La Collection Elgin-Grey 1846-1852 Vol. 2

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Late Dominion Archivist Emeritus



Published by authority of the Secretary of State under the direction of the
Acting Dominion Archivist



LA ..




ancien archiviste honoraire du Dominion


Publié avec Yautorisation du Secrétaire d’Emt sous la direction de Yarchiviste
intérimaire du Dominion

J.-o. ZPATENADDE. o.s.I.






Late Dominion Arcliivist Emeritus



Published by authority of the Secretary of State under the direction of the
Acting Dominion Archivist


[Original MS]

Morrrnnnn Aug 20 1849.


We are again in some excitement here. La Fontaine’s House was attacked
by a mob (for the second time) two nights ago. —— Some persons from within
fired and one of the Assailants was Killed —— The violent Clubbists &c. are trying
to excite thegpassions of the multitude alleging that this is Anglosaxon Blood
shed by a French man. The most atrocious articles issue from the Tory Press -——
and there is room to fear that mischief may ensue.

The immediate cause of this excitement is the arrest of certain persons who
were implicated in the destruction of the Par‘ Building in April last. — I was
desirous for the sake of peace (and more especially with a view to the success
of M’ Hincks’ endeavors to obtain a loan in England) that these parties should
not be arrested until indictments had been laid before the Grand Jury and true
Bills found against them. This course was agreed on——-but unfortunately, in
consequence of the cholera, the requisite number of Jurors to form a court was
not forthcoming for the August Tel-m——The Gov‘ thought that they could not
without impropriety put off taking any steps against these persons till
November-. They were therefore arrested last week— All except one who was
committed for arson were at once bailed by the magistrates — and he too was
bailed the day after his committal by one of the Judges of the Supreme Court.

All this is simple enough and augurs no very vindictive Spirit in the authori~
ties. Nevertheless it affords the occasion for a fresh exhibition of the reckless-
ness of the Montreal mob, and the demoralization of all other classes in the
community. The former making these arrests a pretext for excesses such as the
attack on La Font-ainc’s House, and the latter standing by either indififerent to,
or secretly abetting, proceedings which are not more disgraceful than ruinous to
themselves and their city.

I do not yet know how these things are to end. Cap‘ Wetherall brother to
C01. Wetherall the adjutant General, and therefore a person enjoying in a high
degree the confidence of the Tory Party; has been acting up tm this time as
Stipcndiary Magistrate under the direction of the Gov‘—~ He appears to me to
have lost heart either from fatigue or apprehension and has thrown up his
appointment urging the immediate declaration of Martial Law for Montreal.
This is of course an additional embarasement for a violent outcry will be raised
against any one named to succeed him. I am going to make another attempt
to induce the citizens through the corporation authorities to come forward for
the preservation of the peace. Failing this the Gov‘ must rely on their military

I have no doubt that the latter will act eiiicaciously when the occasion
ariseszbut the game of the rioters hitherto has been to affect great friendship
for the military— never making any resistance to them—— cheering on their
approach—— and dispersing with ‘ God save the Queen ’»« They will continue
this system as long as they can — I am more apprehensive of their betaking
themselves to assaults on individuals, assassination, incendiarism, in short to



outrages which can only be met by the agency of a police, than to such pro-
ceedings as would call the military into play.

The Gov‘ have at the suggestion of Cap‘ Wetherall formed a Police force
consisting of fifty mounted men— This force is useless unless as the nucleus of
a suflicient foot police. It was in this combination that Lord Sydenham estab-
lished it-—— and that we intended that itrshould now be reinstitutedm The cor-
poration authorities were charged with the organization of a foot police for the
city but whether from inability or ill will they have as yet done nothing. —

The object of the promoters of disturbance is to create a prejudice against
this Horse Police, who are styled by them the Elgin Guards — Their introduc-
tion into the town is to be the signal for some desperate move. ——

The real difficulty of dealing with these evils arises from the fact that the
so called respectable classes lend a passive support to the clisturbers of the
Peace. »—- Riot, ruin, anything rather than the continuance of French domination
is the feeling which prevails among them and which they take little pains to

You May in some Measure realize my position if you will imagine what
Ireland would now be if the Union with England had never taken place, and if
the British Par” by catholic Emancipation and other measures of that class had
opened the floodgates and let in upon the Irish, where the Protestant ascendancy
party were still monopolising all situations of honor and influence in the magis-
tracy & militia, on the bench, and elsewhere, the deluge of a hated and despised
but more numerous race, professing a religion deemed idolatrous, and speaking
(for we have this additional evil here) a foreign language. —— Imagine the Irish
crisis with those accompaniments, and substitute for your orange aristocracy
such leaders of opinion as we get here—— for Lord Roden M’ O. R. Growa-n an
individual without any stake in the Country who came to the Province some
years ago fleeing a charge of perjury and forging a will, and you will form some
idea of what our moral condition is——

Nevertheless I am not altogether without hope that better times may be at
hand. —— The Montreal rioters cannot now raise themselves to the dignity of
revolutionists for it is clear that annexation is dead for the moment. They must
be rioters and nothing more. I cannot but think that the tradesmen in the city
will begin to feel that even constitutional Gov‘ is more tolerable than the con-
tinuance of a system which must lead if persevered in tm the removal of the
seat of Gov‘ and their own ruin—

Your’s very sincerely


EARL Gnny.


L“ Elgin

20 Aug’/49
Rec“ Sept’ 6/49


[MS copy]
Copy- 12 September 1849.


Your letter by the last mail reached mee too late to be answered the same
week, and the mail which I expected today is not come, so that I do not know
whether there have been any more riots in Montreal. I hope that the death
of the man that was killed may have had the effect of damping the courage of
those who are inclined to break the peace. I am sure the time for lenity was
gone by, and I trust that if the occasion for it arose you will have adopted
severe measures of repression. Your account of the state of feeling in Montreal
is far from a pleasant one, but I trust this spirit is local and confined chiefly to
that place, if so its existence seems to me to afford a conclusive reason for
changing the Seat of Government, and I have directed a Despatch to be pre-
pared expressing that opinion oflicially; if it is not a local feeling our chances
of keeping Canada would seem to be but small.

I think it is only right that I should tell you that an opinion begins to be
very generally entertained in this Country, (suggested as I suspect from your
side of the water) that you have made a mistake in remaining so long and so
quietly at Monklands as if you allowed yourself to be shut up by the miserable
rufiians who have insulted you. It is said that you ought to have gone into the
Town as usual, taking care to meet any attempt at violence by prompt and
severe measures, and the free use of the Troops if necessary. I know very well
that Your motive has been that of humanity and your great desire not to be the
occasion of a conflict in which lives might have been lost; and I am also per-
fectly aware that if you had taken the opposite line and if bloodshed had ensued
the very persons who now find fault with you would have been the first to take
the other line and to raise a clamor against you for imprudence and impatience.
Such injustice is what we must all look for. Still I confess that I should myself
be inclined to think that you had carried forbearance rather too far were it not
that I have always thought your views of Canadian Policy so wise and just,
that I feel assured that my judgment at this distance cannot be set against
yours formed on the spot, and that you must have had some good reasons for
the course you have followed. I should be much obliged to you if you will
explain to me pretty fully what have been the considerations which have influ-
enced you, that I may be prepared for the carping objections I anticipate.

I am to remain here till to the 26″‘ when I am to accompany the Queen to
Town or rather I believe to Gosport on Her way to Southampton; though both
She and The Prince are beyond measure gracious I confess I grudge not a little
spending so much of the short time during which I can be away from London
away from Home, and it is at this time very far from convenient to me.

Yours very truly


Sep‘ 12/49

Lord Grey to Lord Elgin


[Original MS]

MONTREAL Aug. 27-1849


I entirely agree with you in condemning the present constitution of the
Legislative Councils in these Colonies 1—I consider them worse than useless-—
they have no weight whatsoever in the community. If the Gov‘ relies on them
in resisting the majority of the popular branch of the Legislature, it rests on a
1’eed.——If creations are made to bring the two branches into harmony, an
inexhaustible fund of declamation and denuntiation is supplied by analogies
sought in the British House of Peers. Analogies which are utterly faulty, but
satisfactory enough to people in a passion.

At this moment, as I observed in a late letter, you have a curious illustration
of the difficulty of handling this Body. Read the manifesto of the League 2-
This body is the fruit of a four months’ agitation. It is the exponent of the
political disaffection now existing in the Colony. It has spoken——~It has grumbled
out in general terms some complaints which are not very easily met because of
their looseness and vaguenoss——but the only distinct intelligible charge against
the Gov‘ which is stated in the address of the convention is the allegation, false
as you know, but founded on some expression which fell from you in the House
of Lords, that you had sent outto me blank mandamus for Legislative Councillors.

It is more easy to percieve the vices of the present system as respects this
body than to suggest a remedy. I think however that the plan which you
propose has much to recommend it, I shall feel my Way and endeavor to ascertain
what prospect there would be of elfccting such a change. It is necessary to be
cautious however in proposing anything, for what with jcalousies of race,
jealousies between the Provinces, party antipathies, and a thousand other mutual
suspicions and repulsions; it is hardly possible to touch any part of this ricketty
machine without bringing the whole about one’s cars.»-

The idea of rendering the Legislative Council elective was broached by some
members of the League, but a motion to that effect was rejected by a large
majority of the body in convention assembled. I do not however attach much
importance to that vote— It was clearly the policy of the Kingston convention
(whether with a view to effect at home or in the colony I Know not) to give
the impression that they were not, as had been alleged, republican. An elective
Legislative Council has been at all times a standing dish with revolutionary
parties in Canada -— Therefore they rejected it-«

La Fontaine and Merritt start today for Halifax to meet there delegates
from New Brunswick and Nova Scotia— The proposition was made by the New
Brunswick Gov‘, but as Sir E. Head, (which rather surprises me) has not written
to me on the subject, I am not quite clear as to what may be the precise obiect
of the Meeting ——~ I thought it however on the whole better that our delegates
should attend on the understanding that they are to confer With the Gentlemen

}See above 12. 485.
‘See above p. 4.91.


from the other Provinces, but not to commit this Gov‘ to any specific plans.
Merritts zeal for reciprocity of trade with the US. would carry him any length,
but La Fontaine is steady and will keep him within bounds. I trust too that
I-Iincks may make his appearance at Halifax while they are there.

We have had a fortnight of crisis consequent on the arrests which I reported
to you last week which may perhaps be the prelude, (though I do not like to be
too sanguine), to better times. A most violent excitement was got up by the
Press against La Fontaine more especially as the insbigator of the arrests and the
cause of the death of the young man who was shot in the attack on his heuse.——
A vast number of men wearing red scarfs and ribbands attended the funeral of
the youth. The shops were shut on the line of the procession. Fires occurred
during several successive nights in different parts of the town under circumstances
warranting the suspicion of incendiazrism-—~ The stipendiary magistrates charged
by the Gov‘ with the preservation of the peace of the city represented to me

officially that nothing would save it but the proclamation of Martial Law — Cap‘ ,

Whetherall, who was at their head, resigned— The Council came to me. I told
them that I would neither consent to Martial Law or to any measures of
encreased rigor whatsoever until a further appeal had been made to the Mayor
and corporation of the city —— I drafted a letter which was sent to the Mayor
requiring him to let me know whether the means at his disposal were suflicient to
preserve the public peace, and stating that the Gov‘ were ready to cooperate
with the corporation and all well disposed citizens for this object ~—~ At first His
Worship wrote in reply that he could do nothing, but the Conservative leaders
getting wind of this, and seeing to what it must lead, went to him and told him
that they Would turn out as specials if he would call upon them to do so. Since
then a proclamation has been issued by the Mayor which has been pretty
generally responded to by the respectable citizens of all parties. A large number
of constables patrol the streets and keep the peace amid the execrations of Papi-
ncau’s organs the ‘Avenir ’ & ‘Mcniteur Canadian ’ but to the general satis-
faction of others who have property to lose.

Meanwhile the Coroner’s Jury after a very vigorous investigation have agreed
unanimously to a verdict acquitting La Fontaine of all blame, and finding fault
with the civic authorities for their rcinissnwsw This verdict is important for
two of the Jury were Orange men and marched in procession at the funeral of
the young man who was shot. The Public acknowledge its importance, and two
of the most violent Tory Newspapers, the Gazette and Herald, have articles
apologising to La Fontajne for having so unfairly judged him beforehand. From
these and other indications I begin to hope that there may be some return to
common sense in Montreal.»-

My advisers however who are somewhat impressionable have been horrified
beyond measure by what has occurred here lately and loudly protest that it will be
impossible to maintain the seat of Gov‘ herc.- We had a long discussion on this
point yesterday — All seem to be agreed that if a removal from this town takes
place it must be on the condition prescribed in the address of the Assembly pre-
sented to me last Session, (viz) that there shall henceforward be Par » held
alternately in the Upper & Lower Provinces. A removal from hence to any other



fixed point, would be the certain ruin of the Party making it.—- Therefore
removal from Montreal implies the adoption of the system which although it has
a good deal to recommend it is certainly open ‘to great objections, of alternating
Parliaments. But this is not the only diificulty. The French Members of the
administration declare that they cannot Keep their section of the Party
together unless Quebec is the point to which -the first move is made. They are
willing to go to Toronto for 4 years at the close of the present Par‘, but they
give many reasons, which it were tedious to enumerate, and which appear to have
in a great measure satisfied their U. Canada colleagues, for insisting on Quebec
as the first point to be made. Now I have great objection to going to Quebec
at present because I fear that it will be considered borth here and in England as
an admission that the Gov‘ is under French Canadian influence, and that it
cannot maintain itself in Upper Canada. I therefore concluded in favor of a
few days more being given in order to see whether or not the movement now in
progress in Montreal may be so directed as to render it possible to retain the
seat of Gov‘ here–

I send newspaper extracts with accounts of recent proceedings here, among
others a violent placard W“ has been posted in Toronto. My next will probably
convey a decision on some of the points which are still in suspense.

Mary is prevented by the extreme heat from writing to Lady Grey & begs
me to make her excuse. –

‘ Your’s very sincerely,


Rec“ Sept’ 20

No. 1


For some nights past, the Peace of this City has been disturbed, and the
safety of its inhabitants endangered by assemblages or riotous and disorderly
persons; property, both public and private, has been destroyed by these tumul—
tuous assemblages; and peaceable and unoffending Citizens have been assaulted
and cruelly beaten, and their lives threatened and attempted to be taken by the
individuals composing them.

The undersigned, Mayor of the City, therefore calls upon all peaceable and
well disposed Citizens, without distinction of origin or political party, to aid in
putting down the assemblages referred to ; in apprehending all dissolute and
disorderly persons, and in re—establishing order and tranquillity throughout the


With these views, a number of the most influential Citizens, Proprietors and
Householders, have, at their own request, been sworn in and embodied as Special
Constables “to see the Queen’s Peace kept, and to keep watch and ward in this
City ;” and the undersigned hereby invites all other citizens, being proprietors or
householders, desirous of restoring order and maintaining the public peace, to
attend at the City Hall, without delay, at any time between the hours of 9,
A.M., and 4, P.M., daily, to be sworn in and enrolled as Special Constables.

And the undersigned hereby exhorts -the parties interested to desist holding
the nightly assemblies adverted to in the first paragraph of this Proclamation;
and he respectfully urges upon the prudence and consideration of all Citizens
not to be misled by curiosity or incautiousness, to approach such unlawful
assemblages, and thereby swell their apparent numbers, and give a seeming

colour to their mischievous and illegal proceedings.
‘ E. R. FABRE,


Montreal, 21st August, 1849.

N o. 2


In another part of this paper will be found a Proclamation by His Worship
the Mayor»-issued in pursuance of the recommendation of the Government,
which we mentioned in our last—calling upon the citizens to enrol themselves as
Special Constables, and to render aid to his efforts to restore public tranquillity.

The Tory papers of yesterday, we observe, attribute to Messrs. Mofiatt and

>Badgley the merit of having been the means of persuading the Mayor to this

wise and politic step. We regret that they did not earlier recommend such a
course, as it might probably have spared to the city serious disgrace, and to the
citizens, heavy loss. We understand that some time since, when a gentleman,
high in position, political and social, and who is closely connected with the party
of which the above~named gentlemen are members, was called upon to give his
countenance to a similar line of proceedings, he peremptorily refused to have
anything to do with it.

We have, however, no desire to detract from the merits of these gentlemen
now-——we admit that even at the eleventh hour their assistance is beneficial-
but, in justice to the Government, We must state facts as they come within our
own knowledge. ‘ ‘

His Excellency the Governor General, unwilling to supersede the power of
the Corporation, made through the Executive-—as we mentioned in our last——
a final appeal to the Mayor on Monday evening, in the full hope and expect-
ation that it would have the desired effect.


The following is the letter of the Provincial Secretary:——

Montreal, 20th August, 1849.

Sm,—Recent acts of violence against the person of individuals, and the
destruction of property, having occasioned much uneasiness in the public mind,
His Excellency the Governor General is desirous to ascertain through your
Worship, whether the Corporate Authorities are of opinion that the means at
their disposal are suflicient for the maintenance of the peace of the city, and to
assure you of the readiness of the Executive Government to co-operate with
them, and with all well-disposed citizens, for that important object.

It is unnecessary for me to add, that, under existing circumstances, His
Excellency hopes to be favoured with an immediate answer to this communica-

I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your most obedt. servant,

His Worship the Mayor, (Signed) J. Lnsnm, Sec.
&c. &c. &c.,

The expectations of the Government were, however, disappointed. The
following letter was received on Tuesday; in it, it will be observed, the Mayor
declared his inability to preserve the peace of the city:—

Montreal, August 21, 1849.

Sm,——I have the honour, by command of His Worship the Mayor, to inform
you, in reply to your letter of yesterdays date, the receipt of which was
acknowledged this morning, that the Members of Council, assembled at half-past
eleven o’clock to—day, came to no formal conclusion on the matter submitted for
their consideration, but that His Worship the Mayor has no hesitation in
declaring it to be his individual opinion, and he believes it to be the opinion of
the great majority of the Council, that the means at the disposal of the
Corporate authorities are insuilicient for the maintenance of the Peace of the
City, under existing circumstances.

I have the honor to be,
Your most obedient humble servant,
(Sig’ned,) J. P. Snxron,
The Hon. J. Leslie, City Clerk.
Provincial Secretary, &c. &c. &c.,


We have good reason to believe that the Government, upon the receipt of
this letter, being still unwilling to give up ordinary and mild measures, sent for
the Mayor, and urged upon him a re—consideration of the opinion which he had

The Mayor then informed the Executive Government, that some days
before a Resolution had been adopted at a Meeting of the City Council, that the
Mayor be authorized to call upon the citizens to act as Special Constables, but
that it had not been considered advisable to act upon it, owing to the excited
state of public feeling.

The propriety of adopting this course was, however, strongly urged upon the
Mayor; and the confidence of the Government in the good feeling of the great
majority of the citizens expressed. An oller was also made to associate the
Sheriffs with the Corporation force, if His Worship should consider it advisable.
The Mayor readily consented to these propositions of the Government, and
some of the members of the Administration immediately proceeded to His
Excellency the Governor General, to take the necessary steps to insure their
going into full operation.

All this passed previous to the visit which Messrs. Moffatt and Badgley
made to the Mayor. After they had left His Worship, he returned to the
Council Chambers, and informed those members who were still there, of\ the
interview which had taken place; and that those gentlemen were willing both
to act as Special Constables, and to call upon their friends to come out and
enrol themselves.

So ready an acquiescence in the views of the Government, and so complete
an evidence that the confidence which the Executive had placed in the inhabitants
of the city was well founded, could not but be highly gratifying. The intelligence
was immediately conveyed to the Governor General.

Yesterday His Worship the Mayor made the following communication to
the Executive, by which it will be seen with pleasure that he now entertains
every confidence in the re—establishment of the peace of the city:–

Montreal, August 22, 1849,

Sm,-Adverting to my letter of yesterday’s date, written by command of
His Worship the Mayor of the City, in reply to your letter of the proceeding
day, in which it was stated “that His Worship the Mayor had no hesitation in
declaring it to be his ‘individual opinion, and he believed it to be the opinion of
the great majority of the Council, that the means at the disposal of the Corporate
Authorities were insuificient for the peace of the city,” I am now commanded by
His Worship the Mayor to acquaint you, for the information of His Excellency
the Governor General, that subsequently to the transmission of yesterday’s letter
to you, he issued a Proclamation to the Citizens of Montreal, calling on them
to enroll themselves as Special Constables, that they might, as such, assist him
in re—establishing order and tranquillity throughout the city; that the most



influential Citizens of Montreal, without distinction of party or origin, have
responded to the appeal thus made to them, by coming forward and being sworn
in as Special Constables; and that their examples has been so extensively followed
by respectable Citizens of all classes, that His Worship the Mayor is no longer
of the opinion entertained yesterday. On the contrary, he is now happy to be
able to communicate, for the information of His Excellency the Governor
General, his firm conviction that with the valuable assistance thus promptly and
cheerfully afforded them, the means at the disposal of the City Authorities are
amply sufiicient for the maintenance of peace and order in the city.

I have the honor to be,
Your very humble obedt. servant,

(Signed), J. P. SEXTON,
Hon. J. Leslie, City Clerk.
Provincial Secretary, &c., &c., &c.,


We are happy to add that the invitation of the Mayor has produced the
most salutary effect. Upwards of two hundred gentlemen—~including many
names of the highest respectability, of every shade of political opinion~in the
course of yesterday, enrolled themselves as Special Constables, and placed them-
selves at the disposal of the city authorities to assist their endeavours for the
restoration and maintenance of public tranquillity. We may, therefore, hope
that the scenes of rowdyism and violence, which have been enacted of late, will
now cease, and that our citizens may again betake themselves in peace to their
respective avocations.

These late disturbances have indeed been of such a character as to strike
with dismay and indignation, every person interested in our social welfare, or
possessed of property in the city. They have been occasioned by no deep feeling
on any great political question. They are merely attempts by a rabble to
obstruct the steady march of justice. No one can pretend that there is any thing
in the course, which the Government have felt it their duty to pursue, in the
arrests of the parties accused of violating the law, either harsh or oppressive in
character. No person with the slightest pretension to respectability could, there-
fore,—if even so disposed,———countenance the outrages which have been committed
under the plea of an excitement which never existed. The mischief, notwithstand-
ing all that has been done, is great, and the loss of life which has occurred is,
above all, deeply to be deplored. Great, however, as must be the regret of
every thinking mind at such untoward events, that regret will be alleviated,
should the result he to convince those who have, either directly or indirectly,
countenanced the lawless proceedings of the last four months, of the utter futility
of their attempts to overthrow by force the constituted authorities of the country
—-should it induce them for the future to confine their opposition to the Adminis-
tration within those bounds which the Constitution has marked out.



No. 3.


It affords us pleasure to have to record that the city has continued, since our
last issue, in a state of tranquillity-«that peaceable citizens can now move about
without any apprehension of being assaulted or insulted by the mobs who have
of late infested the streets and principal thoroughfares. To whatever cause the
cessation from outrage is attributable, the effect itself is agreeable; and will be
still more so, if it be lasting.

Whoever may have been the means of bringing about this altered state of
things is entitled to some degree of credit; nor shall we begrudge it to them.
Acting on that principle, we, in our last, awarded our meed of approbation, to
the full extent it was deserved, to the exertions which Messrs. Moflatt and
Badgley are said to have made with their supporters, to induce them to refrain
from further acts of violence. We did not stoplto inquire minutely into the
cause, nor to examine into the motives, of this tardy interference. We are quite
willing to believe that it arose from the conviction that forced itself indelibly on
their minds, that utter ruin to the country, to the city, to their friends, and to
their party, would result from conduct such as must produce no other feeling than
that of disgust, wheresoever the acts of the Tories of Montreal may be recorded.
The course that those gentlemen have at last adopted, is therefore justified
alike by a patriotic sense of duty, and by the dictates of sound policy.

That their assistance cannot but be beneficial, we readily admit, whatever
the Herald may affect or feel at the admission. We have never doubted that the
influence of those gentlemen could at any moment have produced an equally
tranquilizing and and mesmeric effect on their followers. Our complaint against
the leaders of the Tory party, and the Tory presses, has ever been, that they
have not used their influence to prevent disorder, nor to censure it when com-

We fully agree with the remarks of the Herald, that no gentlemen in the
country have a greater interest in its peace and prosperity than the subjects of
his eulogy; at the same time, we must be permitted to remark, that persons
are sometimes so blind to party feeling, and so excited by party contests, as to
lose sight of the general good in the pursuit of particular objects. How far that
may be the case with the gentlemen in question, we shall not at present stop to
inquire. Their public conduct is before the public eye, and on it we imagine
the judgment of the people of Canada, East and West, has been by this time
unequivocally expressed.

The merit, of not having waited to be asked, it seems to us, is but an equi-
vocal kind of praise to accord to these gentlemen. We have been accustomed
from our youth upwards to understand, that one of the first duties to the society
in which We move, and to the country in which we live, is to ofier our services
Whcresoever either is periled—that no stimulus should be required—no invitation



should be needed for the performance of that duty. The merit of these gentle-
men, and their conduct, are therefore not of a very exalted character in our

But the Herald says:—

“They did not even wait to be asked: they tendered their assistance
months ago, and their assistance was spurned with contumely—themselvcs
being, in the meantime, treated with every possible ignominy, so far as
ignominy could be conferred by such miserable assailants.”

