average should pay interest at five per cent, annually into the public exchequer, while those whose debts were below the average should receive interest in like manner from the public chest—a basis just to all.
Then it was found that while some of the Provinces could maintain their local governments without money from the public chest, there were other Provinces not accustomed to direct taxation, and in order to meet their views, we were compelled to adopt a compromise. I hope the day is not far distant when we may be able to adopt direct taxation to a much greater extent than we have yet seen in Canada—but at present it was very clear that Confederation could not be carried out unless we conceded this point. We agreed to compromise. We made the Finance Minister of each section go carefully over the public expenditures of his Province, and cut down every item to the lowest point practicable, and we found that the smallest sum for which the machinery of government in the Provinces could be carried on was $2,633,000. This sum is to be distributed annually as a full and final settlement for local purposes in the Provinces, and I am happy to say it is to be distributed on the basis of population. As our population in Upper Canada is very large, of course we get a handsome share. The principle is so just that I do not see how any one can reasonably object to it; and as the sum distributed is not to increase, a very few years of progress will make it of comparative unimportance. There is a very pleasing feature in the finance question. A Confederation of five states is about to be formed, and it is to the credit of the whole that not one of them has ever been unable to meet its obligations to the day—(cheers)—and still further, that the finances of all are now in such a satisfactory condition that every one of them has a large surplus of revenue over expenditure for the current year. (Cheers.)
I have thus, Mr. Mayor, as briefly as possible traced the outlines of the new constitution which has received the approval of the delegates from the several Provinces. But I cannot conclude without referring to some other things which have received the grave attention of the Conference. And the first point to which I desire to call attention is the fact that the delegates have unanimously resolved that the United Provinces of British America shall be placed at the earliest moment in a thorough state of defence. (Cheers.)
I am not one of those who conceive that Canada stands in danger of attack from our neighbors across the lines. I cannot doubt that they have plenty of work already on their hands without rushing on fresh embroilments—and I confess that, notwithstanding the fierce ebullitions of the American press, I have faith in the good sense and good feeling of our neighbors to believe that the idea of an unprovoked aggression on the soil of Canada never seriously entered the minds of any large number of the inhabitants of the Northern States.
But come war when it may, I am sure I speak the sentiments of every man in Upper Canada when I say that the first hostile foot placed upon our shores would be the signal and the summons for every man capable of bearing arms to meet the enemy—(enthusiastic cheering)—and that the people of Canada would show, in the hour of trial, that that spirit which was manifested in 1812 has not died in 1864. (Renewed cheers.)
And, while on this point of defence, I have one word to say on a matter which I know has made a deep impression throughout Canada. Sir, no man in Canada appreciates more than I do the generous consideration that has ever been shown by the mother country towards this Province. But I desire to enter a firm protest against the manner in which of late our duty has been laid down for us, chapter and verse, by gentlemen three thousand miles off, who know very little of our circumstances, and yet venture to tell us the exact number of men we are to drill and the time we are to drill them. Sir, I venture to assert that the language recently used towards this Province is neither just, nor yet calculated to promote a desirable end. This Province, like the other colonies of the British empire, was founded on a compact entered into between the Crown and the people; an assurance was virtually given to those who emigrated to this Province that they should be protected by all the strength of British arms. And nobly has Great Britain fulfilled that promise. Never has she hesitated for a moment to expend her blood and treasure in defending her Colonial Empire. (Cheers.)
I hold that Great Britain is bound to fulfil on her part the conditions on which the settlement of this and other colonies took place, and to continue to aid us until we have grown to that degree of maturity and strength which will fairly demand at our hands a reconsideration of the terms of the contract. If I am asked whether Canada, united with the Lower Provinces, is able to take upon herself a larger share of the burden of defence than she has heretofore borne, I answer without hesitation—undoubtedly ”yes.” (Cheers.)
It were utterly unreasonable to expect that to these colonies the people of England should much longer send armies and navies for their defence, whilst we continued developing the resources of our country, and accumulating wealth untaxed for the appliances of war. But what I do say is this, that when the time arrives that a colony has outgrown the conditions of her first settlement, and when she is fairly bound to assume new and higher relations to the mother country in the matter of defence, it is only right that the whole subject should be discussed in a candid and reasonable spirit. And I am free to express my opinion that had the Canadian people been invited frankly to enter on a discussion of the changed relations in matters of defence they ought to occupy to Great Britain, the demand would have been responded to readily and heartily. (Cheers.)
