Document Information

Date: 1867-03-01
By: Perth Courier
Citation: “The Kingdom of Canada!”, Perth Courier (1 March, 1867)
Other formats: TBA

THE KINGDOM OF CANADA!

THE IMPERIAL BILL.

The full text of the Imperial Act of Union between the British Provinces, is at length before the public, and notwithstanding some unjust discrimination against Upper Canadian [interests?], is as fair to all parties concerned as could reasonably be expected. We have no sympathy with those who childishly throw obstacles in the way of the inevitable, and therefore do not coincide in the fault-finding of the Globe—the more especially as on the Globe and its master rests the responsibility of accomplishing that “great measure” which it has heretofore eternally dinned into the ears of the public ad nauseum. The measure is now a fixed fact, and the duty of patriotism is to make it work as harmoniously as possible. The worst feature in the Bill—to our mind—is its incompleteness. All the expensive machinery of the new system is provided, and but two more Provinces are added to the union previously existing between Upper and Lower Canada. After all the fuss and all the delay, and all the “patriotism,” and all the “self sacrifice” and all the “statesmanship” of our public men, we have nothing but new expenses and two poor Provinces as the result of their mighty labors. A union of this character cannot but be regarded as unsatisfactory, it leaves public expectation still unsatisfied, and the great idea of the “New Nationality” as far from realization as ever. So long as Newfoundland, Cape Breton and Prince Edward’s Island refuse to join their political fortunes to ours, we are just where we were before, so far as the principle of Union is concerned, and but very little benefit of any kind has accrued to the country, even from the most favorable Confederation point of view. The alterations made in the Quebec Resolutions are considerable in some respects, unfortunate Upper Canada, as usual, being fleeced for the benefit of its poorer neighbors, but we may be thankful that they are no greater. The arbitrary power exercised by the engineers of this “Great Scheme” from first to last, and the frightfully reckless way in which they handled the destinies of a Nation, had led us to expect something more unfavorable than they have given us; so it is with a sigh of relief we record our hope that the thing may work more satisfactorily than it seems likely to do, both from its own provisions and the way in which they are regarded by the ex-President of the Council. Mr Brown is naturally dissatisfied at not being “in at the death,” but his opposition to the measure is robbed of its sting on account of the leading part he took in bringing it about. But for Mr Brown there would be no Confederation, and the consequences of Confederation Mr Brown must therefore learn to put up with. The Bill on the whole is no worse than Mr Brown or anybody else could reasonably expect when assenting to the principle of Union between Provinces so widely separated by nature, and which under any circumstances could only reap advantage from a political connection by building and maintaining a costly highway of intercommunication. It was never pretended that the Intercolonial Railway would pay its own working expenses, so the millions spent in building it must consequently be a dead loss to the Provinces. Add to this the shoals of government officials to be provided for under the new system, and we have a fair estimate of the pecuniary “benefits” of Confederation. In return we have a half-carried-out idea of Union, established on a basis that robs the scheme of the only feature that commended it to Upper Canada, which is, non-interference in our Local affairs. In the Act before us, several infringements on this principle are made, and all, too, in favor of the Lower Provinces; whilst some of its provisions are so worded as leave the exact relations between the Federal and Local Legislatures undefined, which must of necessity cause trouble hereafter. When a colision comes the Local Legislature must give way, and where then we would ask its advocates, will be the benefit of Confederation to Upper Canada? The old evils of the union with Lower Canada will be aggravated in a three-fold degree, for in a contest for local advantages the interests of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick will naturally cause them to side with Lower Canada. Upper Canada will thus be where it was before, plus the payment of double its former contributions to the Public Exchequer, and plus again a Constitution that in five years will cause it to cry out for Annexation to the United States. Let those who take exception to this statement examine the Act for themselves, and then reflect on the probability of Upper Canadians putting up with the grinding tyranny of injustice from which there is no other possible escape. In the United States the relations between the Federal and State Legislatures are so clearly defined that no collision can arise; whilst this document is so loosely constructed and so vaguely worded in some places that no person can tell where the functions of the one end and those of the other begin. It would appear to be purposely designed to destroy the Local Parliaments altogether in the course of time and fuse the whole country into one homogenous Legislature based on the model of the British system of King, Lords and Commons. It is useless to discuss that aspect of the question just yet; and in the meantime we shall proceed to summarize the leading features of the Bill, reserving its publication in full until next week.

The name of the United Provinces is to be THE KINGDOM OF CANADA. Upper Canada is [to?] [be?] [called?] the PROVINCE [OF?] [ONTARIO?]; [Lower?] Canada is changed to the PROVINCE OF QUEBEC; and New Brunswick and Nova Scotia retain their present designation.

The representative of the Crown will retain the old title of Governor-General, and will be paid a salary of $50,000, per annum.

The Cabinet of the new Kingdom is to be styled the PRIVY COUNCIL, and its members PRIVY COUNCILLORS. The Cabinet officers in the Local Legislatures retain the old title of Executive Councillors.

The Upper House of the Kingdom of Canada is to be styled THE SENATE, and the Lower House, THE HOUSE OF COMMONS; the whole body being called THE PARLIAMENT OF CANADA.

The Speaker of the Senate is to be appointed by the Crown; and the Crown also reserves the right of appointing new Senators to the number of six whenever a dead-lock may occur.

The name of the Local Legislatures is to be THE PROVINCIAL LEGISLATURE OF ONTARIO; The Provincial Legislature of Quebec; The Provincial Legislature of Nova Scotia, and The Provincial Legislature of New Brunswick. The Legislature of the Province of ONTARIO will consist of but one Chamber, to be known as THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY OF ONTARIO; all the others will have two each, to be known as the Legislative Council and House of Assembly.

The elections for the House of Commons, and also for the House of Assembly in each Province, are to be held under the direction of the PRIVY COUNCIL, and the elections for both bodies will be held in each Constituency on the same day.

The Executive Government of the Province of ONTARIO will consist of five members, viz:—An Attorney-General; a Provincial Secretary; a Treasurer; a Commissioner of Crown Lands, and a Commissioner of Public Works.

The Provincial Secretary is also to be Registrar of the Province, and the Commissioner of Public Works to be at the same time Minister of Agriculture.

Room is left for the future admission of Newfoundland, Prince Edward Island, Ruperts Land, the Northwest Territory, and British Columbia—”on such terms and conditions as the Parliament of Canada shall deem equitable, and as shall receive the assent of the Queen; and in the case of Newfoundland, Prince Edward Island and British Columbia as shall be agreed upon by their respective Legislatures.”

Many other important matters will be found among the details of the Bill, but we have not space this week for a more lengthy summary. The clause relating to the Separate Schools is so mysteriously worded that it is difficult to understand its meaning, but its purport appears to be that the Separate Schools now existing in each Province are not to be meddled with by the Local Parliaments; that the Protestants of Lower Canada are to have the same priveleges as the Catholics of Upper Canada, and that each minority has a right to appeal to the Privy Council whenever it feels aggrieved. What the Privy Council can do with such appeals is not stated, further than that should the Provincial Legislatures refuse to obey the orders of the Governor-General and his Cabinet relative thereto, the matter may be laid before the House of Commons, which body will then have the right to legislate on the subject. This arrangement makes the School laws of each Province subject, first, to the Privy Council, and second, to the House of Commons, thereby virtually removing the subject from Local control altogether. The whole affair is a grand humbug, but being now a fixed fact the duty of the hour is to make the best of it, and give it a fair chance for its life.