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Date: 1865-05-20
By: Montreal Witness
Citation: “The Canadian Delegates”, Montreal Witness (20 May, 1865)
Other formats: TBA

THE CANADIAN DELEGATES.

The Canadian Deputation just arrived in this country have enjoyed an early opportunity of publicly explaining the views of their countrymen and the objects of their present mission. It is well known that the scheme for a general confederation of the provinces of British North America, which at first seemed to meet with unanimous approval on the spot, and was cordially supported by the Imperial Government, received a check at the late colonial elections. New Brunswick returned candidates adverse to the project, and the vote of that province, in fact, was cast against the proposal. It is true that the majority was not large in itself, and that the entire population of the dissident colony was of slight numerical significance. Still, there was the opposition established, and it was confident, if maintained, to defeat the whole scheme. The proposed union was impracticable if a single province stood out. As soon, therefore, as the results of the New Brunswick elections were known, the Canadian Government decided promptly on a new course of action. The Ministry completed the business of the session in Parliament, took the necessary vote of credit, including £200,000 for colonial defences, and then deputed two of their number to proceed to England and confer with the Imperial Government upon the views of the colonists, the attitude of New Brunswick, and the prospects of the scheme. Accordingly Mr. Cartier, the Attorney-General for Lower Canada, and Mr. Galt, the Finance Minister of the province, have arrived in this country, and the banquet at the Fishmongers’ Hall on Wednesday evening enabled them to speak their minds and disclose their desires. Of this opportunity they availed themselves with uncompromising frankness and courage.

Mr. Cartier treats the whole question as a question of interests, but he maintains that the several interests involved are identical, and not conflicting. Canada, he admits, desires a seaboard, and looks upon the maritime provinces much as Prussia looks upon Schleswig. No country is really great, he says, without ships and commerce. The Canadians have a boundless territory, and, comparatively speaking, a numerous population, but they lack that maritime element in their national constitution which conduces so powerfully to the greatness of England. On the other hand, the maritime provinces, though they have the sea at their service, are circumscribed in territory and are but thinly inhabited. Link all together in a well-devised confederation, and each province would gain the advantages of the other without losing its own. The argument disposes of colonial interests. Then the interest of the mother country would be equally promoted at the same time. England has no wish but to see her colonies prosperous and strong, and union is strength everywhere. Especially is it desirable that Canada should neglect no element of defensive power; for the contingency which has been discussed both in the British Parliament and the French Assembly forces itself upon our consideration, and cannot possibly be overlooked. In case of so deplorable an event as a war between Great Britain and America, the Americans might be expected to attack Canada, and Mr. Cartier grapples boldly with the question. He [treats?] the case may never occur, but, if it does, Canada, he says, will be the battle-field, and Canadians will accept the burden. They will look to this country for support, but they will contribute to the common work of defence as far as their means will allow, and those means would be largely increased by a confederation of the provinces. The position of Canada must be a trying one, for, though the cause of such a war must necessarily be Imperial, the worse of its calamities would fall on the colonists. Nevertheless, the colonists do not shrink from the prospect. They have no desire to be annexed to the United States, or to become absorbed in the American Republic. “Such an idea,” says Mr. Cartier, “we view with horror.” So, looking these chances boldly in the face, the Canadians come to this country and discuss the obligations before them. They do not ask for more than they already possess; on the contrary, they come, as Mr. Galt declared, “to show that if this Confederation be carried out they will be able to assume a greater responsibility than that which has hitherto fallen on Canada.” Lastly, both Deputies were emphatic in their assurances that no ulterior views of independence or separation entered into this scheme for uniting the North American provinces, and that it was not for the sake of standing alone or discarding their allegiance that the colonies wish to become more powerful than they are.

We are willing to accept all these assurances, and we need hardly add that we receive them with satisfaction. It is pleasant to learn that our colonists are so contented under the British Crown, and that they understand the advantages of their position. We are complimented by the value they put upon the connection, and we have not the least wish to see it impaired. We feel, too, that a confederation of colonies thus situated must be advantageous to all of them, and so plain, indeed, does the fact appear that it hardly seems to need argument. But when Mr. Cartier informs us that he and his colleague have come here “in order to impress upon the British Government the absolute necessity of carrying out the scheme of confederation,” we cannot but think that the truth would be inculcated to better purpose on the people of New Brunswick than on the Government of this country. We cannot coerce the New Brunswickers into a new political union, nor can we object to their remaining in the position which they have so long occupied without complaint on our part or theirs. We think the offer now made to them is a good one, and that they do ill to refuse it; but if they profess to be content as they are, it would be very hard for us to interfere. The confederation scheme is no project of ours. It comes to us from the colonies, and it is for the colonies to decide upon it. Believing it to be full of promise, we have cordially adopted it, and the colonists have been already apprised that, as far as the Imperial Government is concerned, its approval and good wishes are given: But the work must be done on the other side of the Atlantic; it is only indirectly that it can be promoted here.

We should hope that the account given of the New Brunswick elections is correct, and that the accidents of a political contest, rather than any deep convictions on the project of a “confederation, determined the provincial vote. After all, even upon the aggregate of polls, the majority against the scheme was but 455,—a slender balance enough to sway the destinies of half a continent. We know full well in this country how many elements enter into a popular election, and how a mere local question may influence a great political verdict. The people of New Brunswick cannot be blind to the advantages of union, strength, and the prosperity by which strength and union would be followed. That small local interests may clash with interests of a higher kind is probable enough, and we have already observed on former occasions that the opposition based on such considerations would meet with no approval in this country. But all that we can do is to make our opinions known. If the Canadian Deputies can establish to the satisfaction of the Imperial Government the case which they have so frankly stated, they will be able to return with the assurance that we wish every success to the project of confederation, and that the ratification of the Crown will not be wanting when the accord of the provinces is complete. Such arguments, however, ought to be as cogent in New Brunswick as in England, and that little colony should either reconsider its decision or show reasonable cause for impeding so promising a scheme.—London Times.