And it is only due to the present Colonial Minister, Mr. Cardwell, to say that this is the spirit in which he seems desirous of approaching the question; and that such is the spirit in which I believe; negotiations hereafter will be carried on between these colonies and the Parent State. It is not to be concealed that we in Canada are deeply interested in this whole question of Colonial defence being thoroughly discussed and settled. We all heartily desire to perpetuate our connection with Great Britain; but it is quite evident that a feeling is growing up in England which may prove dangerous to that good feeling and attachment, unless the duties and responsibilities mutually due are clearly understood. And there is another though a much inferior motive. The attacks which have been made upon us have created the impression not only in England, Ireland and Scotland, but in, the United States, and in other parts of the world, that these Provinces are in a naturally weak and feeble state—that they are, in point of fact, almost indefensible. Such an impression interferes more than any one can estimate with the permanent prosperity of our country; it stops immigration to our shores, it depreciates our public securities, and prevents the investment of capital in new enterprises, however productive they may be. If, then, we would do away with this false impression, so unjustly created, and place ourselves on a firm and secure footing in the eyes of the world, our course must be to put our country in such a position of defence that we may fearlessly look our enemies in the face. (Cheers.)
Holding these views, and knowing that they are the views of the great mass of the people. of this country, it is a pleasure for me to be able to state, and I am sure it will be a pleasure to all present to be informed, that the Conference at Quebec did not separate before entering into a pledge to put the military and naval defences of the United Provinces in the most complete and satisfactory position. (Cheers.)
Nor let me omit to say, that in coming to this decision, there is no Minister of the Crown sitting at these tables who would not be prepared to rise now and express his conviction, that notwithstanding all that has come and gone—notwithstanding all the diatribes of the newspaper press of England, the British Government is prepared now as ever to do its duty by these colonies, and to send us their armies and their navy at any moment to aid us in our defence. (Cheers.)
Mr. Mayor, I now approach a rather delicate question— delicate, that is to say, as regards the people of the West. We have agreed—I announce it frankly—to build the Intercolonial Railway. (Cheers and laughter.)
I have not been in favor of that scheme per se, situated as we have been. But I have at the same time been quite willing to admit—and I repeat it heartily to-day—that without the Intercolonial Railway there could be no union of these Provinces—(cheers)—and after a careful consideration of the question in all its bearings, and after counting the full cost, I am prepared to advocate the building of that road, in order to accomplish the great objects we have in view in the scheme of Confederation. (Cheers.)
It may, however, be some comfort for my friends to know that we have a prospect of getting the road built upon terms much more reasonable than we had ever hoped to obtain. I shall not tell you of the tempting offers that have been made, because I have had some experience that what is promised in such offers is not always realized in the end. (Laughter.)
In agreeing to build the Intercolonial Railway, it should also be stated that due regard was had to the interests of the West. I am happy to be able to say that with the unanimous consent of the members of the Conference, we have resolved on the extension of our canal system. (Cheers.)
Still further, I think it well to state that while we have sought Confederation with Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Newfoundland, and Prince Edward Island, we have not been neglectful of the Far West, but we have. made it a condition of Union that the great North-west may come into the Federation on equitable terms at any time it pleases, and that British Columbia and Vancouver Island may also be incorporated with us. (Hear, hear.)
We have likewise made it a condition that so soon as the state of the finances will permit communication is to be opened up from Western Canada to the North-west territory. (Hear, hear.)
There is another little announcement which will not be without its interest to you, Mr. Mayor. The decision was unanimously arrived at by the delegates that the old and respectable city of Toronto should be the future capital of the Province of Upper Canada. (Cheers.)
On the whole, Sir, when we look at the probable results of this Union, I think there is no man, from one end of the Provinces to the other, who ought not to give it his most hearty approbation. (Cheers.)
But I would repeat what has been so well said by Mr. McCully, that there is one danger we have yet to fear. Let not gentlemen think we are past all danger. We have still to meet the Legislatures of the different Provinces; we have to encounter the prejudices of the people of the different Provinces; and it requires the greatest harmony of action in order to obtain a favorable result. (Hear, hear.)
Therefore I would say with my hon. friend, Mr. McCully, if there is one thing more than another necessary at this moment, it is that we should banish our party discords—that we should forget for the moment that we were at one time arrayed against each other; and whatever we may do after union is accomplished, let us forget until it is obtained our feuds and differences, in securing to the country the great boon which this Confederation promises to bring about. (Cheers.)
Looking at the scheme in its entirety, I cannot help feeling this, in replying to the toast you have so kindly received, that if the present Administration shall succeed in completing the great work it has begun, and of bringing into operation the political system which has been foreshadowed, under the protecting rule of the mother country, we shall all have great reason to rejoice that we had the honor of being at such a time the advisers of the Crown.
[Mr. Brown resumed his seat amidst loud and long continued cheering.]