Now here is an allegation of the Herald of a circumstance of which we
certainly have no knowledge whatever. We are aware that three days after the
burning of the Parliament House, when the Government, on account of the
insufficiency of the military force then in Montreal, had considered it expedient to
organize a body of special constables, Mr. Moffatt, with one or more gentlemen,
leaders of the Conservative party, waited on the Government, and pledged them—
selves to use all their influence to prevent further rioting, if those special con-
stables were dismissed: we are also aware that on this pledge the Government
acted; with what result we need hardly say. Let the murderous attack on His
Excellency the Governor General, on his visit to town two days after to receive
the Address of the Legislative Assembly, tell the tale of Tory faith——of Tory
violated pledges.

Had the Government, after such a lesson, distrusted advances from such a
quarter, would it have been matter of surprize? But, We repeat, We know of
no offer of assistance or co-operation from any member of the Tory party,
from that date until the present time. We know, moreover, that the Government
have at all times evinced the deepest anxiety to enlist the people of Montreal,
of every origin and of every shade of political opinion, in the preservation of
the peace of the city. No opportunity has been lost of conveying to the civic
authorities the earnest desire that they»—the proper conservators of the public
pcace——should exercise the duties which the laws assign to them. The zealous
and cordial co—opcration of the Government has at all times been tendered to
them; and when it was represented that the cost of defraying the additional
expenses incidental to the increase of the civic force, rendered necessary by the
disturbed state of the city, would be a heavy =burthen on the city funds, the
Government without delay placed at the disposal of the Mayor, one thousand
pounds to defray the expense of an increase of the Police force.

And are we now to be told that the Government were desirous to withdraw
from the City Council, or the inhabitants of the city, the regulation of their
affairs, and the maintenance of the public peace of the city?—They may be
blamed-—and they have been blamed with some shew of reason——for too tender
a regard for the privileges of the city authorities; for too strong reliance on the
good will and the exertions of the inhabitants; but they can never be censured
justly for improper interference. Every act of theirs has been dictated by a
desire to assist, rather than control, the action of the civic power. It was this
feeling which dictated the last appeal to the Mayor on Monday evening, which
has produced the result, at which every friend to order cannot but rejoice.



This much we have deemed it necessary to say, with regard to the conduct of
the Government towards the civil authorities; and we believe it cannot be denied,
that the defence is complete. But something more was necessary to be per-
formed in fulfilment of their duty to the country. We boldly ask, with all the
appliances and means which the Government placed at the control of the Cor-
poration, has the public security been upheld? Have riot and disorder been
crushed? Have offenders against law been brought to justice? We have every
desire to put implicit belief in the new—bo1’n love of order which the Tory part
of our citizens have displayed for the long space of two days. We are prepared
to admit even, for argument sake, that the persons who have been foremost in
turbulence and violence, are disposed to settle down into peaceable good citizens,
—since they have sworn to be so. We will suppose even that they are heartily
ashamed of their past acts of rufiianism although this is more than even they
pretend to be. But, we ask, what security have we that they may not again,
“like the sow that is washed, return to their wallowing in the mire?” Will any
man with the least pretension to common sense, assert that the most fitting con-
servators of the public peace are they who have been handed against it? Are men
who are under bail to take their trial for the serious offences of arson and
sedition, precisely the class in whom we can place implicit reliance as Special
Constables? Do we not rather ask the question~— »Quis custodiet ipsos cus-

And, supposing these gentlemen should Weary of their present state of in»
activity, and again take it into their heads “ to take another walk,” under
cover of darkness, to some other public or private residence~—a supposition
surely within the range of human possibility, since Solomon says “there is
nothing new under the sun,” and “that which hath been shall again be ”—«what,
we say, is to prevent them from carrying their intentions into execution? Is
there any civic force in existence to withhold them? We are not, our readers
must agree with us, raising up a chimera. The danger we point out is real;
the present state of our society rnenaees us, and must be guarded against. We
say deliberately, that were the Government not prepared to meet it, they would
violate their duty to the country.

The civic force being manifestly insulficient in times of turbulence, such as
those through which we have passed, to protect the lives and properties of the
people, it remained to the Government to provide a force suitable for such an
exigeney. This they have done in the body of horse police which they have
raised, armed, and equipped, under the Provisions of the Ordinance 2 Vic., cap.
2, commonly known as the Police Ordinance. The Tory papers have on various
occasions been found in their denunciations of this force, without even conde~
scending to assign any thing like a plausible ground of objection. The neces-
sity having been, we say, abundantly shewn for some additional force, what
other force less liable to objection could be selected than this horse police; and
What other equally effective for the purposes intended? Take as an illustration
the occurrences at Mr. Lafontaine’s house the other evening. Had the horse
police been in Montreal, there is no doubt that they could have been promptly



moved to the spot, and that they would have been enabled to surround and
capture the assailants in the very aot—perhaps even have arrived in time to pre-
vent the loss of life, which, however justly inflicted, cannot but be deplored.
With an efficient body of horse police, the outrages which have been perpe-
trated for the last few months would never have been attempted———or had they
been so, the perpetrators would never have escaped. Every friend to order,
every individual desirous to maintain the supremacy of the law, must then

-approve of the organization of some such body. We have shewn that the Cor-

poration failed to take the necessary precautions; on the Government then,
devolved the duty.

No. 4
At five minutes past four o’clock, P.M., the Jurors took the verdict en

delz’br=7’é, and after the lapse of an hour and seventeen minutes the Reporters
were then admitted.
The verdict of the Jury was then announced.
The following is a copy:—~
_ “ We are unanimously of opinion, that the deceased, William B. Mason,
came to his death by a gun-shot wound, fired on the night of the 15th Aug-
ust, instant, from the house of the Honorable L. H. Lafontaine, after the
said house had been first assailed by a mob; the said shot having been
fired by some one of the persons, to us unknown, assembled for the purpose
of protecting Mr. LaFontaine’s life and property. And we are further of
opinion, that the existing city authorities are highly culpable, in not having
taken due precautionary measures, by which this heavy calamity might
have been averted.”
We understand that at the termination of the proceedings, the Jurors
expressed approbation of the conduct of the Coroners throughout this length-
ened inqury.

No. 5.

The following placard printed on a large sheet was extensively posted up
throughout the city on the night of Saturday last. If a party can possibly
plunge itself lower in the depths of crime and degradation than the tories in
Canada have already done by setting constitution, law, natural right, moral-
ity and decency at defiance, the language of this placard shows that they are
prepared to make that plunge-—that they are prepared for any atrocity what-
ever. We leave them to be the exponents of their own character to the whole
civilized world. Hear the language of the loyalists, par excellence, or Torontol


Britons of the City of Toranto!——Bm’tons of the Home District!

Shall the rank REBELS be permitted to tell us (as they now do) that they
will drive the bloody Tories out of the country? Up to your duty, and let us


no more slumber! The political Judas Iscariot, who betrayed his sovereign and
disgraced his ofiice as Her Majesty’s Representative, is expected to arrive in
Toronto on the 20th inst., or thereabouts. And shall Elgin, who pardoned the
scoundrels whose hands were red with the blood of Weir and Usher, and Char-
trand, and our own gallant Moodie [Lord] Elgin, who spurned the respectful
petitions, and mocked the hopes of 100,000 of the loyal hearts of Canada, and
who wantonly and clandestinely sanctioned the Bill loading and grinding down
us and our children with taxes for twenty years to come, to reward rebels and
murders—shall Elgin, who is now, from his garrisoned residence of Monklands,
satiating his malice, and the malice of his traitorous Ministry, by cramming the
gaols of Montreal with the most loyal citizens, be permitted to be welcomed by
a gang of sneaking Radicals, in the good old loyal City of Toronto? No! No!
Fomzm rr HEAVENl Forum) IT nvnar PRINCIPLE on I-Iorrovnl

By the memory of our fathers, who filled bloody though honourable graves,
rather than surrender their civil and religious freedom to a tyrannical and
bigotted sovereign—-by the blood of the murdered Moodie, who fell a victim to
the Radicalism of Upper Canada-—by all that we hold near and clear, we publicly
and solemnly warn the individual who calls himself JAMES BRUCE, and Her
Majesty’s Representative in Canada, and his rebel partizans, against any attempt
to outrage and insult the feelings of the Loyalists of Toronto by making a party
triumph of his visit to Toronto-—-that is, if he or they should dare to comel ‘He
and they shall receive such treatment as their past and present conduct towards
Canadian Loyalists deserves. We are all aware that Elgin himself is base enough
enough to do anything; and were it possible that he could receive a welcome
reception in Toronto, what would be the result‘? Why, he would write home a
lying despatch to his lying uncle, the Colonial Secretary, telling him that his
conduct was approved of, and that he was very popular in Upper Canada!
Think of that, Britishers of Torontol Consequently, let your eggs be stale and
your powder dry! Down with Elgin/-—-Down with the Rebels]

con savn THE QUEENl
City of Toronto, August, 1849.

[Original MS]

Mozwranan. Sep’ 3′. 1849.


We have had since I last wrote a week of unusual tranquility. The specials
have kept the peace in the street— The Press has been more moderate in its
tone. This is attributable partly to the check which the rioters experienced in
their attack on the House of La Fontaine—- followed by the verdict of the
Coroners Jury on which some Orangemen sat justifying the resistance there
made+~ partly to apprehension of a change in the seat of Govt-—-and partly, it


may be supposed, to a suspicion among the leaders of the Tory Party that out-
rages on individuals and the destruction of private Property, are rather hazardous
modes of party warfare.— Assaults on the Gov‘ Gen‘——and the burning of the
Par‘ House are by no means so inconvenient a precedent as attacks on the
persons and Houses of obnoxious citizcns—- Add to this, my letter to the Mayor
calling on the corporation and the peaceable inhabitants to exert themselves for
the preservation of order was so worded that the Gov‘ would have been justified
in adopting measures of repression of any degree of severity which the case
required, if it had not been responded to.

Hence the comparative quiet of the last few days‘ But I regret to say that
I discover as yet nothing in it to warrant the belief that the seat of Gov‘ can
properly remain at Montreal. The existence of a perfect understanding between
the more outrageous and respectable fractions of the Tory party in the town is
rendered even more manifest by the readiness with which the former through
their organs have yielded to the latter when they preached moderation in good
earnest. Additional proof is thus furnished of the extent to which the blame of
the disgraceful transactions of the past four months falls on all. Even now
every effort is made to make it appear that the present tranquility is rather a
triumph over the Gov‘ than a submission to law—- All attempts, and several
have been made, to induce the Conservatives to unite in an address inviting me
to return to the Town have fai1ed~—which is the more significant because it is
Well known & (indeed it is so stated in their own Press) that the removal of the
seat of Gov‘ is under consideration, and that I have deprecated the abandon-
ment of Montreal. I do not think that the indisposition to sign this address
arises so much from personal hostility to myself as from a determination not to
admit that the Party were not justified in resorting to the acts of violence which
caused me to avoid the city. You may imagine how dogged is the resolution to
refuse to acquiesce in the conditions of constitutional Gov‘ when the acknowl-
edgement that it is improper to pelt the Queen’s representative with brickbats
cannot be extorted even by the dread of Montreal’s ceasing to be the metropolis
of Canada. The existence of a Party animated by such sentiments,—powerful
in numbers and organization, and in the station of some who more or less openly
join it,—oV-vning a qualified allegiance to the constitution of the Province,~
professing to regard the Par‘ and the Gov‘ as nuisances to be tolerated within
certain limits only,———raising itself, whenever the fancy seizes it, or the crisis in
its judgment demands it, into an imperiurm in imperio»—renders it I fear
extremely doubtful Whether the functions of Legislation or of Gov‘ can be
carried on to advantage in this city. “ Shew vigor and put it down,” say some.
———You may and must put down those who resist the law, when overt acts are
committed——— But the Party is unfortunately a national as well as political one——
After each defeat it resumes its attitude of defiance, and whenever it comes
into collision with the authorities there is the risk of a frightful race feud being
provoked. All these dangers are vastly encreased by Montreal’s being the seat
of Gov‘.—

There are other arguments of no small force in favor of removal——I am
assured that a good many of the members have declared that nothing will induce
them to come again to Montrcal~—We shall lose one of our regiments, for you


have determined (very properly I think) not to build a new Barrack, and it is
believed that so far from voting money for this purpose there is very little prob-
ability that the Assembly could be induced to make provision for a building for
the Par° itself~ As to the corporate authorities, they are without funds~—and
the city council consists of an utterly inefficient Mayor‘ who is attached to Papi-
neau in Politics, and of councillors, for the most part equally inefficient, who
may be generally classed as Papineauistes, repeal Irish, and British Ultras—
Nothing is to be hoped for from such a body, until the seat of Gov‘ is removed
and the citizens feel that they have nothing to rely on but themselves.

‘In addition to the reasons which I have given, there is one argument in favor
of leaving Montreal which struck me forcibly even before the recent disturb-
ances occurred. You find in this city I believe the most Anti-British specimens
of each class of which our community consists—— The Montreal French are the
most Yankeefied French in the Province—-the British, though furiously anti
Gallican, are, with some exceptions, the least 1oyal~and the commercial men
the most zealous annexationists which Canada furnishes——- It must I think do
great mischief to the members who come from other parts of the Province to pass
some months of each year in this hot bed of prejudice and disafi°ection——

These being among the reasons for removal from this place Which, although
not new, -have been pressed upon me with renewed force lately. I have to add
that M’ Baldwin who has just returned from the U. Province & with whom I have
had a good deal of conversation on this subject, is entirely in favor of going to
Western Canada. He does not think that the arguments for a first move to
Quebec can stand for a moment against the consideration of the moral effect
which will be produced both here and in England by a move on the part of the
Gov‘ to Kingston or Toronto in the face of the taunt that it is Anti British and
subject entirely to French influence. on this point I am altogether of his opinion
and I only hope that when La Fontaine returns from Halifax and Hincks from
England he may be able to make his views prevai1.—- It is fair too that I should
say that I believe the council are quite ready to go -to either section of the Prov-
ince that I indicate, if I make a point of it.—on a subject however involving
such serious consequenccs—~it would be more agreable to me that difiiculties
should be solved by discussion than by an arbitrary edict proceeding from my-

I send you the copy of a second letter from the Toronto correspondent whose
former communication? interested you. It is rather flattering to me in one place
but that portion you will excuse for the sake of the rest.— I confess I do not look
quite with the complacency with which he does for me to a protracted sojourn
in this Country——- _

I observe what you say of Lord John’s opinion touching an Union of the
Provinces3»« I am favorable to the plan, and I certainly think that the Quebec
and Halifax Railway is the fl1‘Sl} step towards it. At the same time I hardly
expect so much from it as you seem to do—- I much fear that when it came to
the point there Would be great objections on the part of local interests to a legis-_
lative Unicn.—anc1 a federal Union would leave the federal Legislature almost

IE. R. Fahre,
“See above p‘ 414.

“See above 12. 1,37.


nothing to do— A congress without foreign relations, armies navies and ambas-
sadors would be a very insipid concern. However, the subject has been taken
up, with how much sincerity or earnestness I will not undertake to say, by the
league. All we can do is to stand by and take advantage of any turn of the tide
which favors our views. The most important matter by far if we desire to
allay political discontent in these Provinces is the establishment of reciprocal
freedom of trade with the States.— Were this object atchieved, I am confident
that all other difliculties would dwindle into very manageable proportionsw Next
to this, but far far behind it, in the way of organic change I would consider a
change in the composition of the Legislative Councils desirable I very much like
your views on this subject.’— But here too all that can be done is bycautious
suggestion to raise the idea in other minds.——

I am much obliged to Lord John Russell and yourself for the intimation you
have given me of what you propose to do in the matter of the Peerage. I trust
that ere long I may be in such a position here that a mark of approval from
home of this description may do me good.

Very sincerely Yours

P.S. It is not improbable that we may start in a day or two for U. Canada.–
I wait for the mail from England before deoiding.–


Sep’ 3/49

Lord Elgin

Reed Sept’ 20


Tonoruro 20—Aug* 1849

The Governor’s visit is still on the tapis-——-The S‘ Andrews Society has taken
its ground and will maintain it.2 This has done great good. Some bullying
has been resorted to by the Orangemen as you will see from the ‘ Patriot.’ It
has been answered firmly, though without boasting, that if the whole fraternity
were to assemble the Scotchmen will turn out and maintain their ground, if need

1 See above 11. 435.

“The St. Andrews Society of Montreal had erased the name of Lord Elgin from the
roll of members. This action was regarded with disfavour by the Society at Toronto and
on 10 May, 1849, the following discussion was recorded on the minutes:——

“No further business being before the Society the President mentioned to the Meeting,
seeing so many members present, that some action should be taken by the Society respecting
tallies gutrlageous insult ofiered to Lord Elgin, our Patron, by the St. Andrew »s Society 0

on rea .

“After some discussion on the subject, it was moved «by Mr. Wm. M. Ggrric and seconded
by Mr. John MeMurrieh,

, “That the address to our Patron proposed and read by Mr. Gertie be adopted and trans-
mitted to Joseph Curran Morrison, Esq., 1st Vice-President, and by him to -present the same
on‘behalf of the Society to His Excellency our Patron.

“The motion being out was carried, two members voting against it.

“The following is the address which was s.dopted:—

“To His Excellency the Right Honorable James Earl of Elgin and Kincardine, Kni%t of
the Most Ancient and most Noble Order of the Thistle, Governor General of British orth
America and Captain General, and Governor Chief in and over thextgrovinces of Canada, Nova
Stecotisz, New Brunswick and the Island of Prince Edward, and ice~Ad.m:lra.l of the same,
e . e c.



be until beaten down. That is the true Language to address to these bullies, and
you will see by the issue that the efiect of it will be most wholesome. The St
Patricks benevolent Society have passed a similar Resolution: The result
will be that the Orangeinen will not appear. That I am persuaded of, but as in
these matters it is well to look to all probabilities, if they do appear they will be
silent. I rely upon it that a most efficient demonstration will be made in favor
of His Excellency in this city. I should anticipate the same everywhere, but
you must have reliable information from other quarters so far as they are con-
cerned. I do not give up the idea of a City Address—non party of course-
to be presented by the Corporation. If not, however whatever address be
adopted it will be one not to embarrass the Governor by party politics. We
are all agreed that our position can well bear that course and it is the one I
expect will be adopted.——

The great hindrance in our way is that the time of His Excellency’s visit
is not yet announced:- The answer of the Corporation and every body not
forward in the business is we do not yet know that the Governor will come. As

Padron of the St. An.dreW’s Society of the City of Toronto and Home district, may it please
your Excellency — _ , _

“We, the St. A:ndrew’s Society of Toronto and the Home District, associated as your
Excellency is aware for patriotic and benevolent purposes, would in ordinary circurxistances
have hesitated to advert to any topic calculated however rernotely to excite ‘political difiercnce
among us. The tacit undcrstzuiding to exclude such topics from our discussions, we lied
borrowed, as we tliouirht, together with our Constitution, from St. Anzlreufs Society of
Montreal, and until a recent occasion having reference to our Patron as Well as theirs, we
considered the rule inviolate there as well as here. Not only however has our Patron been
personally assailed in the most violent manner, but a portion of the Press has endeavoured
to represent that assault as in unison with the sentiments of Scotohmen throughout the
Province. It would therefore, be unpardonalile in us to give the assent of Silence to that

“The attempt to east unmerited odium on the most honoured name in the History of our
Countlgy, we regard with mingled feelings of indignation and shame.

“ othini: can in our opinion account for the extra.oi’ unless it be the supposition that feelings of the most intemperate nature had for the moment
paralyzed in a measure the reason and the patriotism of those engaged in it.

“That a Scottish Noblenian — 3. Bruce —- should for mere party purposes be _traduced
by Scotchmen appears -to us so unworthy of our Countrymen, that, were the fact disputable,
it would be incredible. If your Excellency had acted iiieonsistently with the most strict
interpretation of the principles and practice of the Britixli Oonstétution as it exists in this
Province, that same Constitution would have furnished the appropriate means of correction,
and rendered the censure of a Private Society needless, as it would have been impotent.

“But when in your Exce1lency’s conduct we find the most admirable impartiality, firmness

and adherence to the Constitution guaranteed to us by the Imperial Authority, it is to us
\v_Iholly incomprehensible how all fairness and candour -——- all encrous nationality, could have
given place in the breasts of Scotchiiien to qualities of a tota ly op ositc character. Since,
however, that evil condition of mind has arisen and has exerted itse ‘i, We deem it our duty
in Justice to your Excellency as our Patron, to our own feelings as Scotchmen, and to the
feelings of our Countz‘ men in this Province who agree with us -—-— to declare that We feel
a National pride in the character which your Excellency has sustained since your arrival
amon us.
_‘The great Bruce of our National History ihad fierce factions to contend with ‘in his
native.Country, us well as formidable enemies from abroad, yet his lofty spirit did not
falter: in their presence, and we have strong confidenccs that the present turbulence of Uanmlian
Palctics will soon subside. and that it will then appear manifest to all men that your Excellency
gave the most faithful example that ever was given in this Province of the strict, honest, and
Impartial working: of our Constitution.

“In these circumstances we most respectfully tender to your Excellency the assurance of
our hlflh admiration of the exalted character uniformly exhibited by your Excellency m the
government of this Province.

“As witness in behalf of the said Society, the THOS. Gr. RTDOUQL
seal of the said Society and the Signature of Prflflldeflt
the President and Secretary this 10th day of A,Monmso1v,

May. AD. 1849. Secretary.”

_(J. F. Edgar, Lord 147lg£n’s Reply to an Address presented to him by the St. Amirmc’s
Society of Toronto: A paper read before that Society, 8 May, 1924, Public Archives of Canada,
Mitchell C’ollect1’a1i. 1 9.)




soon as that is taken out of the Way there will ‘be nothing to impede our arrange-
ments, and as I said I fully anticipate an enthusiastic reception. As promised
we rely upon you for the earliest information as soon as matters are arranged so
as to be precise.—

In order to take away the idea. of party from His Excelleney’s visit it is
thought here upon the whole that it is better His Excellency should take
up his abode while among us at one of the hotels, bad as they are. When Sir
Charles Bagot went to Draper’s you recollect what objections were raised to
visit him on party grounds, although at that time politics did not run very high.
I am satisfied that the Scandalous Tory press would make a handle of His Excel-
lency’s residence at any private Member of our party, and the Mayor has no
accommodation for his reception. These however are details that an en avant
Aide dc Camp can settle best, although the line is what I have mentioned, at
least so people here think.

I see by the promptness of action at Montreal that the Government is
recovering in some measure the idea of power which they suffered to be partially
impaired by the mildness of their conduct since the 25 April. I heartily rejoice
at this and you will see the salutary effects of it presently. What I said all
along I say still on this point—- arrest as few as possible, but whatever you
attempt do it eflecteally at all hazards. Let all mobs feel that you have the
power to put them down and also the determination to do so.

Brown has brought up with him some impression that the Governor did not
intend to visit Toronto except on his way back. After all that has passed I
think this would not be desirable. The time has come when His Excellency
must go everywhere he chooses without hesitation. To pass Toronto would be too
marked in any case and particularly after all that the press has said about it
and would be trumpeted as a concession to fear. That sort of impression going
abroad would be very unfortunate and would beget Mobs. On this ground if I
were His Excellency, instead of coming by Bytown I would come by Brockville
and face down these monstrous threats of that Scoundrel Gowan. After that,
there would be not a word of insult anywhere. The people about Brockville
should be roused to come out. For my own part I do not know the locality and
of course cannot say anything as to what can be done there. You should find
that out from other parties, and if practicable the Governor should come that
way and go back by Bytown.— _

By the bye a sentence at the end of His Excellency’s first despateh,
intimating his readiness to retire if the Imperial Ministry thought best,1 would,
one would have thought have disarmed the opposition in this Country. But

1In a despateh of 30 April, 1849, Lord Elgin ave an account of the riots which had
taken place on the occasion of giving assent to the Re iellion Losses Bill. Lord Elgin concluded
his despatoh as follows:—“At file same time I think that if I am unable to recover that
position of dignified nctttramg {between contending (parties, which it has -been my unremitting
study to maintain and from which I would appear to have been for the moment driven, not
as I firmly believe through any fault of my own, but by the unreasoning violence of faction,
it {nay be a question with your Lordship whether it would not -be for the interest of Her
Majesty’s Service that I should be removed from my high oflice to make way for one who
should not indeed hold views at variance with mine with respect to the duties of :7. Constitutional
Governor. but who should have the advantage of being personally unoibnoxious to any section

of Her MaJesty’s Subjects within the Province” (Elam 10 Grey, 50 April, 18.59, 001111 6-. 561,
p. 3.91) See below, Appcmiia: XIV. .


somehow or other the Tories seem demented. All their tactics are so suicidal,
and building upon that sentence it would appear now as if they thought they
could drive His Excellency home»— even at the loss of their own character
entirely. The Governor must not leave us except to go to Ireland or India— at
least not for two years to come.— I see clearly beyond the present diffioulties.
Peace and constitutional rule will be more firmly established than ever and His
Excellency ought not to leave us until he enjoys that result here which his own
constitutional course amidst undeniable difliculties will have tended so much to
produce. I think Canada ought to be the experimentuin crucis of all governors.
After governing Canada they can govern any Count:-y—. Those antipathies
of race superadded to all other conditions of hostility make the task really a
difiicult one. But adieu—I tire you

[Original MS]

NIAGARA FALLS. Sep 9. 1849.


