Document Information

Date: 1864-11-28
By: The Montreal Herald
Citation: “Something Which Has Not Yet Been Explained”, The Montreal Herald (28 November, 1864)
Other formats: TBA

SOMETHING WHICH HAS NOT YET BEEN EXPLAINED.

—We find that the authentic version of the articles recently agreed upon at the Quebec Convention differs, as we suppose, in no important respect from those which have been already given to the public. The version which we translated from the Journal de Quebec is the true one, so far as any substantial interests are concerned and so far as it is possible to translate a document twice and still retain an identity of expression with the original draft. The corrections made subsequently by other journals turn out to be no corrections at all. One of these professed to set right the article relating to the export duty on lumber and minerals, by confirming the permission granted to the local governments to levy such export duty to New Brunswick in the case of lumber, and to Nova Scotia in the case of coal. The article really reads as we gave it, and permits all the local governments to levy these export duties. The other point of difference was the extraordinary change made in the Globe’s version with respect to the repartition of the representation. This, according to the first version published, was made one of the duties of the local government, whether for the General or Local Legislatures. The Globe represented that this repartition, both for the Local and General Governments, was to rest with the latter. But it has since acknowledged that this was an error. Accompanying the distribution among members of Parliament of the articles agreed upon, we have also Mr. Galt’s speech at Sherbrooke. This is for the most part an oratorical amplification and comment on the articles, and, from its plan, can hardly furnish us with any additional materials for reflection. En passant we may remark, however, that the figures given by the Finance Minister exactly bear out the statement made in Mr. Dorion’s letter as to the amount of the public debt of Canada which would be taken into the Union, or left out divided between the separate Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada. Mr. Dorion’s figure of $75,000,000 was declared to be an exaggeration, but is acknowledged by Mr. Galt, though the latter gentleman set off against it the sinking fund, which is a real set off, and what he rather imaginatively calls the securities which are to be handed to the local Legislatures against their assumption of the debt. These consist to a very considerable extent of the credits of the Province against debtors, under the Municipal Loan, Quebec Fire Loan, and similar funds, and are again to be set off by the claim of Upper Canada for a sum equal to the Seigniorial Tenure indemnity paid in Lower Canada,—a liability which Mr. Galt has apparently left out of his resume. However, the point upon which we think some additional light is required is the composition of the Ministry under the new order of things. We believe that however necessary it may be to accept the scheme, as perhaps the only one which could save the amour propre of Lower Canadian politicians, and yet could give Upper Canada the influence she is entitled too, that the British element in the Lower Canadian population will not be placed in a hopeless minority—not be swamped—but be literally and fairly eliminated from all share and influence in the direction of public affairs. Mr. Galt says that if that is done by an unfair arrangement of the constituencies, we may appeal to the General Government. The general government must in that case come to the rescue by a veto which means at once revolution under the form of law; for you cannot give and withhold at the same time—make the local government the masters to arrange the constituencies, and yet set a master over them. One can understand, how in case of any whirlwind of political feeling acting in the same lines as the divisions of race or creed, the general government might come to the aid of an oppressed minority. But that is not the point. We do not fear oppression in the proper sense of that term; but rather effacement—a quiet, steady ignoring of our position and even existence. Is it likely that under such circumstances any general government will interfere on behalf of a class from the facts of their isolation utterly powerless? If so it will not be governed by that desire for a majority which is not only the ruling passion, but the necessity of existence with Cabinets. And this brings us to the point of how the general Cabinet is to be constructed. If the new government is not to be more expensive than the present, and it should not be, as it will have far less to do, it will not require more members, unless indeed there are to be as many Attornies and Solicitors General as there are at present separate Provinces. That makes eleven or twelve members of the Executive Council. These will undoubtedly be distributed among the different local Legislatures, and taking the scale of members in the Legislature as a basis, it will be found very difficult to give Lower Canada more than three. How many of these are likely to be of any other than the French race? The scheme forces the latter in self-protection to make themselves as strong as they can, and that is to be achieved by a process which will be entirely in their own hands—the process of crowding others out. We do not blame them for this, it seems to us to be the inevitable effect of the position which is being prepared for all of us, and which has arisen from the necessity of doing justice to the population of Upper Canada, and the refusal to do it under the present Union. But a glance at the facts is sufficient to indicate how little prospect there will be of the General Cabinet coming to the aid of an isolated and powerless minority in a single Province.