I left Monklands on Wednesday and came here direct in the hope, among
other things, of meeting the President of the U.S.—. He left however the day
before my arrival which I much regret. Ouxr journey and reception here were
quite satisfactory. Only at one place was there any attempt at impertincnce.
I touched at Kingston to recieve an address of which the city council had sent
me a copy by the hands of the Sheriff of the D‘.

I hope to mix largely with the farmers here and possibly to attend the
agricultural Meeting which takes place next week at Kingston.-—

Mary is a little fatigued at [sic] her boy feels the cold, but I trust that all

will derive benefit from the change of air
Yours very sincerely




Sep’ 9/49

Lord Elgin


IMS copy]

September 22″“ 1849.

I received two days ago (just too late to answer them by the last Mail)
your letters of August 27 and Seprl;ember’s.-—The quwtions discussed in them are
of great importance and equal difliculty, but the only one among them which at
all presses for an immediate decision is that as to what is to be the future seat
of Government.—- Upon this it seems to me that the reasons you have assigned
in favor of a change would be conclusive were it not that objectionable as
Montreal undoubtedly is, there appears to be no other place which is not open
to still stronger objections.— I had thought Kingston might have done, but
I-Iincks says it is one of the strongholds of the orangemen and would also be
peculiarly disagreeable to the French. Would the old plan of adopting Byetown
for the seat of Government answer?-— If not I am by no means sure that the best
course might not be that which I understand Hincks to desire, viz —— to call the
Provincial Parliament together immediately at Toronto for the special purpose
of arming the Government with additional powers for the maintenance of the
peace with view of again reverting to Montreal as the usual place of meeting
when these powers had been obtained: this plan would have the advantage of
checking for the future the disposition to insubordination in Montreal not merely
by giving you additional powers of repressing any acts of violence, but also by
alarming those who have property in the town by showing them that the seat
of Government is not necessarily fixed there, and that their property would be
liable to great depreciation by its removal unless the inhabitants were on their
good behaviour.— I hope the Despatch which I wrote upon this subject might
be of some use to you as it is in the view I have just stated.1

Hincks in a letter to Hawes mentions that some Government advertisements
are still given to the most violent and almost treasonable Papers published in Can—
ads and not to those which support the Government;—— I understand him to refer
to Commissariat and Ordnance Advertisernents.— I will make inquiry on the
subject as soon as I get back to town on the 1″, but in the mean time it is so
intolerable that there should be any encouragement given by the Government to
these vile Papers that I wish you would inquire about it, and if you find that you
can stop the abuse pray do so without waiting for anything to be done from
hence ~— if you find (as is not improbable) that from the private feelings of the
Officers of the Departments in question it is inexpedient that you should inter—
fere with them or afford them an opportunity of mis—representing you, send to me
all the information you can as to what has been going on, and I doubt not that I
shall find the means of checking the evil.-~

3-On 14 fiepbember, 1849, Lord Grey acknowledged a despatch from Lord Elgin, reporting
the recent disturbances in Montreal. Lord Grey said:-— “I have received with great regret
the intelligence of these fresh interruptions of the public peace in Montreal, and I cannot
yvitlrhold the expression of my opinion that the existence of such a spirit of insubordination
in that City would appear to render it a very unfit place for the Seat of the Provincial
Government and for the meeting of the Legislature.” (Grey ta Elgin, 14 Sept, 18/,9, No. 417,

6!. 1.95, 1:. 24.)


With regard to a federal Union of the Provinces I am rather coming round to
your view of it, and I begin to believe that what would be desirable would be
Legislative Union with a very much strengthened system of Municipal organ-
ization, but such a Union seems hardly practicable, and if the present State
Legislatures are to be maintained, there certainly would be the difliculty you
point out in finding anything for the Federal Legislature to do without trans-
ferring to it what belongs to the Imperial Government.

I am glad to find that your opinion on the Legislative Council coincides with
my own, for though it must remain a more speculative one at present, the time
may come earlier than we now anticipate when it may be acted upon.-

I shall hope to learn by the next Mail that you are gone to Upper Canada.——
My exile here I am happy to say is to terminate on wcdnesday.—— on that day
the Queen is to proceed to Perth and the next day to Derby stopping for luncheon
only at Howick.—- I shall leave her and G. Grey will go on with her from there,
but I must proceed to town 3 days afterwardsiw

Yours very truly
(signed) GREY.
The EARL or ELGIN & Kmonnnnvn K.T.


Sep’ 22/49

Lord Grey to Lord Elgin
Letter to L“ Elgin

22 Sep’ /49

[Original MS]

NIAGARA FALLS Sep’ 17. 1849.

You say truly ‘ hard words do not break bones ’—but orange bludgeons do,
and this is the description of moral force on which reliance is chiefly placed in
certain quarters here.-

I do not wonder that it should be diificult to apprehend from a distance the
true position of afiairs here.—oi’ange Ireland, emancipated, and without the
Union, suggests to my mind the only parallcl—-but with this diiierencemthat in
Ireland, Rebellion is an ultima ratio-——-a resource confessedly hazardous, leading
to very doubtful issues-—~In Canada Rebellion or as it is more delicately styled,
the severance of the connexion with England, is the remedy which first presents
itself to the imagination of every disappointed man. You have however here
as you would probably have had there in the supposed case—an organized and
desperate minority relying on physical force, and deriving moral strength from
the support more or less openly tendered of the clergy of the established church
and an influential section of the aristocracy and oflice holders.-« Whether the
balance of power will gradually adjust itself without a struggle, or some great


crime he first committed which will rouse public indignation against these secret
Societies and lead to their suppression, time alone will shew—

Meanwhile I have been very pleasantly and satisfactorily engaged during
the past week in travelling through this district—— I have seen a very interesting
country and population, and been every where well recieved. No insult
whatsoever has been offered to me, and with the exception of the classes I have
named—the clergy who generally hang back.—wa certain portion of the magis~
tracy—~and a certain portion (not all, for there are exceptions) of the members
of the orange lodges, all welcomed me with enthusiasm— The rural population
seem generally quite contented except when the fact is adverted to that Yankee
Flour fetches 25/ while theirs fetches 21/—.— This you will understand is a sore
point—-— The millars on the canal are still more sore upon it— They see, and
nothing will persuade them to the contrary, ruin staring them in the face as
the fruit of their connexion with England, and of their dependance on a legis-
lature in which they have no voice which passes Stanley’s measures in 1843 and
Peels in 1846.—— They contend, and with some shew of reason, that men are
justified in resorting to very desperate measures to save themselves from destruc-
tion—— I heard however not a syllable of complaint on any other score— I have
rccieved various addresses, and on Saturday the inhabitants of the District
assembled here to present one—- Some thousands attended and no dissentient
voice was heard— It is fair however to state that this is considered both a
pacific and a liberal section of the country.——- What the effect of the proceed-
ings here may be elsewhere I cannot yet dotermine.—— The Montrealers are doing
what they can to make mischief alleging “ that it is a shame if the towns in U.
Canada throw them over after they have done so much for the cause” I shall
proceed eastwards towards Hamilton, Toronto the in a day or two, travelling by
land attended by one A D.C. and a servant, as I have done this week so as to
contradict the allegation that I require protection Mary will remain here, but I
shall move her into a quieter place for she does not get on in this racketty Inn,

Very sincerely Your’s
The Extract is from the Conservative Paper of the District

Sept 17/49.
Lord Elgin


His Excellency the Governor General accompanied by the Countess of
Elgin and Lord Bruce and attended by his suite, passed up the river on Friday
last in the steamer Cherokee, landed at Queenston, and proceeded to the Falls
the same evening. The Governor General did not land here but there was a
Guard of Honor furnished by the Royal Canadian Rifle Regiment on the wharf,
their admirable band was also in attendance, the Board of Police were ready
with an address, and there was a goodly number of townspeople and others


assembled on the wharf and in its vicinity. The Cherdkee hovered, but did not
come in, so many of the crowd waved their casters and huzzaed, a compliment
which his Excellency acknowledged by taking off his hat and bowing repeatedly,
and the jolly jack tars ran up the rigging and returned the cheer right royally.
The band then struck up, and the Cherokee Went on her Way rejoicing that
Niagara has not forgotten the respect due to the representative of their sovereign.

At Queenston the Governor was received by the Warden of the District and
a number of ‘Councillors who had gone up for the purpose. On Sunday he
attended Divine Service at the Chippewa Church where an excellent sermon
was preached by the Rev. Dr. McCaul. During the week he has been receiving
calls, and visiting Fort Erie, Pelham, Thorold, Dunnville and other places,
expressing himself desirous of seeing and conversing with intelligent farmers,
in order that he may become acquainted with the modes of management, and
the condition of their agriculutural interest. His Excellency expected to have
met the President of the United States, at the Falls, but this gratifying event
did not take place in consequence of the unexpectedly early departure of the
functionaiy last mentioned.

On Saturday next an address from the District will be presented to His
Excellency by residents from each of the Townships. We have no doubt but he
will be pleased with his visit; the weather, different from his last tour when it
rained incessantly, has been very propitious, and he everywhere meets with
respect from all parties.

If the Seat of Government is yet an open question, we may add the remark
that things have never gone well since the Executive establishments were
removed from Niagara, and the sooner they come back the better will it be for
all the parties concerned.

[Duplicate MS copy]
Oct 4/49

I rec“ yesterday Your letter of the 17″‘ Sep’ from Niagara —~ I also rec‘ by
the previous mail your first letter from the same place sent thro’ the U.S.— I
am very glad that you have at length been able to leave Monklands for a time
& that you have been well received in U. Canada. this is a very encouraging
circumstance & will I hope produce some effect even on Montreal —— I do not
think I have anything to say on Canadian affairs except that I shall be anxious
to hear the result of your deliberations on various questions when MW Hincks
gets back & more especially on thatrespeoting the future seat of Gov » of the
Province; this seems to me the most important & difiicult subject upon wh. you
will have at present to deeide——

I am come up to Town for 10 days or a fortnight to dispose of several rather
urgent matters wh. I c“ not so well deal with at a distance as they required


personal communication with various people, I hope however to get back again
to Howick on the 13”‘ to stay till the end of the month. We had a strong muster
of the Cabinet on Tuesday on this Russian & Turkish business of wh. you will see
full accounts in the newspaper & I believe we shall be still more nearly complete
tomorrow —-— I hope the storm may be dispersed & Russia is so grossly in the
wrong that I sh“ say there w“ be no doubt that she w » not press her demand
on Turkey with vio1ence—-were it not that when you have a despot like Nicholas
to deal with it is impossible to say to what lengths he may be carried by passion,
& it is not improbable that the success wh. he has had in Hungary may have
stimulated his desire for Military Glory & his impatience of all opposition so that
he may be less inclined than usual to listen to 1’eason—-—

You will see in the Newspapers an account of our Royal Visit — It was so
suddenly determined upon under the apprehension of Cholera that my letter
announcing it only reached Howick on Tuesday evening & the Queen & her
suite arrived on Thursday —— however in spite of the short notice it went off very
well & the Queen was exceedingly Gracious. She drove down the long walk &
along the sea walk the next morning before her departure & we attended. her
as far as New Castle wh. as L‘ Lieut. of the County I was told was my duty——

(Signed) GREY.

I have omitted to mention that I have sent you ofiicially a letter from the
War Oflice respecting the heavy travelling charges occasioned by the residence
of the General at Sorel instead of Montreal 1- It appears to me that Fox Maule’s
objections to this arrangement are just & I hope you will concur with me as to
the propriety of the change suggested -—~- This whole subject of Military expend~
iture will be very much agitated in the H. of Commons next year & I am anxious
as far as possible to anticipate the reduction wh. the Comm“ will be sure to
recornmend——In Canada the Charge for the Staff seems to me altogether ex-
horbitant & out of proportion to the present force, I sh‘ be glad to know whether
You are aware of any objection to a reduction of the number of Stafi Appoint-

Oct 11/49
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

[Original MS]

NIAGARA FALLS. Sep 23. 1849.
I have recieved your note from Drummond Castle intimating to me what
Lord John Russell proposed to do with respect to my Peerage and the news

1 Grey] to Elgin, 5 October, 18.99, Military, No. 63, G. 135, 1). 58. It is s gested that
}hJefl£.q1§:1‘fBI‘S should be removed from Sorel to Montreal and that the post atugorel should
e re an up.


of the Cambria forwarded by telegraph apprize me that his intention has been
carried into effect. I feel very grateful for this mark of confidence and ap-
proval and I trust that it will prove a scasonable support. I shall make my
acknowledgements more formally when I have recieved my letters and Despatches
~»- Meanwhile please to accept my best thanks:—

I start tomorrow Morning on a second tour—— This time I shall visit Districts
where there is more violence of feeling than here. I hope however by going
quietly to work to avoid collision. The opposition Press is quite as little com-
plimentary to me as it ever was, but there is more generally a protest against
rioting. The Montreal people are very desirous that other towns should disting-
uish themselves in the same way as their fair city has done, and complain of
their allies who preach peace for leaving them in the lurch and trying to rob
them of the seat of Gov‘ The inducements to keep the peace are however strong
and will I trust prevail. It is very diflicult to manage people who will not
acquiesce in the conditions of the constitution under which they live, and that
is the case with the Tories here who when they are driven into a corner always
meet you with the declaration “We am; * opposed to Responsible Govt.” This
dictum ufustifies personal attacks on the Gov’ Genl” resistance to Parliament-
ary enactments &c, &c. are not the irresponsibility of the Representative of the
Crown, and the omnipotence of Par‘ fruits of Responsible Gov‘?

a paragraph which I enclose from the last Montreal Gazette shews the animus
of the Montreal Gentry. The Toronto people declare that all these violent
placards are printed either in Montreal or Brockville, the head quarters of M‘
Gowan-— There is a pretty general expression of opinion against them~—

Very sincerely Your’s

Sept 23/49
Lord Elgin


Toronto is now to be added to the list of Vandal cities. Montreal, Quebec,
Hamilton, Bytown, Torontoll Ohl Vandalism, Vandalism! thou hast for-
saken Montreal, for the cities of the West.

AWAKE! Tnmorrrcnrl TREASONl Men of 1837 and ’38, the Plot has
leaked out. For the purpose of receiving Rebel-rewarding ELGIN, and
under that pretence, hundreds of armed CUT-TESROATS have been hired to
pour into Toronto on the day of his arrival, to massacre the Loyal Inhabit-
ants, and to destroy their houses and property, in case they should give
utterance to their feelings of disapprobation of him and his traitorous
Ministry! Therefore, perfect your Organizationl Amul ABMl ARM!
Forward from the Country! Forward from the City——to protect your Wives
and little ones from ELGIN and the Ruthless Assassins—from the cold-

*Manuscript torn.


blooded murderers of poor Moodie—from those who put the torch to the
Dwelling of the aged Dr. Horne, and made a target for their cowardly rifles
of his poor Servant Girl! Of Elgin’s coming———if he be reckless enough to
come with ostentation and display, and if he dares to give Notice of it-—
You shall have Due Warning! Hurrah, Britonsl Strike Homel Now or
Never! Do not agress, but be prepared with your heart’s blood to resist
aggression (and it will be an aggression, should the Rebels dare to attempt

to triumph on Lord Elgin’s coming).


Toronto, September 10th, 1849.

A paragraph in another part of our paper, will shew that the Vandals and
book burners, and egg throwers,——and all the other people named in the Radical
prints, as belonging to that elass,—~have removed from the city of Montreal,
and will be found scattered through all the towns of Canada, which Lord Elgin
is expected to visit, or where the pernicious effects of his example have gone
before him.

[Original MS]

Sep 24 1849.

The enclosed is M‘ Gowan’s own account of a great agitation Meeting
convened after great noise and preparation——— The numbers present are com-
puted by opponents at 6 or 700, and by friends at 1000.— The whole affair
gives you an idea of the wretched trash wh. forms the staple in trade of our

Sep‘ 24/49
Lord Elgin



GREAT Dnmorrscriwrion.

Saturday, the 15th of September 1849, is a day that will long be remem-
bered by the inhabitants of the Counties of Leeds and Grenvillel On that day,
it may be truly said, that the Merchant left his Store, the Mechanic his Shop,
and the Farmer his Plough, to record in the most public and solemn manner,
their utter horror, at the misgovermnent under which the Country groans.



About four o’clock in the morning, the rain descended, and continued to
pour pretty copiously, till after six. This was just about the time, when the
Farmers of the Back Townships, the men of Oxford and Wolford, of Bastard
and the Crosbies, &c. &c., would commence to pour out their hundreds, to join
their brethren in the front Townships, in a great demonstration, for “CANADA,
LIBERTY, LOYALTY & PEACE.” To this most unauspicious commence-
ment is to be attributed, the absence of many valuable men, who, had the morn-
ing been fine, would have been but too glad of the opportunity, of uniting their
voices with those of the assembled multitude, against ELGIN, LIES and

After the morning cleared up, the concessions began to pour out their
“honest hearts and true,” and even our very fees are obliged to admit, that
Brockville never had before, within its limits, so many human beings at any
one time.

In the early part of the day, team after team, kept pouring into Town,
their owners being anxious to secure yard or stable room, before the throng
would get into Town. A little after eleven o’clock, thirty five Waggons, well
loaded with the Britons of Augusta, drove up the Prescott Road, and with
Banners floating passed through the Town and Toll Gate, to meet their friends
coming in by the Perth Road. Shortly after the Carriages of the chief Gentle-
men of the Town, followed in the same direction. During their absence fifteen
Waggons, well loaded with the men of the front of Yonge and Escott, came
down the Kingston Road, and secured places, as best they could, in Town. At
about twelve o’clock, the main Body of the People, were seen approaching the
Town, at Davidson’s Hill on the Great Northern Road. And when we state
that independent of those which passed out in the first instance Toll was paid
upon 208 Waggons, our readers may have some idea of the length and numbers
of the Procession. Of which, as near as we could collect, the following was
the order.

Two Marshals mounted, (Dr. Smythe and William Parkin Esq.)

A large Waggon, with the Brass Bands bearing a Union J ack.

Two other large Waggons, containing a Field Band, of Fifes, Drums, &c.

A large Waggon with the Irish and Highland Pipers.

Next came two Marshals mounted, (John Bacon and Henry Jones Junr.

Then followed the Horsemen, (126) in double files, (two a breast.)

Two Marshals mounted. (Mr. P. J. Cosgrovc & Mr. E. H. Burniston.)

Next came the Carriages, of the principal Conservative Gentlemen, of
Brockville, Prescott, et cetera.

After the Carriages, followed Waggons, of all sizes and descriptions, heavily
loaded with the “honest hearts and true,” from the Country.

Independent of the numerous Union Jacks, which floated in different parts
of the Procession, we observed upwards of Thirty Flags, bearing various devices,
inscribed upon silk and cotton, of all sizes and colours. Some White, some
Blue, some Pink, some Sky Blue, some Scarlet, and two Black.



The inscriptions on the Flags, so far as we have been enabled to collect
them were as follows: _

l. North Augusta, a white Flag, carried by Mr. Humphries, “United we
stand Divided we fall.” . .

2i East of Elizabethtown, a Pink Flag, “No additional _Taa:es.”

3. Addison, a White Flag, “liberty and the PeopZe’s Rights.”

4. Front of Yonge, a Blue Flag, “Equal Rights to all Men.”

5. Escott, a White Flag, carried by Mr. McNicholl, “God defend the

6. C’oleman’s Corners, a White Flag, “Protect Home Industry.”

7. Atkinfs Lake, a Pink Flag, borne by Mr. Robert Armstrong, “Retrench—
ment of Public Expenditure.”

8. New Dublin, a Pink Flag, “Britons never shall be Slaves.”

9. Brennan’s Owners, 2:. very large Blue Flag, carried in Mr. Smith’s Wag-
gun, “Kitley Branch of the B. A. League. Let the Nations learnAWar no more ;
but beat their Swords into Plough Shares, their Spears into Pruning H oaks, and
only emulate each other in Husbandry, Commerce, Science and Religion.”

10. Charleston, :2 Black Flag, borne by Mr. Hamilton, and inscribed “No
Rebel Bill.”

11. Rear of Lansdown, a White Flag, “Civil and Religious I/iberty.”

12. Wright’s Corners, 2. White Flag, borne by Mr. Wright of Augusta, « Be
Just and Fear not.”

13. Maitland, a White Flag,  » Dibertas in natale solum.”

14. G’ilroy’s Settlement, Elizabethtown, a Blue Flag, « God with us, we
care not.”

15. Kitley, a Sky Blue Flag, carried by Mr. Dack, “Good Markets, Good
Roads and a United People.”

16. Front of Elizabethtoum, a Blue Flag, borne by Mr. Fulford, (with four
beautiful Horses,) “Our Homes and our Country.”

17. Wolford, a Blue Flag, “No Surrender.”

18. Brockvillc, a. Scarlet Flag, carried by Mr. Harris, “Brockoille Branch,
No. 1, British American League.”

19. Kitley, 23 Flag of white Flannel of Domestic Manufacture, “Home
Industry we will Protect.”

20. Rear of Yonge, 9. Black Flag, “No Taxes to pay Rebels.”

21. Elmsley, a Blue Flag, “No French Domination.”

There were some eight or ten other Flags, the particular devices upon which
we were unable to learn. Several Union Jacks, and other Flags, were also
exhibited from the windows of various Houses in Town,

The people of Kitley turned out in strong force, they were mostly on Horse
back, and were particularly distinguished by wearing Blue Sashes, having the
Word “ R9f0Tm,” conspicuously painted upon them. Mr. Ford, in the course of
his Speech, made some happy allusions to the spirit evinced by the men of
Kitley, and recommended them to add the World “ real ” to their present motto,
so as to distinguish themselves from the sham  » Reformers ” of the Country.



At the Toll Gate, the Procession reached close on two miles in length, but
several persons dropped off as they entered the Town, to procure places for their

The Procession entered over ‘the North Bridge, and passed alcng Perth Street
to King Street, thence along the latter Street to Dr. Dunham’s corner, Where
it wheeled to the right, and proceeded down Court House Street to Water Street;
thence along Water Street to the Ship Yard of Mr. Perkin: here it wheeled to
the left up Campbell Street, and from thence turning to the left, it proceeded
along the Main Street, till it reached the Court House Avenue; up which noble
Street it passed into the Square, directly in front of the Court House.

The view at this moment was truly imposing. The splendid Court House
of the District, (one of the finest Public Buildings in the Province,) had all its
windows and doors thrown open, the projecting cut-stone balconies, and every
available spot, in each story being crowded with Ladies, while the large steps
and railings below, and the beautiful green in front, was densely crowded with
hundreds, yea, thousands, of the hardy Yeomanry and the industrious Mechanics
of the District.

To attempt to get a tythe of such a Body of People into the Court House;
(large and spacious as it is) was of course impossible, and recourse was there
fore had to the open air, to organize the meeting. While a few of the more
active of the youth of the place, were engaged in lashing some Waggons fogeih“
and placing upon them a quantity of Plank Boards, as a temporary stand for
the Chairman, Secretary and Speakers, the Band played “God save the Queen,”
the whole crowd standing uncovered. Three hearty cheers were next given for
the Queen, and the meeting was then called to order by R. Howiscn ESQ» 0‘
Maitland, who proposed, seconded by Edward Greene Esq., of Leeds» Th“
Paul Glasford Esq., one of the oldest Inhabitants of the District, should be
requested to take the Chair, and preside over the meeting. The motion being
put and carried unanimously, Mr. Glasford mounted the temporary Platform:
returned thanks for the honor conferred on him and stated that he had 3P9“
over half a century of his life in the District, but that he had never seen such 8
meeting before, hoped that good order would be preserved, and peace and
unanimity distinguish all their proceedings. (Loud Cheers.)

Dr. Chambers of Elizabethtown proposed that W. B. McClean 1354- B3“
rister, be requested to act as Secretary. Seconded by John Johnston ESQ-y D0
for Wolford, and carried unanimously.

It would of course, be out of our power, in our present publication» ‘.0
attempt any thing like an outline of the many excellent and truly P3t »‘l°t’°
Speeches made upon this great occasion. We must therefore confine ourselves,
to the publication of a copy of the resolutions, (all of which were passed
unanimously) with the names of the movers and secondere.

Moved by George Sherwood Esq., M.P.P., seconded by James Sabine Esq., 05

1. RmoLvrm.~—’1‘hat this province is in a state, both Political and C031‘

mercial, unparalleled in its hi9*OI’Y#th5* d9P1’¢53i0n in GVBFY brtinch of trade



and commerce, has paralized the energies of its Inhabitants–has caused
the withdrawal of Capital from those industrial pursuits which have hitherto
given employment to hundreds; and has been the means of driving from
our shores, large numbers of the industrial classes, who have hitherto, largely
contributed to the wealth, greatness, and prosperity of the Country.

Moved by George Crawford Esq. of Brockville, seconded by Lieut. Col. Newson,

J .P. of Beverley.

2. RnsoLvnn.—That the prosperity to which Great Britain and the
United States have arrived, under a protecting Tariff, when compared with
the state of depression in which this Province is now placed, without the aid
of such a Tarifi”, ought, in the opinion of this Meeting, to have been a
suflicient inducement to our Statesmen, to have followed examples, which
have produced such vast wealth, greatness and prosperity to those Countries,
and the want of which, has brought poverty and ruin upon our own.

Moved by Ogle R. Gowan, Esq. Warden of the District, seconded by Norman
Macdonald, of Ellcrslie Esquire.

3. RnsoLvnn.—That in the opinion of this Meeting, stringent measures
of economy and reform should be adopted in the expenditure of’ the Civil
Government, so as to place it upon a footing corresponding with the
resources of the Province, and with the amount paid for like services, when
honestly and efficiently performed, in: other Countries, on this Continent.

Moved by D. B. 0. Ford Esq., of Broekville, seconded by Henry Bradfield Esq.,
J. P. of Elizabethtown.

4. RnsoLvnn.—That instead of reducing the expenditure of the Govern-
ment of this Province, the present Parliament, has largely and extravagantly
added thereto, by the various Laws passed at its last session, and which
created amongst other things, in this section of the Province, two new Courts
of Superior Jurisdiction, with three new Judges, at Salaries of four thousand
dollars a year each, exclusive of the expensive and numerous stafi”, which
such Courts and Judges must necessarily saddle upon the Country.

Moved by Ormond Jones Esq. of Brockville, seconded by Nicholas Horton
Esq. J. P. of New Dublin.

5. RnsoLvnn.—That if the present Provincial Administration, had been
actuated by a due regard for the interests of the Country, or by a proper
respect for those professions of economy, in which they have hitherto so
largely indulged, they would have yielded to the proposition made to Par-

‘ liament, to increase the jurisdiction of our District Courts, which would
have brought justice home to every man’s door, instead of driving him, to
the more expensive and dilatory course, of proceeding in the Superior Courts
established at Toronto.

Moved By Justis S. Merwin Esq. of Prescott, seconded by Albert Parsons Esq.
J. P. of Maitland.

6. RnsoLVED.——That the Rebellion Losses Bill, by which the loyal
Inhabitants are taxed for losses sustained by Rebels in Lower Canada, is an
act for which the history of Nations furnishes no precedent—is an outrage
and insult to the People of this I-’rovincc—unparalleled for its enormity-—~


and one under which they are determined not to suffer, without the strongest
resistance, that the fidelity that brave and loyal men can ofi‘er—-and the
People of this District now assembled, here publicly pledge themselves‘
before their Country, never to rest contented, until that disgraceful enact-
ment is wiped from the Statute Book of Canada.

Moved by Robert Hervey of Maitland Mills Esq. seconded by Mr. William B.

Landrick, of Elizabethtown.

7. RnsoLvnn.——That like most measures of hideous enormity, the said
Act was conceived in seorecy—that although, upon the authority of the
President of the Council, it was agreed to in that Body, before that honor-
able Gentleman joined the Administration, yet it was not alluded to, in the
opening speech of His Excellency to Parliament—tl1at when first known,
time was refused for the expression of the opinion of the Country upon it—
and that all intercourse, which passed between the Governor General and
the Colonial Minister, upon the subject, during its progress to maturity, was
confined to the secret and irresponsible medium of “private letters ”—
that the independence of the second Branch of the Legislature was over-
thrown to effect its passagc——and the stealthy and unusual mode, in which
it finally received the Royal Assent, was only equalled in enormity, by
the guilt which conceived it-«the corruption which carried it—the inherent
wickedness of the measure itself—and the unparalleled acts of crime and
violence, which marked the era of its passage, & which still continue to
disorganize society.

Moved by Alfred Hooker, Esq. J. P. of Prescott, seconded by James Graham
Esqr., D. C. for Kitley.

8. Rnso1.vnn.—Tl1at the “ Instructions ” since issued by the Governor
General, to the Commissioners appointed to carry out the said Act are a
full illustration of the fears of the safety and justice of the measure itself,
entertained even by its own special patrone—~“ instructions ” which were
issued to the Commissioners, not to explain an error in the Act, or any
difliculty that had arisen under it, but to “inform them of the views in
which it had originated ”l—~that a portion of the Act itself called the
“ proviso,” had not been “ acceeded to by the Government from an impres-
sion of its necessity ”l-and following up an announcement so extraordinary,
by further informing the Commissioners what the “design” of the Govern-
ment was in introducing the Bill, and their “ objects” in relation thereto !—-
that if the interpretation of Acts of Parliament is to be taken from the
ordinary and proper judicial Tribunals of the Country, and to be expounded
by the “Instructions” of a Political Cabinet, to suit their “ designs ” and
“ objects,” the Public Liberties are no longer secure, and even Law itself,
is made to rest upon the will of Commissioners, appointed and directed, by
the worst species of Faction.

Moved by John Crawford Esq., President of the Town of Brockville, seconded
by James Thomson, Esq. J. P. and D. C. for Escott,

9. REsoLVEn.-«That it is the solemn and deliberate opinion of the
People of these Counties here assembled, that the Earl of Elgin, has, by





assenting to the said Rebel Rewarding Bill, prostituted the high office,
confided to his care by our most gracious Sovereign, deeply insulted the
feelings of Her attached Subjects, and so far as in his power, weakened the
bond of connexion between the Colony and the Parent State.

Moved by Dr. Reynolds of Brockville, seconded by Joseph Wright Esq. J. P.

of Augusta.

10. REsoLvnD.——That the insulting manner in which the Petitions against
this nefarious measure were received by His Lordship—-the perversion and
concealment of facts which distinguish his despatches on this subject, and
the ridiculous and partial answers to the Addresses presented to him by the
adherents of the party, at whose head he has placed himself, have estab-
lished to the world his utter unfitncss for the office he now holds, and that he
can never recover that “ dignified neutrality,” necessary for the Repre-
sentative of the Sovereign. ‘

Moved by Robert Peden Esq. J. P. of Brockville, seconded by Richard Osborne

Esq. J. P. of Yonge.

REsoLtnn.—That the Earl of Elgin « on assuming the Government, so
ably administered by his predecessor the late Lord Metcalfe, found the
Country in peace and prosperitywthat the course of policy pursued by him,
instead of preserving the happy state in which he found it, has reduced it
to the lowest state of destitution—has arrayed race against race—has
snapped the cords that bind society——has introduced civil discord—has led to
conxrnotions and heart—burnings in our chief Cities hitherto unl<nown‘——and
has led thousands, whose lives have been one continued series of devotion
to Great Britain, to look to a connexion with the neighbouring States, as
a refuge from the turmoil and anarchy of this hitherto happy Province.

Moved by George Sanderson, Esquire of Broekville, seconded by Thos. Sheffield

Esquire, J. P. of Lansdown.

RnsoLvED.—-—’l‘hat the wise, dignified and moderate conduct pursued by
the Convention of the British American League, held recently at Kingston,
should commend itself to the approbation of all lovers of their Country,
and is calculated to confer lasting benefits upon all classes of the People; and
the suggestions in its eloquent address“to the People, if carried out, are
eminently calculated to restore our afiflicted Country, to more than her
wanted -prosperity and happiness.

On motion of Dr. McQueen, of Brockvillc, seconded by Henry P. R. Farre

Esq., J. P. of Elizabethtown, Mr. Glasford left the Chair, and George Crawford
Esq., was called thereto, after which, on motion of Mr. William Smith of Kitley,
seconded by Lieut. Colonel Arnold J. P. of Broekville, the thanks of the meeting
were voted to the Chairman and Secretary, for their able and valuable services.

It was after six o’clock, before the whole proceedings terminated. Apologies

were offered for the non-attendance of Col. Gugy M.P. and Mr. Murney, and
after “ God Save the Queen” had been played by the Band, and three hearty
cheers given for Her Majesty, and three rnore for the Ladies, the Whole Body


of the People, quietly dispersed, the greater part following to the tune of the
British Grenadiers.

We were glad to observe amongst the crowd, several of the Reformers of the
District, as also some Gentlemen from the neighbouring Districts of Bathurst,
Midland and Eastern.

[Original MS]

Bannrrronn Sep’ 27, 1849

Nothing can be more entirely satisfactory than my tour thus far—— I send
you a newspaper which gives a short sketch of it up to yesterday which went
off still more propitiously than previous days. The Conservatives came forward
with a very proper address. I have been escorted by hundreds all along my
way_— all men of substance driving excellent teams or mounted on good horses.
I have not Met with the slightest approach to insult Purposely I travel
accompanied only by Col Bruce and one servant. I do all that I can by replies
to addresses and otherwise to give My tour a non political character. It is
truly a magnificent country and a fine high spirited but withall contented and
loyal people.—— I shall continue my travels as long as I can for though it is very
hard work I am sure it is of the greatest use.——

Very sincerely Yours




Sep’ 27/49 ‘
Lord Elgin I.

No. 1
Farewell address Brantford,

To the Right Honourable James Earl of Elgin & Kincardine Knight of the
most ancient and most noble order of the Thistle Baron of the united Kingdom
of Great Britain and Ireland. Governor General of British North America
&c &c

We the inhabitants of the Town and Township of Brantford beg leave to
approach your Excellency on this yom departure from the Grand River valley
and tender to you our warnest acknowledgexnents for the distinguished honor
of your visit




Your Excellency has stated that your Mission is one of Peace. In our case
this has been emphatically the result. Political asperities have been softened
and have given place to higher and nobler feelings. Your Excellency has had
the high satisfaction of seeing in the various addresses presented to you, a
distinct recognition of the great principles of the constitution although as in all
communities we hold different opinions as to what may conducive [sic] to the
public Weal, we unite in upholding the constitution, and in giving all due
honour to the Representative of the Sovereign

We now say farewell but cherish the hope of soon seeing you amongst us
again accompanied by the Countess of Elgin and your infant Son

May God bless you and may he give you all personal and relative peace
and happiness

No. 2

To the Editor of the Niagara Mail.

Sm.—I heerd last week that your noble Governor Gineral war expected to
leave the city of savages, and that it war mor’n likely he would arrive where
white men reside on Friday. And on the mornin of that day I found out for
sartin that he would be along about 2 o’clock. So puttin’ on my Sunday-gm
to-meetin riggin, I war soon in the disputin’ terror—tory agin. And goin’ along
quite careless like, not appearin to be lookin at anything in particerlar, I
did’nt stop till I got oppersite the big court house. I soon saw that somethin’
more’n common war on hand. Everybody was all dressed up to the nines,
runnin’ round like all creation. Now and then one of the big bugs would pass
along, with three or four small flys follerin’ him askin questions and goin’ on
as though everything depended on beln’ wide awake. Then a crowd of chaps
would hold a caucus on the corner, and long confined elerquince would find vent
and a great many wise things would be said I tell you. I could always tell a
tory when he went along, from the way his lower lip would hang down. You’d
think a cart load of woe war a hangin’ onto his face it war stretched so long,
and he’s look twice as sour as a pickled crab apple, and about as pleasant as a
deranged wildcat. Seein’ a grist of fellers on top of the court house, starin’
down the lake, I thought I’d go up too and see what war to be saw. A well
dressed, smilin,’ good natured, double chinned man that war in the police
oflioe, the Recorder I recl<on—showed me how to get up. When I got to the
belfry there war three or four smart lookin’ chaps a fixin riggin to hoist the
Union John. Speakin’ to one of ’em—who was tall enough for a telegraph pole—-
I asked what he war again’ to do‘? “We’re agoin’ to show honor to Lord
Elgin,” sez he “the greatest man on this continent, by hoistin’ old England’s
cross bars.” What cross bars sea I pretendin’ I did’nt twig. “ Why ” replied
he “the cross bars that no nation war ever able to jump over, tho’ they’ve
been a tryin’ for the last thousand years.” None of em could get over but
Jonathan sez I.——-“ 0 well ” says he “ if Jonathan war able to go it, it war his



old dad John Bull that larned him, as the old rooster crows the young one larns.”
Yes sez I, when John Bull crows he sez “ cock-a-doodle-doc,” but when our
eagle flaps his wings he hollers “Yankee doodle doesl” Jest then half a dozen
chaps farther up the roof, cried out, “ thar she is ;” “ thar he comes I” “Whar l
whar l” sez the tall chap stridin up the smooth tin like a lamplighter. “Yes,
that’s the C’her¢yt7’ee!” sez he. “Hooraw for Elgin ” sez the crowd.-«Then the
chaps in the street began to make tracks for the dock. And gettin’ down stairs
I follered up the rear. It did me good to see the way the Reformers stepped
out they felt right! I kin always tell a Reformer at first sight.——He’s ginerally
a goodvlookin’ good natered, and good-talkin’ sort of a chap, with his head up
and breast stiekin’ out. None of yer pick-pocket downcast looks about him.
When I got to the wharf I edged thro the crowd till I got in a good place for
lookin’. Up cum the Cherrytree, as slick as goose grease, and she’s a proper
nice craft too. When she war about 200 yards from the wharf I saw they put
her at half power, every body thought then that she war agoin’ to stop. “ Now
gentlemen” sez a double breasted chap with a gold headed cane in his hand,
“now gentlemen, when I give the signal, mind you all sou.nd.”—“That’s him
in the stern,” said a dozen voices, and sure enough jest then a plain dressed
eternal smart lookin’ man, with a great broad high fox-ehead,—jest like Dan
Webster’s—-stepped forard and takin off his hat bowed most perlite. Then the
people sounded, and you’d a thort twenty steamboats had bust their boilers
to once. Then a real smart lookin lady came forard and the cheerin war kept
up. I cheered myself hoarse as a hoss when Lady Elgin appeared for I remem-
bered how the tarnal skunks of tories had insulted her at Montreal. She seemed
mighty pleased and her and Lord Elgin kept a lookin back as the boat passed
on, at full steam agin. I ought to have said that when the people commenced
to cheer, that a feller with gold leaf all round his cap came up to the Govemir
and bowin like a French dancin master seemed to ask him somethin, the
governor appeared to give some kind of an order, when presently the riggin
war full of blue jackets who cheered back in true man of war style.

Some people seemed to be sorry that the boat did’nt stop, but I had seen
Elgin, and war satisfied.

The only chap that did’nt seem pleased after all war over war an old feller
with a black eye on, and half a yard of shirt tail out! Sez he “that’s the way
it always is. No sort of pride or loyalty left at all, but all shoutin’ like so many
foreordained fools. You did’nt catch me cheerin’ thol I’d cut my tongue
out first I I’m true blue Tory, my dad war a tory and my gran dad war a tory,
and —~— -— —— I ar a tory and may I be ——- -— if I don’t die a Tory. -—- I belong
to the British Amerikin League and we’ll make you smell sulphur before long.
No use trying to do anythin with me I’ll die game. Hurraw for our sidel If we
haint got the most in figurs we make it up in property and intellect. I tell yer
agin I’m a Tory ! I”

“ You need’nt tell us so often,” said a wicked looking boy in the crowd—-
for you have the black flag up!” « And the signal of distress out!” said a jolly
sailor. “ 0 go on said the poor fellow, every dog has its day.



I remarked to a gentleman that toryism had been faithfully represented on
the occasion. For like the poor fellow its eyes are bunged and its shirt tail
sticks out while its old friends pass by on the other side’ its enemies laugh and
jeer at it.


Youngstown, N. Y. August 10.


On Saturday last the District Council being in Special Session, passed the
following Address to the Governor General.

We hope to have the Reply before our next issuer-—

To His Excellency the Right Honorable JAMES, EARL or ELGIN AND KINCARDINE,
Governor General of British North America, c’?:c., &c., &c.

May it please Your Excellency,

We, her Majesty’s dutiful and loyal subjects, the Warden. and Council of
the Niagara District, in Council assembled, beg to approach your Excellency
with renewed congratulations on your Excellency’s revisiting our District.

We have always looked upon your Excellency as one particularly desirous
to discharge the duties of your Excelleney’s station with impartiality and even—
handed justice to all classes of her Majesty’s subjects. And our views in this
respect are not changed by anything which has transpired since your Excellency’s
last visit to this portion of the Province.

We beg also to tender to your Excellency our hearty congratulations upon the
arrival, for the first time among us, of the illustrious young stranger, by whom
your Excellency and the Countess of Elgin are at this time accompanied. And we
entertain the earnest hope that his Lordship will long live to follow in the foot-
steps of his illustrious Ancestors, satisfied that neither their laurels so honourably
won, nor the name of Canadian so distinguished heretofore for true, disinterested
and devoted loyalty, will ever be tarnished by a Canadian educated under your
Excellcncy’s eye. ’

That your Excellency and the Countess of Elgiu, with the young Bruce, may
long continue to enjoy uninterrupted health and happiness, is the sincere and
earnest prayer of the Municipal Council of the Niagara District.


Council Chamber,
Niagara District,
8th Sept, 1849.



To His Excellency the Right Honourable Jznvms Earl of Elgin and Kincardine,
K. T., Governor General of British North America, and Captain—G’eneral
and G’oucmor—z‘n~C’hz’ef in and over the Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia,
New Brunswick, and the Island of Prince Edward, &c., &c., doc.


We the Inhabitants of Dunville and its vicinity, beg leave to approach Your
Excellency with sentiments of loyalty and attachment to Her Majesty’s Person
and Government, and to express to your Excellency the gratification we feel
at seeing your Excellency in this remote part of your Government, which, with
many other inland localities, you are no doubt at considerable personal incon-
venience in now visiting for the purpose of obtaining a more perfect knowledge
of the Country, than could be acquired by the hitherto more accustomed mode
of travelling by Steamers, and touching at the principal towns.

Hoping that this example of sacrificing ease and comfort to public useful-
ness so worthy the Representative of our gracious Sovereign, will be duly

‘ appreciated by our brother Farmers throughout the Country, for whose welfare

and prosperity your Excellency on former occasions has expressed a deep interest,
we beg to wish your Excellency God speed, and pray that you may have as
pleasant a tour as the rough state of our roads and honest country fare can
afford, and that you may return safely to your amiable Lady, doubly dear to
us as the Wife of your Excellency and the Daughter of the illustrious Nobleman
who laid the corner stone of Constitutional Government in this important portion
of Her Maj esty’s Colonial Empire.


On Friday last, I. W. PownLL, J onn B. Cnousn, Warden of the District, and
F. HAYCOCK, Collector of Customs, at Port Dover, Esqnires, received oificial
intimation of his Excellency the Govcrnor—GeneraI’s intention to visit this
County on the following day. The two former mentioned gentlemen, in con-
junction with the Reformers of Simcoe and Port Dover, immediately adopted
prompt measures for the conveyance of the gratifying intelligence throughout the
District, by despatching to the authorities of the respective Townships, special
messengers to announce the fact. The news spread with almost telegraphic
rapidity, and, notwithstanding the shortness of the notice, by eight of the clock
on Saturday morning, the good people of Port Dover li-ad the satisfaction of
seeing assembled in their thriving town, several hundred of the inhabitants of
the surrounding townships. As wagon after wagon rolled in loaded with the
staunch and loyal yeomanry of Talbot, gratification and pleasure beamed in
every countenance, and each man pressed anxiously forward to testify his
entliusiastic respect and affection for the honored Representative of Royalty——
the noble supporter of our Constitutional rights. By nine o’clock, about eight
hundred persons had collected.—Sl1ortly afterwards the Warden received a



despatch from Col. Bruce, announcing that owing to some disappointment con-

nected with the steamboat arrangements, it would be out of his Excellency’s

power to reach Port Dover until Monday evening. Instead of dampening the

ardour of the congregated hundreds, the intelligence inspired them with new

vigor, inasinuchas by deferring the time of his Excellency’s arrival, opportunity

would thereby be afforded to the farmers at a distance to take part in the

proceedings, and to the inhabitants of the District generally, to make preparations

for a demonstration worthy of them and of their distinguished County. At
the suggestion of several gentlemen, a meeting was forthwith organized at the

hotel of Mr. McQueen, which (the statement in the Tory Address, we this day

publish, to the contrary notwithstanding) was held in the most public manner,

and at which upwards of one hundred and fifty persons, as many in fact as the
room could hold, were present. At this meeting, of which I. W. Powell, Esq.,
was appointed Chairman, and Mr. M. H. Foley, Secretary, an Address to his

Excellency was adopted, and other appropriate arrangements made for his recep-
tion. The very best feeling prevailed, and from the enthusiasm manifested, it
became evident that Glorious Old Norfolk was thoroughly aroused, and that
on the Tuesday following a “turn out ” such as had never before greeted any
public man in this District was forthcoming. And the expectation was not
disappointed. On the night of Monday, a Deputation of fifty gentlemen and
immense numbers of the people of Port Dover, Simcoe, and the surrounding
country awaited his Excellency’s arrival at the landing place. The steamer
did not reach Port Dover until about twelve o’olock, and yet, even at that late
hour, some hundred persons were in waiting at the wharf; amongst whom were
deputations from Brantford, Paris, Oakland, and Norwich. On the boat’s
touching the wharf, three times three hearty British cheers saluted his Excel-
lency, which Col. Bruce, his Excellency’s brother, acknowledging by bowing
and waving his hat. The members of the deputation then proceeded on board,
and were severally introduced to his Excellency by the Wa1‘den of the District.
Before leaving the steamer, a deputation from the Tories of Simcoe, consisting
of Mr. Ford Jones, introduced itself to Col. Bruce, and presented the draft of an
address, which we give below, together with his Excellency’s reply, for a copy of
which We are indebted to Mr. Jones’ politeness. His Excellency proceeded ashore,
and having entered the carriage of Andrew Thompson, Esq., was conveyed
to the hospitable mansion of I. W. Powell, Esq., where he remained during his
stay at Port Dover.

At an early hour on the morning of Tuesday, the arrival of carriages from
every direction, denoted that the people of Talbot were on the move. From
seven until ten o’clock, they continued to pour in, until at last standing room
could hardly be found in the streets of the town.~-His Excellency having taken
time to examine the harbor and other objects of interest in the neighborhood,
signified his pleasure to receive the address of the inhabitants of Port Dover,
which was accordingly presented by I. W. Powell, Esq., with whom were
associated six other gentlemen of that place. The address we here insert:



To His Excellency, the Right Honorable James, Earl of Elgin and Kincardinc,
Governor General of British North America, &c., (be.

May it please your Excellency,

We, her Majesty’s dutiful and loyal subjects, the inhabitants of the Town
of Port Dover and its vicinity, in the Talbot District, beg most respectfully and
affectionately to approach your Excellency with assurances of the most pro-
found respect and attachment to our most gracious and beloved Sovereign, and
to bid your Excellency sincere and most hearty welcome on this, the first
occasion of your Exccllcncy’s visiting our young and thriving Port.

We trust that your Excellency and your noble and highly esteemed
Countess, with the young Lord Bruce, have derived health, pleasure and amuse-
ment from your Excellency’s present tour through this fair and loyal portion
of the Province. And we heartily and fervently wish your Excellency and your
Excellency’s beloved family many long and happy years of health, welfare,
and domestic enjoyment.

We trust that this will not be the only occasion during your Excellency’s
administration of the high olfice which your Excellency fills with so much honor
to the choice of our beloved Queen, and so much advantage to the welfare and
prosperity of the Province at large, on which we shall be favoured with your
Excellenc’y’s presence amongst us. And we trust that each returning visit will
not fail to impress more forcibly on your Excellency’s mind the great truth,
that the people of Western Canada are a pcaceable, a loyal, and a contented
people, when permitted to enjoy, as they have done since your Exce1lency’s
administration of the Government, the full benefits of the British Constitution.

The following gracious reply was given by his Excellency:


I sincerely thank you for your very cordial and affectionate address of Wel-
come. I regret nothing in my visit to Port Dover, except that the roughness
of the weather should have made me so late in my arrival last night, that I was
unable to see the beauties of the shore from the lake, and to make the acquaint-
ance of some of those who had kindly assembled to receive me.

Our visit to this portion of the Province has been most agreeable to my
family and myself. I have already seen a good deal since I commenced my tour
of the rural districts and of their inhabitants, and I hope ere it is finished to
have seen much more of both.

Lady Elgin and my son will, I trust, derive benefit from the pure air of
Niagara Falls, where I have left them for the present.

It will always be a real pleasure to me, when the course of my expeditions
through the Province enables me to visit Port Dover, and I trust that I shall
‘never fail to find here the same indications of loyalty and contentment which
have greeted me on the present occasion.

After the ceremony of presentation was concluded, the Marshals of the day,
Jacob Langs, Esq., and Mr. Jacob Lemon gave directions for the formation of
the procession, Which, headed by the excellent band of the Brantford Odd-



fellows and a troop of fifty horsemen, moved off, the band playing “Scots wha
has,” and amid the cheers of the assembled multitude, his Excellency’s carriage
took its place at the head of the cortege. As the procession arrived at the
different concessions and cross~roads, it was joined by numbers awaiting its
approach, and by the time of the arrival in town of the carriage in which his
Excellency was seated, the procession extended to the house of Mr. Adam
Misener, a distance of a mile and a half. By a gentleman who counted the
number, we are informed that in the train there were two hundred and thirteen
carriages, and flfty—seven gentlemen on l1orseback—such another display was
never before seen in Norfolk. It was truly a splendid demonstration, alike
worthy of the distinguished nobleman in whose honour it was made, and of the
glorious old County, by the inhabitants of which it was projected.

On arriving in town, the multitude proceeded to the Square in front of the
Court House—there could not have been less than two thousand persons present.
A platform was erected at the door of the Court House, on which his Excellency,
Colonel Bruce, and the gentlemen of the various deputations took their places.
In front and around stood the sterling yeomanry of Norfolk, their intelligent
features denoting their hearty delight at having it in their power to testify in
the presence of her Representative their devoted attachment to their Sovereign,
and their affection and respect for the man whom she delights to honour. On the
left of the platform crouched a score or so, (about all which it really contains)
of the Tories of the County, mortification and chagrin depicted in their counten-
ances. Of all the woc~hegonc appearances which We have ever witnesscd,—but
we forbear; our feelings of contempt give place to sincere compassion when We
reflect on the miserable, despairing attitude of Toryism on the occasion.

The District Address, which is as follows, was presented and read by John
B. Grouse, Esq., Warden of the District, in a clear, emphatic, and distinct

To His Excellency, the Right Honorable JAMES, Earl of Elgin and Ki7Lcardi7w,
K. T. Govem07’—Ge7Leml of British North America, &:c., etc, etc.

MAY rr PLEASE Yorm Excnnnnncvz

We, her Majesty’s most dutiful and loyal subjects, inhabitants of the
District of Talbot, beg leave to approach your Excellency with expressions of
sincere welcome on this, your ExceIlency’s first visit, to the Talbot District.

We hail with heartfelt joy the presence of your Excellency amongst us,
as the honored Representative of our beloved and illustrious Queen,—WhoIn
God preserve.

It affords us much pleasure to convey to your Excellency our profound
admiration of the wise, the impartial, and the Constitutional course your
Excellency has pursued, since your Excellency’s entrance on the Government of
this Province.

While your Excellency has been anxiously zealous for the preservation of
the prerogatives of the Crown, your Excellency has been no less solioitious
for the due observance of the rights and liberties of the people, thus maintaining



the integrity of the Empire, and advancing its best interests by promoting on
the grounds of common justice and equality, the welfare and happiness of all.

We respectfully beg leave further to express our gratification at the deter-
mination of your Excellency to visit the different districts of the Western sec-
tion of the Province, inasmuch as thereby the Inhabitants, so much maligned
by many of the disaffected public Journals, will have an opportunity of per-
sonally expressing to your Excellency, their sincere attachment to your Excel-
lency, and their hearty approval of your Excel1ency’s conduct in the adminis-
tration of the affairs of this important Colony.

That your Excellency and your noble Countess, the worthy daughter of an
illustrious nobleman, whose memory will be forever cherished by the Canadian
people, together with our own Canadian Bruce, may long live to enjoy every
blessing from the author and giver of all good, is the sincere and hearty prayer
of your Excellency’s attached and humble servants.

To which his Excellency in a manly tone of voice replied as follows:


I have frequently heard of the beauty and fertility of the Talbot District,
and truly glad am I, I can assure you, to find myself at Length among you.
This pleasure is much enhanced by the kindness and cordiality with which .you
have welcomed me.

The main purpose of my present tour is to make myself personally acquainted
with those parts of the Province which I have not previously visited. With
the view of penetrating more easily into Districts not generally frequented,
and of bringing myself more freely and familiarly into contact with their
inhabitants, I am travelling with the smallest possible attendance. It is,
however, both right and proper and most gratifying to me, that the dutiful
subjects of the Queen should avail themselves of the occasion of my visit, to
tender the renewed assurance of their devoted attachment to her Majesty
and to the Constitution of the Province.

I am truly grateful to you for the terms in which you refer to me as her
Majesty’s Representative in this important Province, and for the kind interest
which you express in Lady Elgin and our son. It is my earnest prayer that
my administration of the Government, may contribute to the permanent welfare
of Canada.

Mr. Ford Jones then read, or rather sang the annexed specimen of genuine
To His Excellency the Right H mwmble, JAMES, EARL or ELGIN AND KINCABDINE,

Governor General of British North America, &c., dtc.
May it Please Your Excellency-

We, her Majesty’s dutiful and loyal subjects, the inhabitants of the Talbot
District, avail ourselves of this, the first visit of your Excellency, to renew
the assurances of our continued and devoted loyalty to our beloved Queen.



We learn with much pleasure, that it is the intention of your Excellency to
visit the various Districts in the Western section of this Province, as they will
afiord your Excellency a favorable opportunity of becoming acquainted, not only
with the vast resources of this noble Colony, but also with the feelings and
sentiments of its inhabitants.

We deeply regret, that we cannot consistently with our avowed political
principles, concur in some portions of the Address prepared at a private meet-
ing of the supporters of your Excellency’s present advisers, in the District,
although at the same time, we cannot deny ourselves the pleasure of expressing
our gratification on your arrival amongst us.

At the present important crisis in the position of our country, we would
consider ourselves as wanting in cand0’ur and also in due respect to your
Excellency, were we, by a culpable and unzmanly silence on the present occasion,
to leave an impression on the mind of your Excellency, that the sentiments con-
tained in a portion of the address prepared by the Reformers of this District,
was the unanimous expression of the feeling of its inhabitants. We rejoice in
being considered as an integral portion of the British Empire: we cling with
feelings of the warmest affection to the link which binds us to the Mother country;
and we yield to none in attachment to the person and government of our gracious
Queen, and while at the same time, we indignantly repudiate the acts of those
men who, allowing their passions to overpower their judgment, committed the
wicked act of destroying our Parliament Buildings, together with the Archives
of the Province, and so far forgot the respect due to their Monarch’ as to offer
Her an insult in the person of your Excellency, we cannot avoid expressing
Our deep and lasting regret, that your Excellency should not have deemed it
expedient, on witnessing the great excitement occasioned by the introduction
of the Bill familiarly known as the “Indemnity Act” into the House of
Assembly, and on receipt of the numerous petitions addressed to your Excellency,
at once to have quieted the public mind, by a declaration, that you would never
give the royal assent to any act for the payment of Rnennsl We regret this
the more deeply, as we cannot but come to the conclusion that, had such an
assurance been given by you, the late disc:-editable scenes would never have

With this expression of our sentiments we again cordially welcome your
arrival, and join in the hope that your Excellency may derive much pleasure from
your visit to Upper Canada.

And his Excellency was pleased to say in Answer:


I regret that you should not have been able to concur with the other
inhabitants of the District, in an address, as a visit from the Representative
of the Sovereign is an occasion on which it is desirable that political differences
should be set aside. I accept however with satisfaction the assurance of your
attachrment to the Queen, and to British connection.



I cannot now enter into a discussion respecting the merits of particular
measures of the Legislature, or the course I have felt it my duty to take in
regard to them. The opponents of Government in this free country are entitled
to express their opinion on the acts of the administration, provided always that
they do so in fitting language and at the proper time, and that they do not
sufler themselves to florget the distinction which the constitution has has estab-
lished between the Representative of the Crown, and his Responsible advisers,
or the respect which all good subjects owe to the decision of Parliament.

I am obliged to you for the kind wishes you express for Lady Elgin, and
our infant son, and I have little doubt that my visit to Upper Canada will be
agreeable to me, if I find the condition of the people elsewhere as satisfactory
as I have hitherto found it to be.

(In the Address presented by the Tories they inserted matter not included

in that which they circulated. This accounts for the last paragraph of His
Excellency’s reply.)

There probably could not have been a more cutting reply, and yet the little
knot of Tories, for the moment forgetting their position and carried away by
the enthusiasm of the surrounding host of good and loyal subjects, actually
joined in the outburst of applause which succeeded the delivery of His Excel-
lency’s answer. As to the assertion thatthe District Address did not correctly
represent the opinions of the majority of the people of Talbot, the presence of
two thousand of them amply demonstrated its utter falsity; and the statement
that it was concocted in private, lost its eflicacy when by the same number it
was adopted and ratified in His Exce1lency’s presence.

After Mr. Jones (who, by the bye, appears to have jostled out of the way
Dr. Duncornb, Mr. Hunt and the other electioneering leaders of the Tories,)
had finished his song, he informed His Excellency that his Address had appended
to it 1,400 names—by whom they were subscribed he, with a proper regard for
truth, for which we give him due credit, declined to say. That at least 1,350
of them were forgcrics, no Tory in the County whose word is worth a fig would
dare deny. When Mr. Jones made the astounding announcement, we « noticed
that the respectable portion of the Tories stared hard, and Mr. Ritchie, who
Was standing behind his suddenly elevated junior partner, pulled his coat tail,
as much as to say, “ You’ve gone far enough, Ford, hold up-—every person is
laughing at you l”——-Fourteen hundred Tories in Norfolk! We Wonder if Mr.
Jones has not seen the sea serpent? A friend who was standing near Mr.
Covernton, informs us that that gentleman on hearing Mr. Jones’ “little bit of
Dardingable extravagance,” as our friend Mr. Thos. Walsh termed it, merely
twisted his whiskers with his fore finger, rubbed his hair down, looked very
demure, and triumphantly exclaimed, “What a long tail our cat’s got 1”

After his ExceIleney’s response to Mr. Ford Jones’ 1400 pounder, and the

cheers which followed had subsided, Wm. M. Wilson, Esq., as President of the
Simcoe Mechanics’ Institute, presented and read in a Very appropriate manner,



the adjoining excellent address from that respectable and, we are happy to feel
justified in adding, flourishing Association:

To His Excellency the Right Honorable JAMES Earl of Elgin and Kincardine,
Governor General of British North America, &c., &‘c., (be.

May it please your Excellencyzm

We, Her Majcsty’s dutiful and loyal subjects, the Officers and Members of
the Simcoe Mechanics Institute, beg to approach your Excellency to welcome
among us the Representative of our most gracious Sovereign.

We observe with pleasure the interest taken by your Excellency in the pro—
gress of improvements, agricultural, mechanical and otherwise, in this Province,
the efiects of which we hope at no distant day to see in Canada’s becoming one
of the finest portions of the British Empire, its primeval forests having given
place to cultivated fields, orchards and gardens, its landscape studded with
flourishing towns and villages, its improved lines of communication traversed
by steamers and locomotives, and the flags of all nations waving on the bosom
of its noble lakes and magnificent St. Lawrence.

Considering the diffusion of the highest degrees of scientific knowledge
among all classes of the people as essential to the prosperity of an agricultural
and manufacturing country, as well as to the intelligence, peace and good order
of its inhabitants, we rejoice in the formation of Agricultural Societies and
Mechanics’ Institutes, as practical auxiliaries to Seminaries of learning, for
disseminating such knowledge. And we approach your Excellency as a patron
of the Arts, to inform your Excellency that our Institution, although as yet in
its infancy, has already furnished a high class of information in Lectures and
Library books to the inhabitants of this Town and neighbourhood; and to
express our hope that your Excellency will continue to patronize such institu-

“°”“‘ W. M. WILSON, President,
W. WALLACE, Secretary.

To which his Excellency was pleased to reply:


To few Addresses since my arrival in the Province, have I listened with
greater satisfaction than to that which you have now read.

You sketch in brief and emphatic terms the future to which it is my ardent
wish that Canada may attain ,~ and what is more important still, you indicate
correctly the path which must be followed in order that results so much to be
desired may be achieved. Your Institute has my best wishes, and I trust that
it may long continue to contribute to the advancement of the Province, by
furnishing to the Inhabitants of this Town and neighbourhood instruction in the
higher departments of knowledge.

Three cheers having been given for the Queen, and three for the Governor-
General, his Excellency retired from the platform amid the universal plaudits
of the multitude, the Band playing‘ “ God save the Queen,” to the residence of



the Warden of the District, where a large number of the inhabitants of the
County were formally presented and received by his Excellency in the most
gracious and condescending manner; after which his Excellency, Col. Bruce,
and about one hundred gentlemen sat down to a splendid Luncheon prepared
for the occasion by the Warden. Among the company, we were happy to see
many of the veteran supporters of Constitutional Government ——men, who
through good and evil report, have ever remained true and steadfast to those
principles which they have now in the decline of life the satisfaction of seeing
triu.mphant, and which for many years were so outrageously maligned by an
unprinciplcd and fast expiring faction. The appearance of so many aged
pioneers was particularly gratifying, and the sparkling eye and joyous counten-
ance of each told in language more expressive than words could convey, the
satisfaction and delight with which they welcomed amongst them a Constitu—
tional Representative of that Sovereign in Whose service every man of them
had risked his life and fortune. The Luncheon disposed of, the Warden pro-
posed “the Queen,” « His Excellency the Governor—General,” “ Lady Elgin and
the Canadian Bruce,” and “Prosperity to Canada.” To the second and third
his Excellency briefly, but eloquently responded in most happy speeches, during
the course of which he was pleased to say that he “ had often heard of ‘ Glorious
Old Norfolk ’ without knowing why the term ‘ Glorious ’ was applied, but that
now he could thoroughly appreciate the appropriateness of the appellation,
and that his most pleasing reminescences would henceforth be associated with
his reception by its intelligent and spirited yeomanry.” Enthusiastic cheers
followed his Excellency’s remarks and the party separated.

At four o’clock the procession reformed for the purpose of accompanying
his Excellency to Oakland. At Waterford the inhabitants of “Staunch Old
Townsend,” ever foremost in their devotion to the cause of loyalty and good
government, had prepared a reception for his Excellency which, in the splendour
of its display, out—did even those given him at Port Dover and Simcoe.—Across
the main street a beautiful triumphal arch, prepared by the Ladies of the Town-
ship, had been constructcd—fiags and banners waved from the steeple of the
village church and the cupola of the Town Hall, which was beautifully decorated
for the occasion—the ladies of the village and township turned out to grace the
demonstration with their presencemand shouts of welcome rent the air. A more
joyous greeting it would be impossible to have given, had the illustrious Sover-
eign of Britain herself honoured the township with her ‘august presence‘ And
his Excellency seemed thoroughly -‘to appreciate it. His every Word and action
indicated the emotions of his heart. If in other Counties he be met as Old
Norfolk has received him, sure are we that he will feel proud of being the
Governor of the Canadian people.

Having alighted at the Town Hall he received the unanimous Address of
the Inhabitants, which was read by Dr. Walroth.



To his Excellency, the Right H onorablc, JAMES, EARL or ELGIN AND KINCARDINE,
Governor General of British North America, &:c. &:c.

May it please your Excellency,

We, the inhabitants of the village of Waterford and its vicinity, beg leave
unanimously, in the spirit of affectionate attachment to the person and govern-
ment of her Majesty, and to your Excellency as her Majesty’s Representative
in this Province to welcome your Excellency amongst us.

It will afford us much pleasure to learn that your Excellency is in the enjoy-
ment of good health. We cannot allow this opportunity afforded to us to pass
without tendering to your Excellency our hearty approval of the constitutional
and impartial course which your Excelly has pursued since your Excellency
entered on the government of this Province. During your tour through Western
Canada, we trust that your Excellency will have no reason to be otherwise than
Well pleased with the peaceable, quiet, and loyal conduct of its inhabitants.

Wishing your Excellency and Lady Elgin, and the young Lord Bruce a
pleasant and happy visit to Upper Canada.

We have the honor to be your Excellency’s humble and devoted servants.

And to which his Excellency thus responded:-—


I sincerely thank you for the cordial welcome which you have tendered to
me on the occasion of this, my first visit, to your village and neighborhood.
Your assurances of loyalty to our Queen and personal esteem and respect for
her Representative, are most gratifying to me. I have already seen enough of
this part of the country to make me anticipate much pleasure from my tour,
and have every confidence that I shall find the inhabitants, as I have found
them here, peaoeable, loyal, and contented.

The cheers which followed assured his Excellency of the devotion and
loyalty of the men of Townsend. The Band struck up a suitable air, and the
procession proceeded on its way to the confines of the County. ,

From Waterford we returned to Simcoe. To the District line his Excel-
lency was escorted by the main body of the procession, where hewas met by
the far famed “ Men of Gore,” in whose hands the loyalists of Norfolk left him,
after receiving from him the most gracious assurances of his satisfaction, and
sincere esteem for the inhabitants of “Glorious Old Norfolk,” and presenting
him with a “ Farewell Address,” of which the following is a copy, to which his
Excellency returned a suitable reply.

To His Excellency, the Right Honorable Jmvrm, Earl of Elgin and Kincardine,

Governor General of British North America, &c., &:c.

May it please your Excellency,

On behalf of the deputation honored with the appointment of making
arrangements for your Lordship’s reception on first touching the soil of this
favored District at Port Dover, we beg leave respectfully and affectionately to
approach your Lordship at the boundary line where you leave us, for the purpose
of bidding your Lordship an affectionate farewell.



Brief as is the interval which has elapsed since your Lordship arrived
among us, we have yet had ample opportunity of witnessing that courteous and
kindly disposition which has already so strongly marked the intercourse of your
Lordship with our brethren, throughout those portions of the Province which
your Lordship has already visited: and in performing that portion of the pleasing
and grateful duty with which we were honoured, viz., that of conducting your
Lordship to the limits of our happy and peaceable District; we have been
delighted to observe how truly your Lordship has acted in unison with the noble
example recently set in Ireland by your Lordship’s Royal Mistress——our deeply
revered and truly beloved Queen~—and how truly you have proved the full
extent of your Lordship’s own noble and confiding nature in the present political
state of this Province, by coming among its people in all that confidence of high
minded and correct feeling, and in the strict integrity of purpose which has
characterized your Lordship’s public and oiiicial conduct—~frec from the osten-
tatious parade of high oflice, and from the needless and costly pageantzy of
guards, or of a numerous and splendidly appointed retinue.

In this noble confidence we trust that your Lordship has already had ample
proof that you will not be disappointed. And as the Repeal flag has already
been hauled down by some of the most ably conducted and most talented of the
public press in Ireland, owing to the kindly and welcome visit of her Majesty
to that part of her dominions, we trust that it will not be deemed presumptuous
in us to hope that a like happy result will be produced in this favored land by
your Lordship’s well-timed and friendly tour among its people; and that the
balm of content, the oil of brotherly love, and mutual forbearance may be
poured over the troubled waters of dissension and political strife, which have
heretofore agitated this fair and truly happy land.

That such may be the fortunate issue of your Lordship’s visit to Western
Canada, is the fervent and heartfelt wish of the hundreds of freemen now sur~
rounding your Lordship at the boundaries of this District. And in praying
that it may please the Almighty Ruler of this world to bless and preserve your
Lordship and your noble and amiable Countess and infant son in health and
prosperity for very many years. And wishing you a safe and happy re~union
with those dear and beloved ones, we confide your Lordship to the trusty care
and guidance of our brethren the truly loyal and gallant men of Gore, with the
fervent, the kindly and the warm hearted farewell of the freemen of the Talbot
District and County of Norfolk.

We doubt not that his Excellency will be elsewhere throughout the Province
received with every mark of respect and aiiection, but that he will in no place
be met with more ardent and enthusiastic greetings than those with which the
Frcemen of Talbot hailed his presence in their District, we are well convinced.

May he long remain to gladden the hearts of her Majesty’s Canadian sub-
jects, is the sincere hope of the loyal portion of the inhabitants of “Glorious
Old Norfolk.”





(Abridged from the Niagara Mail)

Saturday last, the 15th inst. was the day appointed by His Excellency for
receiving an Address from the Inhabitants of this District, and one from the
people of Niagara.

About 11 o’clock the delegates and preparatory Committee, Messrs. Thor-
burn, W. Woodruff, McFarland, M.l?.P., and others assembled in the large dining
room of the National Hotel at Drummondville, to arrange the preliminary pro-
ceedings of the day. On motion of D. Thorburn, Esq., Warden, John C. Ball,
Esq., took the Chair, and James A. Davidson, of the Mail Office, was appointed

After the Delegates had signed the engrossed Address, which had been
executed in a most creditable manner by B. Foley, Esq., some discussion took
place as to the person who should read it to His Excellency. Mr. Thorburn did
not seem desirous of doing so, as he was one of the preparatory Committee, he
declined in favor of Mr. Foley. It had been determined that Isaac H. Johnson,
Esq., Clerk of the Corporation, should read the Town Address. The delegates
having been formed into a General Committee the original Committee joined
them. It being the understanding that the Warden should introduce the whole
body to His Excellency. Elias Adams, Jacob Garner and Arch’d Thompson,
Esquircs, were then appointed Marshalls to arrange the order of procession, &c.
Richard Graham, Abishia Morse, John 0. Ball, Jacob Garner, and Duncan
McFarland, Esquircs, were deputed to intimate to His Excellency that the
General Committee were prepared to present the Address.

A vast concourse of people had assembled, and it would be in vain to think
of forming anything like a correct estimate of their number. In point of
respectability, it perhaps surpassed any former meeting in the neighbourhood,
excepting the one for the re—construction of Brock’s monument.

The constant arrival of carriages of every description from the one horse
buggy to the mammoth waggon, drawn by four horses, was an evidence that
something of no ordinary nature was on hand. We noticed many respectable
Conservatives in the crowd, and were happy to see them cheer most heartily
for the Governor General when the time for doing so came round. The morn-
ing was cloudy and lowering and rainy, and though this circumstance may have
prevented many from attending, it cleared up in good time for the presenta-
tion of the Addresses.

Shortly after 1 o’clock the procession was formed, led by the Drummond-
ville Fire Company in their beautiful uniform, one of them carrying a silk
Union Jack. Next came the District Councillors, the Warden, and the Dele-
gates with the Deputuation from the Town of Niagara. Then followed the
People. The place selected to deliver the Addresses was the beautiful grove
between Drummondville and the Clifton House.



A platform had been erected by the Committee of Management for the
accommodation of His Excellency, the Committee, &c. The Countess with
other ladies came in their carriage, and His Excellency, accompanied by Col.
Bruce, arrived on horseback. The ladies were conducted to the seats prepared
for them, by Elias Adams, Esq., and as Lord Elgin approached through the
opening formed by the people falling back, he removed his hat and bowed to
them as he passed through. 011 mounting the platform he shook hands with
several of the Delegates, and took his place at one end of the stand. Three
times three were then given for His Excellency, Lady Elgin and the infant
Lord Bruce, the sound of which was like the voice of many Niagarais.

David Thorburn, Esq., then made an excellent introductory speech at this
point of the proceedings, and he was followed by William Woodruif, Esq., of
St. Davids, who spoke with much animation and to the point. B. Foley, Esq.
then read the District Address, in a very sonorous and correct manner——we give
the reply elsewhere. Isaac H. Johnson read the Town Address in an emphatic
and happy style.

When his Excellency had concluded his reply to the Niagara Address, three
cheers were again given for his Excellency, the Countess of Elgin and the
Queen, after which the vice-regal party departed for the Clifton House, accom—
panied by hundreds of the people. During the whole of the interesting pro-
ceedings, every thing was peaceable and orderly; all seemed to be of one mind,
and there was nothing like opposition manifested. We ought to have men-
tioned that a cannon was in use, and it kept booming away at intervals.

To His Excellency the Right Honorable JAMEs Earl of Elgin and Kincardine,
Govemor General of British North America, &c., &:c., Jae.


We, the Inhabitants of the Niagara District, approach your Excellency
with the deepest feelings of loyalty and attachment to her most gracious
Majesty’s person and Government.

We congratulate your Excellency upon this your Exce1lency’s second visit
to the Niagara District, at a period when (thanks to a beneficient and ever
kind Providence), while other parts of this Province are afflicted with an awful
calamity, the greater part of our own District has been preserved from the
destroying Angel, and nought but health, contentment, happiness and prosperity
are our portion.

, Under such favourable circumstances we cannot permit this opportunity to
pass without expressing our gratitude to her Majesty and her Imperial Gov-
ernment for protecting us in those privileges which are the inalienable birth-
right of Britons, and preserving to us that system of Government for which
We so long contended, and which we trust will (through the Constitutional
and firm course pursued by your Excellency, under recent trying and diflicult
circumstances) remain inviolate to us and to our children.




We would not at this time trouble your Excellency with any expression of
opinion on such a topic, were it not that we would consider it a dereliction of
duty, and as an act of the basest ingratitude on our part, to omit such an
expression, in favour of a Nobleman who must ever command the respect of
every Canadian, by the stand he has taken in defence of their liberties, and the
forbearance he has shown under the greatest provocation and insult.

Entertaining such sentiments, your Excellency must excuse us in giving
expression to them in this Address.

We also beg your Excellency to tender on our behalf to the Countess of
Elgin, our congratulations upon her Excellency’s arrival amongst us, with the
infant; Bruce. And to assure her Ehrcellency that it is with no small degree of
pride and pleasure, we couple the name of Durham (the originator of our
liberties, so universally honoured by Canadians) with that of Elgin, the pre-
server of those liberties, whose names will be handed down to our posterity as
equally deserving of our entire gratitude and esteem.

With renewed assurances of our admiration and support, and of our sincere
and fervent wishes for the welfare of your Excellency and all who are near
and dear to you, we tender to your Excellency and your Noble Consort an
unfeigned and hearty welcome.


It is truly gratifying to me that you should come forward on the present
occasion with so much cordiality to welcome me on my return to the District,
and to renew the assurance of your loyalty and attachment to Her Majesty’s
Person and Government.

That you should have been so mercifully preserved from the Scourge which
has visited other parts of the Province, is, indeed, a subject for much thank-
fulness, and I heartily join with you in gratitude to a kind Providence for this
great blessing.

My own experience in travelling in the District, fully bears out what you
state in your address, with respect to the contentment, happiness and pros—
perity, which prevail generally throughout it. These qualities have, as it
appears to me, their secret spring in the industry, economy, and sobriety which
are characteristic of the population. I have found in some parts the early
settler in the midst of a district which his own thriftful labor has converted
from a wilderness into a garden, enjoying a green old age and surrounded by
sons located on well cleared farms, his grandchildren, meanwhile, preparing
by diligent attendance at school, and the training of a well ordered home,
to tread in their turn the same path of usefulness and happiness. In others
I have observed the settler of a later date passing rapidly, by dint of steady
industry, from the log cabin to the frame house, and from the latter to the
mansions of brick or stone. Among such persons, as might be expected, little
is to be heard but the expression of gratitude to God and attachment to the
institutions of their country.



I cannot but feel much gratified by the allusion which you make to the
principles on which I have administered the government of the Province. I
have endeavoured to steer my course steadily by the light of the Constitution,
believing that I am thereby promoting your truest interests, and most faith—
fully obeying the commands of our gracious and beloved Sovereign.

Let me observe, however, that my mission among you is emphatically a
mission of peace. It is one of the peculiar advantages of our form of govern-
ment that the Representative of the Queen stands aloof from the conflicts of
party, so that he can the more unreservedly devote himself to the advance-
ment of those interests which tend to unite us as a people. And consider how
important these interests are. The completion of your unrivalled public works,
the improvement of your cultivation, the development of your trade, the
removal of all tramme-ls from your commerce, the extension of your educational
system are interests of this class——what merely party objects can weigh in the
balance against these?

It is with the view of gratifying myself by personal acquaintance with the
several Districts and their Inhabitants, to co-operate more oliectually with
you for the promotion of such interests, that I have undertaken my present
tour. I have already travelled without retinuc or parade over the greater part
of this District. I have been welcomed every where with the respect due to
my position, and with the frankness and kindness which is most agreeable to
myself. I shall visit other Districts in the same spirit, and trust that I shall
meet in them with a similar reception.

In conclusion I have to thank you very sincerely for your kind wishes for
the health and welfare of Lady Elgin and our son. I trust the young Bruce,
if he be spared, will prove that he is entitled, both by birth and parentage,
to be a good Canadian.


[Original MS]
GUEILPH. Sap’ 30. 1849


My progress is still in all respects most satisfactory to me —— As I have
a moment to spare today in the midst of the feasting, speech making and
addressing which fill my life at present I write this line to call y’ attention to
the contrast offered by the two enclosures herewith transmitted. The one being
the account of a great ‘Conservative triumph given by a Tory paper—~ in other
Words the report, from one of themselves of how a meeting got up to recieve
the Gov’ Gen‘ was broken up by the orange men. The other an address which


I reeieved yesterday on leaving the place ~— a beautiful and thriving village
in a populous country —— where I had passed the night. This address embodies
the morale of my tour.
Yours very sincerely


Sep‘’ 30/49
Lord Elgin
Rec‘ Oct‘ 23


No. 1
“ Pro Regina et Patria”
BYTOWN, C.W., Wrznnnsmy, See. 19, 1849.


It is with mingled feelings of regret and gratification we take up our pen
to record the events of Monday last~Regret that our hitherto peaceful Town
should be the scene of riot and bloodshed—Gratification that in the midst
thereof and while apparently surrounded by insurmountable difficulties, we were
able to defeat the Hellish designs of the reckless and cowardly leaders of the
Radical party in this District, and teach them a lesson, by them to be remem-
bered so long as there is a, Shiner left to throw a stone or a Frenchman

“ Who yells ” and runs away
That he may live to howl another day.

In order thatyour readers at a distance may be better acquainted with the
origin of the Row, we will lay it before them in an impartial manner, leaving
the “ naked truth” to be doubted by the Editor of the Packet, who, with that
unblushing efirontery so characteristic of the Rebel-rewarding party in all
probability might endeavour to attach the blame to the Conservatives. In fact
we are a little surprised that he has not already issued an extra headed “ more
doings of the bloody Tories,” with an account sufliciently replete with falsehood
to change the white laugh of the political apostate Collywest, into the broad
grin of the cadaverous gentleman who delights in the name of Robert Lees, and
translate the roseate hue from the checks of their absent man of business, to
the turn up countenance of Henry J. Friel, whose power to blush ceased with
his capability of telling the truth. But to the point—~some two or three weeks
ago it was rumoured in Town that Lord Elgin intended paying us a visit—
mysterious hints were thrown out as to the chance for the seat of Government,
and in the language of the late Lord Sydenham, we were told “any person




with half an eye could see where the seat of Government ought to be.” The
Judas—embrace was tendered, but respectfully declined——the intelligent men
comprising the Conservative party were not inclined to sacrifice the great prin-
ciple of Conservatism to any local interest, and regretted that neither the past
conduct nor the present pretensions of the Radicals in Bytown, were such as
would warrant them in extending the right hand of fellowship—Suffice it to
say their overtures were indignantly rejected. Their usual system of dodging
was resorted to, and after having vainly endeavored to get our worthy Mayor
to sanction a meeting to be held at such time and place as they thought proper,
they immediately threw themselves into the arms of their pet Councilmen and
fellow Radicals—Charles Sparrow and Joseph Turgcon. These gentlemen
delighted at the opportunity thus afforded them, promptly responded to the
call and called a meeting upon -the shortest posible notice, to be held as requested
by the Radical requisitionists, at the North Ward Market.

The North Ward Market is situated at a distance from the Gaol in the
least respectable but most Radical part of Lower Town—~in the immediate neigh-
borhood of the Market there reside (with few exceptions) as notorious and
accomplished a set of blaekguards as this Town or any other can boast of——
several hotels and shebeen shops, owned or occupied by “frinds”, surround
the square-hence the desire of these cowardly assassins to have their meeting
at their strong hold. ‘

Previous to the meeting Mr. John Scott, M.P.P., in the presence of some
of his own party, from whom we derived our information, repeatedly invited
the Conservatives to a trial of strength, and with that superabundant stock of
what the Yanl<ee’s term gas, so proverbially his own—threatened to drive the Conservatives root and branch, lock, stock and barrel into the Ottawa—and to use his own words, if necessary to H——L. Did he do either ‘? the sequel will show. The Rads are great Genei-als~clever fellows at least if you take their word for it—~it is no trouble for them to get up a meeting and carry every thing before thein—or nol they know precisely how to do it. Their Requisition while purporting to be addressed to the Inhabitants of Bytown, was artfully directed to  » all others ”—the Gatineau was drained——-wee Charley Rowan and big Jerry Sullivan were dispatched in one direction—the brothers in Law were seen emerging from their respective dens at the Treasury, wcnding their way to Hard Scrabble—-whilst the several satellites that surrounded the political dogstar prepared their revolvers. The Conservative party in Bytown, in the meantime, were not slumbering, and firmly resolved to present a bold front notwithstanding the display of fire arms openly made by the opposite party while fortifying their dens, Contrast the difference between the conduct of the two parties, and then Say Who were the friends of Law and order. It is certainly the fact, that Monday was a greater market day than usual, which accounted for the presence of several of the Farmers in Town, but these “good men and true ” attended that meeting as became peaceable citizens. It was previously arranged by the Conservative leaders, that every individual belonging to their party should under 504 ELGI N —G’RE Y PAPERS [Enclosure] no pretence whatever appear at the meeting with any weapon, not even a whip or a cane which might give olfence, which arrangement was strictly carried out. Upon arriving at the ground we occupied a position from which we could distinctly see the movements of both parties——one glance was sufficient to show us that two-thirds of the meeting were Conservatives, and none so well knew it as the leading Rads themselves. The cry of “lost” was raised by them, and with that tact creditable to rogues, but disgusting to honest men, they immediately set to work to devise means to break up the meeting—fro1n mouth to mouth the cry of the Rads was—we are lost unless you can make it “ no meeting”—“ commence a row, the authorities will disperse the crowd, and then Friel will make it all right in the Packet on Saturday.” Reformers dare you deny it? Have we not had it candidly acknowledged by the respectable Rcformers at the meeting, “that their friends commenced the row, but the Conservatives finished it.” Immediately after Mr. Sparrow, one of the Magistrates who called the meeting, had read the Proclamation, he proposed John Scott, Esq., as Chairman -—When Edward Malloch, Esquire, M.P.P., in amendment proposed Dr. Hill. While the clamour usual to meetings where rival Chairmen are proposed was going on, Mr. Turgeon was endcavoring to make himself heard when the row commenced. It was a Raftsman from the Gatineau that created the disturbance -——(the Gatineau is situated about two miles from the Town of Bytown, and is infested with a tribe of those gentlemen——fricnds of the Rads, whose law is the will of their leaders, and who hold themselves in readiness the willing tools of these designing men, and like other assassins require but the victim marked With- out further inquiry as to the cause of offence.) The first words uttered by the ruflian were, let us see if you dare put Turgeon down, and upon a Conservative saying “Hill will be our Chairman”——-about six of these devils incarnate rushed upon him, and according to a signal previously settled upon by Mr. Scott’s party, about half a dozen stones were tossed in the air as a warning to their party to fall back behind their piles of stones in front of a Tavern kept by a person named Leamy, and then commenced the work of destruction—they rushed forward in a. body and hurled the stones in the midst of an unarmed and peaceable assembly, and for about ten minutes maintained their ground with a spirit becoming a better cause——but their triumph was short-lived——the Conservative party did not see the propriety of allowing themselves to be pelted with stones without return- ing them, and in an incredible space of time, much less than we occupy in describ- ing it, not a shiner or a rad was on the ground to approve or disapprove of an address to His Excellency the Earl of Elgin and Kincardine. These fiends in human shape then ran to seven different places, where they had previously deposited their fire arms, and returning within gun—shot and stationing them- selves in the different houses surrounding the Market, deliberately commenced firing upon the Conservatives, who had returned to the temporary stand erected for the speakers at the meeting, and had passed their address. In the very thick of the fire, although unarmed and some of them wounded, these brave fellows maintained their ground and coolly voted the thanks of the ELGI N -GEE’ Y PAPERS 505 [Enclosure] meeting to their Chairman, and gave three times three for Her Most Gracious Majesty, which was responded to by shots from their cowardly assailants safely ensconsed in their several places of retreat. The Mayor immediately sent a Requisition for the Troops, and in the meantime a few Conservatives provided themselves with arms, while those on the ground kept the villains at bay with nothing but stones and an occasional charge, and securing a few prisoners——as soon as the Conservatives were armed a few shots were fired by them, and twenty—four of the leaders secured~—at the least calculation fifty shots were fired by the Radicals before one was returned, owing to the fact of the Con- servatives not being armed. The Military arrived, but the remainder of the villians were, what sportsmen term, “no where.” Several, we regret to say, were wounded on both sides, but at present we have not heard of any wounds that proved fatal——several of the leaders were lodged in Gaol, and at the sitting of the Magistrates in the evening some of them were admitted to bail, to be further examined to~morrow morning. We forbear making any remarks as to the guilt or innocence of the parties arrested, preferring to leave them to the proper authorities who we arc convinced will give them justice. Although Conservatives in Bytown have reason to rejoice at the signal triumph gained on Monday—although the 17th of September will long be remembered by the Radicals here, and a silent tear be shed over their misfor- tune——still we deeply regret that we have been reluctantly compelled to administer a castigation so severe——but when men so far forget themselves as to resort to deadly weapons and place themselves on the level with the brute, by resorting to such acts of violence-—they cannot expect that men will tamely submit. Now comes the question~—who created the riot, and which party are to blame for arousing the fierce passions of our nature, and inciting us to deeds of blood—-—most assuredly not the Conservatives—We defy our bitterest enemies in Bytown to charge us with acting otherwise than in self defence—we repaired to the meeting peaceably—unarmed, not anticipating a breach of the peace—- we were met by an armed and well organized band of rufliians brought there for the express purpose of creating a riot, and faithfully did they pursue the line of conduct chalked out for them by their unprinciplcd leaders, and even these desperadoes, if they can be dignified by that title, when they saw their leaders Scott, Lees, Friel, Harris, & Co., retiring before the indignant Britons in double quick time, with their coat—tails fluttering in the breczc—with an idea in their heads that they could “ see just as well by standing a little farther back ”~«felt that they had been duped and basely deserted by those men whose tools they were, and to whom they looked for directions how to act in time of danger»- and these fellows did not hesitate to upbraid their leaders charging them with cowardice in allowing prisoners to be taken and solemnly vowed their deter- mination never again to trust their precious carcasses to the tender mercy of the Conservatives under the guidance of such doubtful champions of Reform. The Packet of Saturday last held out threats that the Conservatives would be controlled——meaning that if everything did not please them, the Conser- vatives would be ill—treated——it was an attempt to “ bluff ”—there was no mis- 506 ELGI N -GRE Y PAPERS [Enclosure] taking it, and that very article tended to produce bad feeling. It was further currently reported that the Radicals would appear at the meeting with two addresses, a political and non-political one, to be guided according to cir- cumstances—this was another inducement for the Conservatives to be on their guard. We understand that charges are about being preferred against John Scott, M.P.P., and one Robert Lees, a Barrister lately arrived amongst us for inciting, ordering and encouraging their “ fronds” to fire upon the Conserva- tives——but more of this anon. A Word before parting, the Conservative party in this, as in every other case, were first attacked; and the forbearance exhibited by them after they quclled the riot, towards men who, under similar circumstances, would have left “ none to tell the talc,” is but another evidence of their generosity to their foes—their confidence in the justness of their cause——and their firm desire for the maintenance of peace and the supremacy of the Law. This forbearance has often been cxercised~——it has been frequently counted upon; it has been alas! too, too often forgotten by those towards whom it has boon extended. We would earnestly entreat the leaders of these rash men, to warn thorn that there is a point beyond which “ patience ceases to be a virtue.” Today we have a meeting as previously advertised——let all peaoeable people use their influence to allow it to proceed regularly. We pledge ourselves no Conservative will forget himself—lct a fair, candid, and honest feeling be expressed, and then Lord Elgin may learn before his arrival whether he can take it for G.rant~ed that his presence will be agreeable to the brethem in this District, of that party Whose 80 petitions, signed by over 100,000 loyal and devoted subjects of Her Majesty, were treated with contempt by the Earl of “ dignified neutrality ”—and certain parties in this Town well know what chance they have of pocketing—the “ consideration” guaranteed in the event of their carrying their point here. We have not room this week for the procedings and speeches made after the radicals were drove off the ground, and must content ourselves With merely giving the Address passed on the occasion. To His Excellency the Right Honomble JAMES EARL or Enom AND Kmcnnnmn, Knight of the Most Ancient and M ost Noble Order of the Thistle, Governor General of British North America, and Captain General and Governor in Chief in and over the P7‘O’Ui‘/L088 of Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and the Island of Prince Edward, and Vice Admiral of the same, (loo. &:c. &:c. MAY IT rnnssn Your: EXCELLE.NGYZ—— We the Inhabitants of Bytown and its vicinity beg leave, on this your Excel- lency’s first visit to this section of the Province, to approach your Excellency as the Representative of our most Gracious Sovereign, and to receive the expres- sion of our feelings of unalterablc loyalty, attachment, and devotion to Her Majesty’s most illustrious person and Government, and our steadfast desire to preserve inviolate the connection between this Province and the Mother Country. ELGIN—GRE’ Y PAPERS 507 [Enclosure] While we beg to approach your Excellency with the respects due to Her Majcsty’s Representative, we cannot in justice to ourselves, avoid conveying to your Excellency our unqualified disapprobation of the unprecedented course pursued by Your Excellency’s present advisers, whose whole system of policy in the Administration of public affairs in this Colony, from the day of their assumption of power to the present time, we most unhesitatingly and emphati- cally condemn. The Meeting called by the Mayor, and advertised for Wednesday, did not take place, having been put a stop to by the proclamation of the Mayor, who, yielding to the urgent and imploring solicitations of the Leaders of the Radical party——-Who trembled at the idea of a second collision between their friends and the Conservativesmbegged of him in the most beseeching and abject manner, that he would exercise his authority, and by so doing, save them and their party from political and physical defeat, both of which ‘they would have suflered with a. vengeance, had the meeting gone on, and had they attempted, as they did on Monday, to create a disturbance. And as the sequel proved, right good cause had Lord Elgin’s friends to dread the coming of Wednesday, for about the hour of half-past eleven o’clock. about a thousand of the brave and sturdy Conservatives of Carleton marched into town and drew up upon the Meeting—ground, where not a single radical could be seen. In the meantime the leaders of the Radical party had assembled a large body of “M1iN” in the North Ward, armed with muskets and bayonets, seythes, and other deadly weapons, who kept up a great racket among themselves by cheering and exhibiting other demonstrations of courage, at a safe distance from opposition. The whole country had been ran- sacked for blood—thirsty blackguards to carry the Meeting, had the Conservative party not been~—as it was on Monday——strong enough to put them down. About 12 o’clook the Troops were called out and stationed on the Sappers’ Bridge to stop all communication. When the Conservatives found there was to be no meeting; and learned that, the opposing party were armed in such force, they ranged themselves on the brow of the Government Hill. mustering, in all, about fifteen hundred Well~am1ed men, where they remained until they partook of some refreshments, after which they quietly dispersed without firing a shot in the town, or doing anything likely to tend to a breach of the peace. On Monday, as well as Wednesday, the Britons of Carleton turned out nobly to assert, and defend their rights; and We trust the radicals have thereby been taught such a lesson as they will not soon forget. We hope they have found out to their satisfaction, that the County of Carleton is Conservative, and nothing else, and that for the future they need never attempt any political trick to give it a radical colouring. Great praise is due to the spirited inhabitants of the surrounding townships, for the alacrity they displayed in turning out to defeat the machinations of Lord Elgin’s servile adherents, who would feign have adopted an Address to that miserable apology for 2. Governor, that would have given the lie to the feelings 508 ELGI N -GREY PAPERS [Enclosure] of the people. They came forward with the coolness and determination of men who knew their rights, and their acts proved that they knew how to defend them. We have not space today to enlarge on this subject, but we shall resume it next week; but before concluding, we cannot omit noticing the praise—worthy conduct of the Mayor and the authorities in preserving the peace, nor can we forget the exertions made by Mr. Turgeon on Wednesday to prevent elfusion of blood. A strong force of Special Constables were sworn in who patrolled the Streets all night, and kept the town in perfect tranquillity. Among the arms with which the leaders of the Radical party furnished their men on Wednesday, to attack the Conservatives at the meeting intended to be held on that day, were a large number of muskets and bayonets, belonging to the Government, which have been in the Hull Magazine since the time of Lord Dalhousie. Owing to the capture of four Muskets by the Special Constables on Wednes- day night, a party of the Rifles under the command of Major Clements proceeded to Hull in search of the arms. On proceeding to the Arsenal they found three men named Andrew Leam [mutilated] Wright, Junr., and Joshua Wright who resisted them, and swore they would not give up the Muskets, one of whom presented a Musket with a fixed bayonet at one of the Officers. The three individuals above named were then taken prisoners, and brought to the Barracks on this side, and after an investigation before the Mayor and other Magistrates, we understand they are to be liberated on bail being given. The soldiers brought over two brass cannons, a number of swords, muskets, and other military accoutremenrts, together with a quantity of gun—powder. We make no apology for issuing a half sheet today, the excitement of the last few days having tended considerably to retard the business of our ofiice. It is not every day that a pitched battle occurs between the radicals and our party, and printers as well as other Britons, like to have a hand in the reform races. Our Devil says that he never saw such dastards as the radical leaders of Bytown, Poor fellows, if they had not found fences and platforms to conceal them, how they would have begged for mercy and protection, from their victorious opponents. No. 2 To Hrs Exonnnnncv THE RIGHT HONORABLE JAMES, EARL on ELGIN & KINCAB.- Dmn & BARON Enom or ELGIN K.T. &o &o May it please Your Excellency, We the Inhabitants of Paris and its vicinity cannot allow Your Excellency to leave without expressing the high gratification we have experienced from your visit to this part of the country and we beg to assure your Excellency that your w n————.. -._‘ ELGIN —Cv’RE Y PAPERS 509 [Enclosure] urbanity and kindness and the interest you have manifested in the wellfare of the Province have secured for your Excellency a place in our hearts which will never be lost. We have heard your Excellency say that your mission is a mission of peace. So far as Paris is concerned we feel assured that your object has been aecom— plished for men of all parties have joined in the demonstration made on Your Excellencys reception and We trust that in your future progress through the Province you will not have occasion to feel that your welcome has been less hearty. In bidding your Excellency farewell we hope, we only do so for a time and that your Excellency——retaining the confidence of our Sovereign and securing by your constitutional conduct the approbation and support of the whole people of Canada may long remain among us to preside over this the most important Colony of the British Empire ~ May Almighty God protect & prosper you [Original MS] Private LONDON C.W. Oct 4. 1849, Mr Dam: GREY, I send two newspapers with further accounts of my progress.1 This is the only place at which any shew of disrespect has been attempted. The party so offending is very small in number though not Wanting in audacity.-—It is a tolerable sample of what you find in Canada——- A procession of several thousand accompanied me to the Town.——- The warden and D* Council voted 9. most com-« plimentary addrcss——~ The Town Council D »—— The Representative for the County supports the administration & the member for the town a most moderate & liberal Conservative read me an address of the same character— But the Mayor is a most violent person~& what with his oflicial influence & a band of devoted Orangemen trained to violence who reside in the back township & are brought in when their services are required, he can make a kind of emeute when he pleases-~ He tried to get me into a scrape yesterday by sending a copy of his address at so late an hour that I c“ not make an answer to it, in the hope of obliging me to fix a special time for the presentation. I wrote my reply however in the carriage & foiled him-— Yr very sincerely . EDGIN & KINCARDINE The EARL Ganr [Endorsed] Lord Elgin Rec“ Oct’ 23 1 Only one cli-pping is in the collection. 510 ELGIN-GRE Y PAPERS [Enclosure] JOURNAL AND EXPRESS HAMILTON FRIDAY Snrr. 28 Hrs ExcnLLnNcv’s TOUR Lord Elgin, accompanied by his Military Secretary, Col. Bruce, and attended by a single servant, embarked at Dunville on Monday last, in the London steamer, for Port Dover. The Weather was extremely tempestuous which prevented the steamer making the port till past eleven o’clock at night. In the morning His Excellency received an address of welcome from the inhabitants, to which he returned a suitable answer. Shortly after a large cavalcade * formed of the inhabitants and people * surrounding country, when His Excellency accepted the invitation of the people of Simcoe to visit that town—a deputation being present for that purpose. At Simcoe he was received with enthusiasm. An address, couched in strong expressions of respect and loyalty was presented. His Excellency’s reply elicited loud and long applause. The torles presented an address, which we learn was remarkable for vulgarity and impudcnce. The gentlemen, however, made little by it, as the reply must have galled them, if they have the least particle of sensibility. On his Excellency’s arrival at Waterford, the crowd of persons was very great, -and nothing could exceed the enthusiasm of the intelligent and loyal citizens and yeomanry of this fine section of the country. Several addresses were presented and replies made. Owing to the anxiety of the people to see the Q,ueen’s representative and show that respect which is due to his high station and his own private and public worth, it was eight o’clock before the cortege reached OAKLAND. The village had been all alive during the afternoon, and deputations from Norwich and Oakland were in attendance to Wait on His Excellency with addresses of welcome and congratulation. The gentleman of Norfolk, (among Whom we observed I. W. Powell, Esq., Dr. Crousc, and Rev. Mr. Clarke,) who had thus far escorted His Excellency, recommended him to the “ Men of Gore.” Loud cheers notified the pleasure with which the charge was accepted. After the addresses from Oakland and Norwich were read, the Rev. W. Clarke of Simcoe read an affectionate farewell to his lordship which elicited a feeling and appropriate reply. MOUNT PLEASANT A large deputation from Mount Pleasant, with Abraham Cook, Esq., at their head, had been early in attendance, and His Excellency got into Mr. C‘ook’s carriage, and the deputation proceeded to this gentleman’s elegant mansion, Where a number of gentlemen had been invited to meet His Excel- lency. A large deputation from Woodstock waited on his lordship to know * Clipping torn. .__,, “E ._.__..-__..-—\__‘§____ h__,.. ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 511 [Enclosure] when it would be possible for him to visit that town. His Excellency could not name a day, but assured the deputation that he would visit the town. At about 10 o’clock His Excellency and a number of gentlemen and ladies sat down to 9. most excellent repast—prepared by the hospitable owner of the mansion, and a very pleasant party it was. We were delighted to see His Excellency look so well and enjoying the passing scene. We may here remark, that Mr. CooK’s mansion has been only newly [*] very handsome and large. His Excellency at the request of one of the party was pleased to name it “ Bmcefield.” The fol- lowing morning was ushered in with the firing of canon and other demonstra- tions of joy. Two large triumphal arches were thrown across the road, and banners floated in the breeze. A large procession from Burford, carried a beautiful flag inscribed « Elgin, the People’s Governor.” The whole country seemed to be roused, and people came flocking into the village from an early hour. A deputation from Brantford, headed by Mr. Merrygold, had the night before waited on His Excellency, with an address, beginning “ We the C’onse7‘va— tive inhabitants,” &c. His Excellency declined to receive it, as he came to administer justice to all classes of Her Majesty’s subjects, and could not recog- nize any party distinctions. The address was afterwards altered, and will be found below. About half-past twelve, on Wednesday, Mr. Van Brooklyn, one of the managers of the day, announced the approach of the Brantford proces- sion, and shortly after the music from two excellent bands was heard, and the procession approached in the following order:—- Three horsemen, with Banners, abreast. George Babcock, Esq., Marshal. Band. Two-horse Carriages. Band. Carriages and Waggons. Horsemen. Mount Pleasant is situated in a beautiful level plain, and the day being very fine, the procession had an imposing and pleasing appearance. An address having been read from the inhabitants of the village, his Excellency returned a very complimentary reply. A beautiful light carriage, drawn by a very handsome pair of Canadian ponies, and tastefully caparisoned, had been brought from Brantford to convey his Excellency and Mr. Cook to that town. This very unique and really hand— some turn out belongs to Mr Babcock’s son, a lad of about 14, Who on this occasion acted as charioteer, and the little fellow handled the reins and whip in true coachman style. The procession, which extended at least a mile in length, being formed, proceeded towards -—..___ * Clivbinc»: torn. 512 ELGIN-GRE Y PAPERS [Enclosure] BRANTFORD Colborne Street was full of triumphal arches and the majority of the windows displayed large placards of “Welcome Elgin.” The approach towards the town was very fine. The winding of the river the harbor, and three steamers lying close up to the town, indicated the rapid commercial advancement of this splendid country. At the boundary of the corporation, his Excellency was greeted by a discharge of small arms, from a number of the Six Nations of Indians, who were in their war dress, and a native Band played the national anthem. On crossing the Bridge, the children of the public schools, under the direction of Messrs. Winterbottom and Tupper, were paraded on each side, and his » Excellency passed through them, when they closed in and followed the carriage to Clernent’s Inn, where the children being provided with boquets and flowers, threw them into the carriage and strewed the passage from the carriage to the house with flowers, a compliment which seemed to give his Excellency great pleasure. The following was the order of the procession as it entered the town:- School Children Indians-—many in war dresses. Messrs. Thorburn and Clench, Indian Commissioners. District Magistrates. Town Councillors. St. George’s Band. Hook and Fire Companies. Double Carriages. Single Carriages. Double Waggons. Horsemen. A platform had been erected on the public square, to which his EXCELLENCY repaired to receive the several addresses. Dr. Dronr, the Mayor, read the town address, Without making any comment. We regret that We were not able to procure a copy of it, as well as the reply. DAVID Cnursrrn, Esq., read the address from the Township and introduced it with the following excellent speech: Mr Loan :—~ Your visit to Brantford has afforded the highest satisfaction to Her Majesty’s loyal subjects, in this part of the Country. As your Lordship has seen, our natural advantages are very great. A bountiful Providence has blessed us with peace and plenty. It is natural that we should think highly of our country, but we do believe that in point of agricultural resources, the true wealth of a People, it is not surpassed by any section of the Province. Within the last few years where only the aborigines roamed, highly culti- vated fields mark the progress of civilization. As your Excellency is no doubt * »‘*r“ ~——a-.n,_ ._….-9. __ ELGI N -GEE Y PAPERS 513 [Enclosure] aware, in 1836 the whole Population of the Grand. River Tract, comprising the new Townships to the South, scarcely exceeded 800: according to the last census the Population of the Town and Township of Brantford alone is 8085. Since that time the navigation of the Grand River has been completed as far as Brantford. We have new water communication with the Ocean either by the St. Lawrence or the Erie Canal. The completion of the navigation has also given an immense increase of hydraulic power so that at no distant day we have reason to hope that Brantford will be a Town of considerable importance. Although on this occasion it would be improper to refer to public measures, We feel that one important step is necessary to advance our prosperities, namely reciprocity with our neighbours on the other side of the lines. We are aware that the present state of the market is not a fair criterion, yet such a measure would give us all the advantages of two markets and two means of communi- cation. We have seen with delight that Your Excellency has laboured to effect this object. Much of your valuable time and attention has been devoted to it and we earnestly hope, that ultimate success may crown your negotiations. Important as this measure is, I can assure your Excellency that this and every measure of Public utility is subordinate to the great principles of the constitution, for the establishment of which your Excellency has so faithfully and successfully contended. Yes, My Lord, I express the feelings of the multitude around you, wl1e11 I say that we feel that we owe you a debt of gratitude which we can never repay. It is true that misguided men have apart from the respect due to the Representative of the Sovereign, committed acts which it is to be hoped in their sober moments they may regret; acts which have cast a stigma on the history of our country. Your Excellency has said that your visit is a mission of peace; may God forbid that anything should frustrate your high and Noble purpose. My Lord, the men of Gore are not the men to insult your Excellency by attempting to drag you into the arena of Party politics. They ever will pay deference to that position which as the Representative of the Sovereign you occupy. We revere that glorious constitution which while it maintains unimpaired the Royal Prerogative, secures the liberty of the subject. We are jealous of our rights, and by the help of God, will defend them against every foe. We are equally prepared to defend the Representative of the Sovereign in the exercise of his proper functions, I repeat it is our earnest hope and belief that nothing will occur to mar the success of your enterprize but, at the same time we as- sure your Excellency that no insult can be ofiered with impunity. Your Excellency bears an honoured name. You are descended from a King whose patriotic deeds have immortalized him as the benefactor of his country. To that name your Excellency has given additional lustre; through good and through bad report you have steadily adhered to the path of duty. Allow us cordially to congratulate you on the signal mark of Royal favour which has been bestowed 011 YOU, by yom‘ elevation to the B. Peerage; it affords us additional proof. that Her Majesty is determined to maintain inviolate her control over her N. A. Colonies, and, my Lord, it affords us no small satisfaction to lmow that the heir to those distinguished honors is a Canadian. 9337-33 514 ELGI N -GEE Y PAPERS [Enclosure] . The thing alone in this day’s proceedings we regret is that the Countess of Elgin is not present. We have a very warm love to her for her father’s sake; as the great founder of the charter of our liberty he is endeared to us by the strongest ties. To the last days of our lives we will cherish a most grateful remembrance of his and your Excellency‘s magnanimous patriotism. The following is his ExcELLnNov’s anrnr. GENTLEMEN: I most thankfully accept your cordial welcome to Brant- fcrd, and the emphatic assurance of your devotion to our beloved Queen and attachment to the Constitution of the Province which accompany it. That our gracious sovereign should have been pleased to confer upon me a signal proof of her approbation and favor, is to me a subject to sincere grati- tude and encouragement to persevere in the course which is pointed out to me by my duty to Her Majesty and the people of this province. I can conscientiously declare that since I have been among you the perform— ance of this duty has been my constant aim, and I have walked clearly in the light of the constitution believing that in so doing I was most effectually advancing the interests which unite you in the community destined by God’s help to become great and prosperous. Let me remind you that the interests that thus tend to unite you, and in the formation of which 9. Governor General is entitled to take an active part, far transcends in importance those which produce among you animositics and strife. . When the party heats of the last year shall have passed away, and be remembered only as a warning, the works in which men of all polities can harmoniously engage and in the prosecution of which the representative of the Crown may constitutionally co—operate with you, will remain a blessing to your children and an abiding monument of your patriotism and wisdom. Receive him when he comes amongst you not only as the symbol of your connexion with the great and glorious empire of which you form a part, but also as the representative of unity among yourselves, and as a fellow worker with you in the promotion of the object which it is your common interest, as Canadians to achieve. I sincerely thank you for your kind allusions to Lady Elgin. Had her health permitted, it would have given her much pleasure to accompany me, and I still hope that at some future day I may have the satisfaction of showing her this beautiful country. The following address was then read by ARCHIBALD GILK1soN, Esq., from the Conservative portion of the inhabitants:— To His Excellency the Right Honorable James, Earl of Elgin and Kincarcline. Governor General, door (fie. &o. MAY rr PLEASE Youn EXCELLENCY We, her Majesty’s Loyal Subjects, inhabitants of the town and neigh- borhood of Brantford, beg leave respectfully to approach your Excellency, with the expression of our cordial congratulations on the occasion of your first ELGI N -GEE Y PAPERS 515 [Enclosure] visit to the Grand River Country»-a section of Canada which we trust your Excellency may find yielding to none in point of agricultural capabilities, and remunerated return for the investment of capital and individual pursuits. To the labors of the husbandmen throughout the surrounding country, our rising town unites the advantages of convenient approaches by improved roads, motive power for the miller and machinist, extensive foundries, a considerable popu- lation devoted to mechanical and other industrial pursuits, and is at the head of the inland communication which, by means of canals and the Grand River, opens to us the navigation of Lakes Erie and Ontario. These advantages, with the combined results of natural capabilities, and judicious expenditure of capital, promise substantial prosperity, whilst it needs well settled political institutions and public tranquility to insure it. Although dissenting from the policy of the leading measures of your Excelleney’s administration, as it is now established in this province, your ExeelIency’s advisers are, in our opinion, alone responsible to the people of Canada for the policy pursued. We rejoice, therefore, that apart from political considerations we can unite with those of our fellow townsmen who are sup- porters of the Existing Provincial Administration in offering to your Excellency, the representative of our beloved Sovereign, our cordial welcome to the town of Brantford. , This address, as will be seen, admits the great point for which the Reformers have always contended, and if adopted by all parties, would have prevented a great deal of disgrace to which the province has been subjected—namely, that the QUEEN’-s Representative is not responsible for the acts of his Ministry. By Responsible Government, it was established that Ministers must have the confidence of the people through their representatives———-and whether that majority be Reform or Tory, the Govnimon GENERAL is bound to give them his confidence and support. We give the Conservatives of Brantford-great credit for the manly and straight forward manner in which they have expressed a constitutional opinion that we hope to see adopted by the party generally. It is time that malignant party politics should be dropt, and the remedy of alleged grievances left to the electors. The following is his ExonLLnNeY’s REPLY. GnNTLnMnN,-—I receive your cordial welcome to the town of Brantford, and with renewed gratification. By tendering to the Queen’s Representative the respect due to his position, notwithstanding your disapproval of various acts of the administration, you show a proper sense of the distinction which the Consti- tution dictates between the Governor General and his responsible advisers. I thank you also for inviting my attention to the capabilities of the town and neighborhood, and the measures which are required for the full development of its great inland advantages. In so doing you enter upon a common ground on which you can stand, together with your fellow subjects, of all political parties, and advance works of utility, in which the Governor General may co-operate with You generally. 9337-333 516 ELGIN-GRE Y PAPERS [Enclosure] Addresses were delivered from the Mechanics’ Institute, the School Children, and the Hook and Fire Companies. His EXGELLENCY afterwards gave audience to the Indians, and in the evening dined with the Mayor, Dr. DIGBY. The day passed off quietly, the attempt of 9. few Orangcmen to create a row the night before, having been promptly met and punished, had an excellent effect. An infamous placard, printed at the Courier oifice, in which the assassination of Lord Enem was recommended, had been issued the day before.———The proprietor of the Oifice, Mr. LEMMON, has been held to bail to answer for the oifence. The press- man had forgot to remove the timpan sheet, and hence the discovery was made of the bill being printed at the Ofiicc. Gnoaos Baacoox, Esq., is entitled to great credit for his exertions in arranging the procession. He spared neither time nor expense, and placed the whole of his large establishment of horses and carriages at the disposal of the committee. Such a man is worth having in a town. Mr. VANBROCKLYN, too, is entitled to his share of praise——he was indefatigable in his exertions. Many others, no doubt, did their part, but these two gentlemen were preeminently useful, and deserve the thanks of their fellowtownsrnen par- ticularly. His Excnnmswor left Brantford yesterday morning for the Indian settlement at Tuscarora, and would visit Paris, is is said, this day. It is impos- sible to say where he may be next, as the invitations pour in to him from every quarter. The “heather ” of loyalty and order, is indeed on fire, and it burns with a holy flame of peace and good will. We have witnessed the tours of SYDENHAM and METCALFE, but never witnessed anything approaching to the enthusiasm which actually rages in the country, in favor of the man who_is determined to govern Canada according to the constitution—-irrespective of party politics.~—His LoaDsH1r’s visit to Hamilton, can scarcely be expected before the latter end of next week. As his EXCELLENCY has received the City Address, he will no doubt as soon as convenient, notify the MAYOR. of the precise time of his coming. His EXCELLENCY held a Levee at Clement’s Hotel, at ten o’clock yesterday morning, which was numerously attended by all parties without distinction. His Excnnnnner travels without any parade. He has neither equipages nor servants, but throws himself in the midst of the people and on their loyalty and affection confidently relies for support, and that confidence is most admirably fulfilled.——Most emulous are the inhabitants to aliord him every convenience——— horses and carriages are at his disposal to any number, and he is envied whose oflers are accepted. Had his Excnnnnncr visited the garrison towns, it would be said that he was afraid to mix with the people; his desire, therefore, is to go unattended and without ostentation among the yeomanry of Canada——the bone and sinew of the country. What a rebuff is this generous patriotism of one man, and heroic and loyal conduct of a whole people, to the conduct of the wicked enemies of the constitution headed by disappointed and maddened politicians! I1 ELGIN-GEE Y PAPERS 517 [Duplicate MS copy] Private HOWICK Oct. 24/49 Mr Dnan Enenv, I have received together your letters of the 30*“ Sep° & 4 of Oct’———-Not- withstanding the riot at Bytown these accounts of what is going on are I think very satisfactory, & I anticipate much advantage from your personal communication with the U. Canadians. Bulwcr is I believe at length going out by this Week’s packet with instructions to press strongly for an arrangement for reciprocal free trade between the British Provinces & the Union in agri- cultural produce, he is also to be desired to communicate with you, & only with you on all questions wh. may arise respecting the interests of these Colonies during the investigation. I shall desire the L‘ Governors of the other Provinces to communicate tm him thro’ you anything they may have to suggest. It is clear confusion w“ arise if the authorities of each Province were separately to press upon our Minister at Washington their own views as to the mode of conducting the negotiation \ Having said this I have nothing to add on public affairs, at this time of Year when we are all dispersed in the Country there is not much going on – I am sorry to think how nearly this season of relaxation is at an end, on the 6 Nov’ I propose returning to London not to leave it again except for a few days perhaps at Xmas. Alice has now rejoined us & in spite of a cold she has contrived to catch is looking I think very Well — (signed) GREY [Endorsed] Oct 24/49 Lord Grey to Lord Elgin [Original Ms] Private NIAGARA FALLS. Oct. 7. 1849 MY DEAR GREY, I do not at all wonder that you should be disposed to question the wisdom Of my course in respect to Montreal —- I think it was the best I could have taken under the circumstances -— But I do not presume to say that it may not be criticised-— justly criticised. My choice was not between a clearly right, and clearly wrong course: how easy is it to deal with such cases and how rare are they in lifel but between several difiiculties _— I think I chose the least. I think too that I am beginning to reap the reward of my policy. I do 518 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS not believe that such enthusiasm was ever manifested towards any one in my situation in Canada as has been exhibited during my recent tour. But more than this. I do not believe that the function of the Gov’ Gen‘ under constitu- tional Gov’ as the moderator between parties — the Representative of interests which are common to all the inhabitants of the Country as distinct from those which divide them into Parties was ever so fully and so frankly recognized — Now I do not believe that I could have atchieved this if I had had blood upon my hands.— I might have been quite as popular, perhaps more so—~ For there are many, especially in Lower Canada, who would gladly have seen the severities of the law practised upon those from whom they believe that they have often suffered much unjustly. But my business is to humanize not to harden—— At that task I must labor through obloquy & misrepresentation if needs be.——At the same time I admit that I must, not for the miserable purpose of self glorification, but with a, view to the maintenance and establishment of my moral influence, recover the prestige of personal courage of which some have sought to deprive me —— Before I have travelled unattended through the Towns & villages of U. Canada & met “the bhoys” as they are called, in all of them on their own ground I think I shall have efiected this object in so far as the Province is concerned.——-To right myself in England will be more diflicult but doubtless, if I live, the opportunity of so doing even there will sooner or later present itself.—I-Iitherto any irnpertinences which have reached me from the other side have been anonymous. Meanwhile I trust that every mail which you will recievc after that which prompted the letter to which I am now replying will reassure you as to the Policy which I have pursued. I was annoyed when your letter announcing the British Peerage reached me by the reflexion that the Canadian news about to reach England at that time would encrease the malignity of y‘ traducers. Before Par” meets however I trust that we shall have placed the Canadian question in such a light that it will not be diflieult for you to defend it. The newspapers which I have sent in the bag contain such full reports of my tour that little remains for me to say.—The cutting down of the arches in . London1 is the only unfavorable incident which I have yet met with.—— This operation was performed under the direction as I am credibly informed of the Mayor, while the great body of the population were on their way to meet me ten miles from the Town.-The operators were a small knot of orangemen, brought in from some of the neighbouring Townships where they have settlements. Addresses of a very strong & favorable character were presented by the D‘ Council, a body elected by the inhabitants of the D‘—by the Town Council, the Mayor alone dissentingw the Mechanics institute—»—the school children who had assembled to the number of 500 * me but were scared away by the o1’angemen.—— Every sign of unanimity in paying respect was in fact shown. The marvel is, that a very small body should have the audacity to obstruct the expression of what appears a general sentiment—- 1See above pp. 1,40; 5119. ‘Manuscript torn. ELGI N -GREY PAPERS 519 I go on Tuesday next to Toronto. A non political address has been agreed to there by all parties — It avoids compliments and opinions on party ques- tions. It is hoped that under these circumstances things will pass off quietly. It will not be the fault of the Montreal people if they do so —— I have not yet recieved any oflicial communication about the Peerage- That is my reason for not having oflicially expressed my thanks— Very Sin- cerely Your’s ELGIN & KINCARDINE [Endorsed] Oct. 7/49 Lord Elgin [Original MS] Private TORONTO. Oct. 11. 1849. MY DEAR Gnnsz, I send you a newspaper 1 with an account of my reception in this the second city of United Canada—- and the most Tory in its politics—-It has been highly satisfactory ——-— The Montrealers have made a decided move in favor of annex- ation – I have not seen their manifesto 2 but the fact of its issue has been com- municated by telegraph—— There will be no response in Western Canada if I can succeed in keeping the seat of Gov‘ here.-—-Although in point of fact the com- mercial argument applies with much greater force to U.C. which exports than to L.C which produces nothing—— I expect Hincks today and when he arrives the seat of Gov‘ question is to be taken up. The Lower Canadians threaten all manner of things~— If the seat of Gov‘ is removed from Montreal, all the public property is to be burned, not to mention the Gov“ Gen »“—On the other hand if any spot but Quebec is selected for the new site all French Canada is to make common cause with Montreal.—I am strongly of opinion however that U0. is as yet politically contented and that discontent on commercial grounds although rapidly spreading is not yet very far extended— You may imagine that my position is not a very pleasant one, although I am confident that the very favor- able impression which I have produced in UC. is the determining cause with the Montreal miscreants which induces them to adopt their present course. I hope to be able to enclose in this the copy of a letter of M’ Baldwin’s (which will appear in the newspapers) in which he takes his ground as head of the Reform 1 ‘.Dhi9 paper is not in the collection. ‘See below 17. 622. 52O ELGI N -GRE Y PAPERS Party on the annexation question.»-Perhaps it might be well that it should appear in the English Papers. Very sincerely Yours ELGIN & KINCARDINE The EARL: GREY- [Endorsed] Oct-11/49 Lord Elgin [Enclosure] Copy NIONTREAL 4 Oct 1849. My DEAR Sm, The expediency of applying to the Mother Country to give to these Colonies :3 Separate national existence or of permitting them to annex themselves to the neighbouring Republic has become a subject not only openly discussed in some of the leading public Journals of the Province but appears to be entertained, to some extent at least, in quarters where one would naturally have looked for the existence of very different sentiments — It becomes necessary therefore that no misapprehension should exist on the part of any one, friend or opponent, as to my opinion either on the question itself or on the efi »ect which a difierence respect- ing it must necessarily produce on the political relation between me and those of my friends (if any there be) who take a different view of the Subject. And I take the liberty of addressing this letter to you as well from the political eon- nexion which has so long subsisted between us, as from the circumstance of an election being about to take place for the Riding in which you reside. At that Election, whether you may become a Candidate or not, of which from your letter to me I am yet uncertain, it is due to my friends that no room should beleft to suppose me either undetermined upon or indifferent to this question. It is but right that they should be made aware that I have not changed my opinions in relation to it, but that I retain unaltered my attachment to the connexion with the Mother Country: And that I believe now, as I did when I last addressed my Constituents from the liustings, that the Continuance of that Connexion may be made productive of mutual good to both the (klony and the Parent State—- It is equally due to my friends that they should in like manner he made aware that upon this question there remains in my opinion no room for com- promise. It is one of altogether too vital a character for that——All should know therefore that I can look upon those only who are for the Continuance of that Connexion as political friends,—those Who are against it as political opponents. I do not intend to enter here into the question itself—~But I will make one Single remark respecting it—— The Mother Country has now for years been leav- ELGIN-GRE Y PAPERS 521 [Enclosure] ing to us powers of Self government more ample than even we had asked. And it does appear a most ungracious return to select such a time for asking for a separation from her for ever. I can at all events not only be no party to any such proceeding, but must not suffer it to be supposed that I have a moment’s doubt respecting it. And let the declaration which I have above made lead to what it may as respects the relative political position of either myself or others I feel that I am in the path of duty in making it—— And I abide the consequence. Believe me to remain My dear Sir Yours truly (Signed) ROBT BALDWIN Perms PERRY Esq [Duplicate MS copy] Private HOWICK Oct. 30/49 MY DEAR ELGIN I have little to say in answer to your letter of the 7″‘ and 11”’ wh. I have received to day except that they have given me very great satisfaction, the state of affairs seems to be decidedly & rapidly improving—— This result will I think completely justify in the eyes of the world (wh. always Judges by the event) the policy you have pursued, for myself as I think I told you I always felt sure that you must have good reasons for what you did, tho’ in some cases at this distance it was not easy to perceive them, & I never supposed that I in England c » be half so good a judge how your very difficult game sh‘ be played as you were on the spot—And it is most true as you observe that in public affairs (as in private also) we seldom or never have to deal with cases where the choice lies between a clearly right & a clearly wrong course, but between opposite diffi- culties to choose the least—— , The important state of feeling makes it I think highly desirable that the past sh“ be as much as possible forgotten & I hope when you come to consider with your Council the measures wh. are to be adopted you will not find it necessary to Propose when your Parliament meets any wh. wd afford an excuse even for the renewal of ‘agitation—— For this reason notwithstanding all the grounds there are for a change of the seat of Gov“ I shall not be sorry if you sh“ determine after all to leave it where it is— I do not attach much importance tm the petition for annexation wh. is getting up at Montreal—with the feeling wh. now seems to exist both in the U. & L. Provinces generally little danger is likely to result from this move of a few factions & discontented people in that Town more especially if the U. States 522 ELGI N -GRE Y PAPERS meet us fairly on the question of Trade, wh. I am inclined to believe that they will ; their having so promptly met our concessions on the subject of the Navi- gation Laws gives one more hope for the reciprocity Bill (Signed) GREY [Endorsed] Oct. 30/49 Lord Grey to Lord Elgin [Original MS] Private Tononro Oct. 14. 1849 MY Dnna Gnny, Since I wrote two days ago I have reoicved a copy of the annexationist Manifesto.1 It is signed by very few French—and not many prominent poli- ticians— It is temperately drawn up abounding in assertions that look plausible enough but lack proof. A great meeting is to be called here immediately where men of all parties will muster to protest against il’r— I do hope that the English Press will act prudently——- The assertion that England is indifferent to the maintenance of the colonial connexion is by far the most powerful argument which the annexationists employ, and the most difficult one to confute.-— The proper way to treat this document is to represent it to be, what in fact it is, an emanation from a knot of violent protectionists and disappointed party men.— Its main reasonings are not very diflicult of confutation——-. Take the economical one as a sample. The whole expenses of our civil Gov‘ amount to about £250,000. In order to effect a saving on this item it is proposed to surrender to the central Gov‘ at Washington the customs duties which yield about £500,000——— Other argu- ments I leave to your friends the Free Traders to handle—- What will M‘ Cobden himself say when he finds that Free Trade is not only driving the Colonies from England, but driving them to the States where they will find protection, and swell the ranks of the Party which desires to restrict within the narrowest limits trade with England.— I enclose a telegraphic despatch which has just reached me from Montreal. My reception at Toronto has been all that I could wish and I really hope much good has been done by it—— I write this on my way to the Falls where I meet my Ministers to discuss the seat of Gov‘ question—~ very sincerely Yours The _ ELGIN & KINOARDINE EARL GREY, [Endorsed] Oct. 14/49 Lord Elgin [Enclosure] 1 See below, Amzendim XVIII. ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 523 [Enclosure] [Original MS] By Telegraph from Montreal Toronto, Oct. 13th, 1849. To [Name obliterated] Protest against annexation in course of signature by John Young and men of all parties. [Name obliterated] [Original MS] N]‘.AGAB.A—- 19 oct. 1849. I hoped to have been able to send the enclosed letter by way of the States but was unable to do so. I therefore despatch it now with such additional items of information as I can furnish. We have decided on leaving Montreal and summoning the Legislature at Toronto. LaFontaine is much against the plan—— but except a sort of vague idea that by means of a great fight we might subdue the faction and restore order in Montreal he seems to me to have nothing to offer to justify remaining there. My own conviction is that our return to Montreal at present would give a great impulse to the annexation movement in U. Canada, and that the Members could not pass a Session there in the present temper of men’s minds without being themselves to a great extent corrupted. At the same time I am quite aware that the removal will do some mischief among the French who are Narrow Minded and bigottcd on all these points beyond belief—— In order to meet this difficulty as we best may we have determined to act on the suggestion of the Assembly itself—and to adopt the principle of alternate Parliaments -a The plan of leaving Montreal for a Session with the view of obtaining additional powers did not obtain much support. We all feel that the evil is of a moral and chronic character, that it is intensely aggravated by the presence of the seat of Gov“, and that it cannot be eradicated by force. When I say all I mean the English councillors for perhaps some of the French think diii »erently —-— The truth is the French would like nothing better than to see the power of England employed to break down the party which has so long domineercd over thcm_— The Military! The Military! is their everlasting cry— It is most extraordinary to me to observe that persons who have such a pious horror of shedding blood that they never will consent to the execution of a criminal who has been convicted by the tribunals of the most atrocious murder are the the first to grumble if the troops do not find occasions to fire upon the multitude —. The crisis is certainly a very serious one — It may lead not improbably to a break up of parties .— If it splits the French it will be a consummation devoutly to be wished. Toronto is the most Tory place in Canada —- It con- tains‘25,000 people and I am assured that in the Town and neighbourhood there are not less the 25, orange Lodges. I am confident however that the respect- 524 ELGI N ~G‘RE Y PAPERS able classes are averse to rioting and violence — That they will not stand by as the respectabilities of Montreal of all politics have done while riot and arson have their swing.—~And if the worst comes to the worst you have there a homogenous population and you may call out the supporters of Gov‘ and order without risking a war of race.——I think too that the orangemen in U. Canada are generally attached to the connexion I have just recieved a letter from M’ Young‘ (Lord Stanley’s MW Young) of which I enclose a copy which bears out what you say about the Ordnance & Commissariat advertisements — I have written to Rowan on the subject stating my opinion and your’s pretty strongly. As I shall probably be able to write by way of the States I add no more at present Yours very sincerely, The ELGIN & KINGARDINE EARL GREY. [Endorsed] Oct. 19/49 Lord Elgin [Enclosure] Copy. My Loan, I beg you to excuse the liberty I take in thus addressing you You are aware of my exertions for the country and its commerce 73 Americans, 53 merchants (20 of whom have been bankrupts) 23 non—residents and 177 citizens have aflixed their names to a document, the subject of which is Annexation to the States. To this I and hundreds of others are much opposed, and will take means to swamp it: but we have the “Herald & Gazette” managed by low and bad minds, also boldly advocate annexation. The “Pilot” is all right, and I have managed to get the “Trans~cript » put in the right direction on this question. Its editor is a man of genius but its proprietor may suffer loss by the course he has taken. Now what I wish to bring before your Exce11ency’s attention is this. All the Government (I mean the Ordnance contracts, Commissary General &c) advertisements all appear in the “Herald ”, and it is most discouraging to a poor printer desiring to do right, to see the Government patronage extended to a paper openly advocating revolution——What I should desire is, & it would assist me much, that your Excellency would command these advertisements to be sent to the “Trans- cript ” & “ Pilot ” instead of the “Gazette” and “Herald” and that none should be sent to the two latter. These seem trivial matters but the papers in this country are too poor not to feel their effect, and with the people now moving for Annexation, it is a mere question of the pocket, which 12 months will cure. I trust Your Excellency will excuse this liberty and am &e. JOHN YOUNG MONTREAL 10”‘ October 1849. 1 See above 11. .345. ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 525 [Original MS.] Private TORONTO oct 25/49. MY DEAR GREY, I came this morning to this place in order to act the part of Chancellor at the University Co1nmencement.——— It was something of a nervous proceeding for there is probably a greater soreness of feeling in this quarter (the University) than in any other with respect to the proceedings of the administration. I had an opportunity however of making a speech which had I trust all the effect I could have desired. The feeling here is good as respects the connexion. And I am hopeful that I may succeed in mitigating the violence of parties on questions of local policy. – I had no such hope in 1\/Ioni/rcal.— I have here a people with a heart, and I must get at it let designing politicians raise what barriers they will in my way— It is remarkable that today in a Hall crowded to suffocation with Clergy of various denominations professors of different colleges, members of the Bar &c &c, 8: with the elite of the ladies of Toronto, the Bishop and the Chief Justice should have been absent.»- The article from the Montreal Gazette 1 which I enclose was Written under the supposition that the seat of Gov” was to remain at Montreal, on the very morning of the day on which the opposite decision was announced. —— the Courier & Herald have articles in the same spirit written with the design of preventing the return of the Gov‘ to Montreal from producing any good effect there, and at the same time of creating as much exasperation as possible in U. Canada —— I believe that if we had returned this complex iniquity would have worked the desired result— and that the Annexation mania w“ have spread rapidly through U.C.———What can you do with such a set? The Toronto Paper which I enclose? has a good letter from Hincks and other details of the anti annexation movement in U.C.—- Every thing depends on this section of the Province and the removal of the seat of Gov‘ was absolutely necessary to keep it right.-—Even the bugbear of French domination is made less frightful by our coming to the most British and Tory Town in N. America——~But I say it again with all solemnity, Canada cannot be saved unless you force the selfish scheming Yankees to concede reciprocity. Yrs very sincerely ELGIN & KINCARDINE The Eann Gray, Pray excuse my writing I have had a wretched steel Pen WW I could do nothing with. 1 This article is not in the collection. IE paper is not in the collection. 525 ELGI N -GEE Y PAPERS I send an extract from a radical Paper 1 with a letter recommending an elective legislative Council and a sort of left handed compliment to myself which is perhaps more significant than a direct one would be. The Colonist is a Tory Paper I cannot accept the responsibility of the speech which he puts into my mouth but the tone you see is favorable. [Endorsed] Oct. 25/49 Lord Elgin [Original MS] Private NIAGARA. Oct. 28. 1849. MY DEAR GREY, I returned here from Toronto yesterday. My visit was very successful. I enclose extracts from the Toronto Patriot, (the high Tory and Orange Paper,) and from the Globe, (Mim’sterial,) giving accounts of the proceedings at the University2—I am happy to say that both the Bishop and the Chief Justice attended at the dinner given to me by the University the day after ‘the Com- mcncement—-— I had a good deal of conversation with both. You will under- stand that I attach considerable importance to this visit and its attendant cir- cums1;anccs-The Montrealers are very angry about the removal of the seat of Gov‘ but hitherto there have been more symptoms of confusion and stupor among them than of any other crnotion—— I had a message from a very high Tory a resident in Montreal only this morning W“ shews that feelings are divided even there—“ Tell Lord Elgin” he said to my correspondent “that he has saved Canada by this removal ”—I have no doubt that I have done so at least for the time ~—— The annexation movement has recieved no support from the Press out of Montreal——but of course so long as it had the prestige of being the metropolis its Press had a great influence in the Province and was regarded beyond it as the exponent of the sentiments of the Community at la.rge— Nothing could be more vile and wicked than the attempts which the Gazette Herald and Courier were making (on the supposition that We were returning to Montreal) to stir up the bile of the U. Canadians and do away with the good efiects of my visit. The very number of the Gazette which announces the removal contains a letter, (Written evidently before this fact was known) which intimates that I could not enter the city without bloodshed.—— I am confident that if I had gone back the Montreal Press acting on the supposition that if you throw dirt enough some is sure to stick would have managed before many weeks had passed to cover me with filth again, and that a formidable annexation movement would soon have declared itself in U.C. — I enclose an extract from a Kingston Paper3 which though a. stupid and uninfluential one sometimes tells the truth—and I really 1 Cllhis clipping is not in the collection. ‘These clip Inga are not in the collection. 3This clippilizg is not in the collection. ELGI N —GRE Y PAPERS 527 [Enclosure] believe with it that a good deal depends on England’s speaking with decision at the present moment. I am constantly met with the assertion that England is desirous to get rid of these Colonies and that various English Statemcn have said so. With respect to our Military Staff I am quite sure it might be reduced1 though I am hardly soldier enough to say what portions ought to be lopped off.—- . I am sure that there was no period during our troubles when the Military would not have done their duty if they had been required to act— but as my wish has been always to atchieve a moral victory and to avoid the employment of physical force I confess that I think the decided bias they have all along shown for the opposition has considerably encreased my difficulties. Rowan has not yet sent me any reply to my letter to him on the subject of the Comrnlsariat advertisements? Very sincerely Your’s ELGIN & KINCARDINE The EARL GREY [Endorsed] Oct. 28/49 Lord Elgin [Duplicate MS copy] Private C.O ‘ Nov’ 16/49 MY DEAR ELGIN, I was not able to write to you last week in answer to your former letters & I have now rec“. those of the 25″‘ & 28″‘ of Oct?’ The account you now give of the state ,of affairs is I think on the whole satisfactory, & I trust the annexation cry will subside, the movement however has already had this bad effect that it rendered it out of the question our pro- posing to give any pecuniary aid to the Railway or any other public work in Canada— Before this movement I was Not quite without hopes that something might have been done to promote this undertaking; I think you might Contrive to have it pointed out in the newspapers that the annexationists must obviously have destroyed any chance there was of assistance of this kind from us, as of course Parlt c“ not be asked to give public money for works in Canada when there is a party proclaiming that their object is annexation— I presume for the reasons you have the removal of the seat of Gov“ was indispensable & I hope it will work well, but this arrangeinent of alternate Perl“ in the two Capitals has not an air of permanence & I sh‘ think it W“ be very difficult tm manage- 1 See above 12. //I4. 2 See above 12. 524. 523 ELGI N -GRE Y PAPERS I shall send you oflicially by the next mail a copy of Bulwer’s instructions respecting the negotiations with the U. States for reciprocity1—~ I am sorry to say that he has but just embarked & as he is going in a war Steamer & is to call for coals at Madeira & Bermuda there is not a chance of his reaching Wash- ington before Congress meets— I cannot Say how much I am annoyed at his having been allowed tm linger so long but I have remonstrated against it as I much as I could tho’ in vain (signed) GREY The EARL on ELGIN I have omitted to mention that no official notification of a Peerage is usually given to the person who receives it, perhaps therefore you had better write to Lord John about it accounting for the delay by saying you had expected some such Communication-— [Endorsed] Nov. 16/49 Lord Grey to Lord Elgin [Original MS] Private NIAGARA. Nov[’1 1. 1849. MY DEAR GREY, It is hardly possible to determine how far the return of the Gov‘ to Mont- real would have been expedient without taking into consideration the peculiar condition of the Press in that city. The French Press there is partly annexationist and partly ministerial»- but of course no one either in U. -Canada, in the U. States, or in England ever reads a word in the French Journals nor are their opinions ever quoted except when some valorous Tory journal has the courage to Select from Papineaus Organ some more than usually atrocious sentiment and ascribe it to LaFontaine. This portion of the Press has therefore no influence on Public opinion whatso- ever out of Lower Canada.——. There is also one Ministerial Paper in English “the Pilot ’’.~- It appears three times a week, and of late has been tolcrably well conducted—- The preju- dices of the Military, Merchants, &c, prevent it from being quoted to any great extent as an authority beyond the Province»-and it is literally smothered by the dead weight of the opposition Journals. Of these last——~three appear daily—“ The Herald, Gazette, and Courier ”—- one triweekly, “ the ’1H’anscript ”-—-two weekly—a religious paper, “ the Witness ” —-and a jocose paper yclept “ Punch.”—— Most of them are more or less avowedly annexationist. And all are bitterly opposed to the French and to constitutional Gov‘ which gives the French 9. share in the Gov” of the Country. 1 See below, Appcmiim XVI. ELGIN-GEE Y PAPERS 529 On one point only all are agreed —— abuse of the Gov‘ Gen1—— The former, because they hope by damaging the individual to create a prejudice against monarchical institutions~—the latter, from a sort of personal spite, and a loose kind of calculation that my withdrawal from the scene would cause some new shuflie of the cards.——-The systematic and methodical manner in which they have conducted their attacks is really worthy of admiration—-Not only have they propagated the vilest calumnies, the one repeating as a fact what the other threw out as a conjecture—not only have they under the guise of correspondences with New York infested the American Journals with the same slanders—but they have regularly excluded every thing which could tell the other way. Addresses to me and my replies for instance have never been inserted, except when it was supposed that a malignant construction could be put upon some isolated sentence seperated from the context—and, to condescend to minor matters, since I changed my Gov‘ no fete or Party that I have given has ever been noticed by one of them—~ Now thanks partly to ignorance and partly to prejudice their journals are the only authorities on Canadian afiairs ever quoted either in the U. States or in England. The absurdity of going to the Nation or the Irishman for information concerning the acts intentions or motives of Lord Clarendon would be apparent to any one but the Gazette is gravely cited as authority for mine.—I could mention many cases during the last few months when the “news from Canada.” given in the English papers has been some statement resting on no better foundation than the assertion of the Montreal Gazette. .— Now I believe that it is quite impossible to make head against such a state of things——-English and American opinion formed upon representations derived from this corrupt source reacts again upon Montreal and through Montreal upon the Province at large.——The allegation, that Canada is ruined, that the people are generally disaffected to Great Britain, and that the local Gov‘ is imbecile or traitorous becomes established as a truism in the Public mind.——— In Toronto all shades of political opinion will be represented by an English P1’ess.–the community is prosperous and advancing——and the most violent politicians are more or less British- I send herewith the Tory Paper “the Colonist” with an account of all my proceedings at the University—An extract from the ultra Radical organ “the Examiner” which shows how my policyykeeps the democrats back and prevents them from plunging into the annexation movement. Two numbers of the New York Herald with the views of that Journal on Annexation: and an extract from a Boston Paper‘ which shews the extent to which You will Weaken the Protective Policy of America if you obtain for the Canadians reciprocity and by so doing launch them fairly in the direction of Free Trade, which means with them the gradual reduction dz final abolition of all duties on 1 Ilhcse papers are not in the collection. 9337-34 530 ELGIN—GRE’ Y PAPERS Impo7’ts——What will become of the American Protective Tarifl when we have accomplished that object here? ‘ Very sincerely Yours ELGIN & KINCARDINE The EARL GREY [Endorsed] Nov‘ 1/49 Lord Elgin [Original MS] Private NmGAnA~—Nov’ 4. 1849. My DEAR GREY, It is hardly perhaps worth while to trouble you with another letter by this mail. Nothing has occurred since the bag was despatched deserving of special comment. The Montreal Press is milder and aifords very satisfactory proof of the advantage which the removal of the seat of Gov‘ has conferred on that turbulent city. No paper in U. Canada defends the Montrealers except Sir A. M’Nab’s paper the Hamilton Spectator—Most of them adopt the views expressed in the extract from the British Whig (a Tory paper) which I enclose. The ground on which the removal is generally attacked is the alleged, expense, but I trust that when the House meets we shall be able to shew that it has been an economical measure—The actual cost of transport will not much exceed £1,000 and we shall save a large annual sum in rents,— for Gov* Oflices Par” Buildings &c In Toronto there is ample accoinodation or nearly so in buildings which belong to the Gov‘. The League has met in Toronto. I enclose some resolutions which are to be debated by them. Very little attention is paid to their proceedings.———1 trust that we shall get into our new quarters at the end of this or the beginning of next week— Argyll has written me a very absurd letter about Ryland’s case‘-—I am somewhat perplexed as to how I am to answer it. Very sincerely Yours’ ELGIN & KINCARDINE The EARL GREY [Endorsed] Nov‘ 4/49 Lord Elgin _1(}. H. Rylanfl who had lbeen _Secretary to the Executive Council, laid claim to an increased pension. He appealed to the British Government. See “Copies or Extracts of the Corres- gondence and Memorials or Representations relative to the Claim of Mr. Ryland, formerly eoretary to the Executive Council of Canada”, (Parliamentary Papers, Home of Lords, Apnl 1850). See below pp. 601-605, 539, 687, 700, 726, 736, 788, 7&8, 77$, 779, 781, 782, 799. ELGIN-GEE Y PAPERS 531 [Enclosures] No. 1 THE DAILY BRITISH WHIG “ Opifer per Orbem Dicor.” FRIDAY MORNING, oc’r., 26, 1849. saw or GOVERNMENT The Montreal papers, as might be expected, are raising a mighty howl at the loss of the Seat of Government. Nobody in Western Canada cares one jot about their howling so they may as well keep their breath to cool their porridge. It was the wretched selfishness of the Montrealers which caused the removal of the Seat of Government from Western Canada; from amid an Anglo-Saxon race, to place it within the control of French Oligarchists and their Helots. Had the Government remained at Kingston, or at any place within the limits of the upper province, the Franco-Canadians never would have attained and exercised that arbitraiy power which has been the exciting cause of all the late political riots and troubles. A war of races might have existed, as it now does, but it would have been a defensive war on the part of the Eastern Canadians, who would have had their hands full in making laws for themselves, instead of inflicting upon their neighbors the ills of an oppressive statute book. —From such evils the province, in future, will be protected, while legislation takes place in an educated land, and among free men. The Radicals may rule over us, and they will, but our rulers will be Anglo-Saxon Radicals, and not aliens to us in blood, language, and religion. No. 2 BY LAST NIGHTS MAIL MEETING on THE B. A. LEAGUE CONVENTION This body met for the second time, in Toronto, on Thursday last. About seventy Delegates were present on the first day, and twenty or thirty additional arrived yesterday. As yet no business has been transacted. A series of resolutions has been proposed by Mr. Gamble, and another from Mr. Gowan———. neither of which will, we fondly hope, be entertained by the Convention. Mr. Gamble’s resolutions were discussed up to the adjournment at half~past one yesterday, when Mr. Gowan announced his intention of moving the first of his——a most absurd and meaningless preamble———as an amendment. The follow- ing are the resolutions alluded to: Resolved, That the condition of this Province calls loudly upon all lovers of peace and good government, speedily to adopt measures whereby the present excitement may be allayed, public tranquility restored, and existing political diiferences merged in one paramount sentiment—the good of our common country. Since the burning of the Parliament Houses, disturbance has followed disturbance, and riot has succeeded riot in quick succession; on several occasions human blood has been shed, the law violated with impunity, while the Govern- 933744;. 532 ELGIN-GREY PAPERS [Enclosure] ment, by their ineffectual attempts to repress these disorders, have been brought into contempt. Exciting and irritating political questions, involving the dismem~ berment of this Colony from the Empire, are openly advocated, cngendering discontent, discord, and fierce political animosities. Rancorous feelings are separating neighbor from neighbor, to the hindrance and neglect of business, the interruption of industry, the loss of confidence, and the destruction of credit. The public mind is becoming vitiated by these excesses, a spirit of insubordination to the laws is manifested which if allowed to prevail, threatens to burst assunder the the bonds of society, and lead to deplorable consequences ——anarchy, confusion, and civil strife. Resolved——that in order to assuage the present excitement and discontent, to prevent collision between our fellow subjects, to promote union among all, and to determine the great political questions now agitating the public mind, in accordance with public opinion, it is necessary that the feelings, sentiments and opinions of the people should be faithfully represented in the Legislative Assembly at its next Session; which can only be attained by the exercise of the Royal Prerogative in the dissolution of the present Parliament and the summoning of a new one. Resolved—That while the three remedial measures, Protection, Retrench— ment and Union, held forth by the British American League, are manifestly those best calculated to effect the desired change, and restore prosperity to our drooping interests, it is equally apparent that those measures cannot be carried into succesful operation, the necessary reforms accomplished, and a just, wise, and cheap system of Government established, without important alterations in our constitution, requiring joint and concerted action with our sister Provinces. To this end it is expedient to obtain the authority of the Legislature, for holding a General Convention of Delegates, for the purpose of considering and preparing, in concert with Delegates from those Provinces, a new constitution, to be afterwards submitted for ratification to the people of Canada, and of such of the other Colonies as may decide upon acting in unison with them, preparatory to its being brought under the consideration of the Metropolitan Government. Mr. Gowan then gave notice to the following resolutions, which he proposed to submit for the consideration of the Convention, viz:— 1. Resolved–That these Colonies cannot continue in their present Political or Commercial state. 2. Reso1ved—That the evils by which they are oppressed have had their origin in the withdrawal of Protection by the Mother Country; and in the vicious and improvident administration of their affairs, by the local Government. 3. Resolved——That by Great Britain returning to her former Protective policy, of “ Ships, Colonies and Commerce;” or by causing to be opened to the trade and commerce of these Colonies, the markets of Foreign Countries, and especially of the United States of America, upon terms of a fair and honorable reciprocity; united to the reduction of the expenses of the civil Government to ELGIN~G’REY PAPERS 533 [Enclosure] the lowest scale consistent with the eflicacy of the public service, and a vigorous, honest, and impartial Administration of the Government, untrammeled by the ties of faction, Peace and Prosperity may yet be restored to the country. 4. Resolved——-That if the interests of the British people will not admit of Protection to Colonial products in her market, and if she will not, or cannot, open the markets of Foreign countries, and especially of the United States of America, for the admission of Colonial products and manufacturers, on terms of reciprocity; then will it become the duty of Colonists, to create at home, or to seek abroad, a market or markets for the products of their own industry; and thus, by following the example of the Mother Country, seek the welfare of their own people irrespective of British interests or British influences. 5. Resolved——-That a Committee of five members he now chosen, to draft a petition to the Queen, and both houses of the Imperial Parliament, based upon the foregoing Resolutions; and that a deputation of two Gentlemen be chosen, to proceed to England, to lay the final Appeal, for Justice to British America at the foot of the Throne. 6. Resolved,——That pending the decisions of England, our fellow Colonists of all classes, be earnestly entreated to abstain from subscribing declarations, calling for a severence of the political relations which bind us to the Mother Country——that they be respectfully invited to abide in patience the result— that if driven to a dissolution of the ties, hitherto held sacred, the responsibility, the onus and the odium of the act, may rest with England, not with Canada; and that posterity may judge our conduct, as that of a suffering and insulted people, who had exhausted every honorable means to ward off a separation, which they could not contemplate without sorrow, and could not sanction, except as a last resort. 7. Resolved,——That wherever Protection or Reciprocity shall be conceded or withheld, it is essential to the contentment of the Country, and to its future good Government, that a Constitution should be framed, in unison with the wishes of the people, and suited to the growing greatness and intelligence of the Country; and that as much diversity of opinion exists, and must continue to exist upon a subject so important, it is desirable that a Convention of the people, without distinction of party, should be legalized by Act of Parliament, to draft a Constitution for the Province, to be submitted to the Imperial Parliament for its concurrence and adoption. 8. Resolved,——-That the best thanks of the Convention be respectfully presented to the Hon. Charles Symcns and to the Hon. John Robertson of New Brunswick, for the zeal and patriotism they manifested in visiting Canada, and for the talent and discretion which marked their conduct, during their recent conference with the Committee of gentlemen named by this Convention, during its late session at Kingston. The late hour at which the Editor arrived in Toronto yesterday, prevents us from furnishing any report in the present issue. 534 ELGIN-GRE Y PAPERS [Original MS] Private. NIAGARA. Nov” 8. 1849- MY Dam: GREY, The two notes which I enclose from M‘ Merritt shew how urgent he is that measures should be taken to secure for this Colony Reciprocity of Trade with the Stat-,es——I do not think he exaggerates the political importance of this object, though I do not altogether assent to his political economy. The fact is, that although both the States and Canada export to the same neutral market, prices on the Canadian side of the line are lower than those on the American by the amount ol’- the duty which the Americans levy.~ So long as this state of things continues there will be discontent in this Country, deep growing, discontentl—~ You will not I trust accuse me of having decieved you on this point.—~ I have always said that I am prepared to assume the responsibility of keeping Canada quiet, with a much smaller garrison than we have now, «it without any tax on the British Consumer in the shape of protection to Canadian products, if you put our trade on as good a footing as that of our American neighbours» but if -things remain on their present footing in this respect there is nothing before us but violent agitation ending in convulsion or annexation —«~ It is better that I should worry you with my importunity than that I should be chargeable with having neglected to give you due warning.- You have a great opportunity before you— obtain reciprocity for us. and I venture to predict that ym] will be able shortly to point to this hitherto turbulent Colony with satisfac- tion in illustration of the tendency of self Government and freedom of trade to beget contentment and material progress—— Canada will remain attached to England though tied to her neither by the golden links of protection, nor by the meshes of old fashioned Colonial oifice jobbing & chicane.»—— But if you allow the selfish intriguing Yankees to withhold the boon which you have the means of extorting if you will, and so good a right to claim, I much fear that the closing period of the connexion between Great Britain,& Canada will be marked by incidents which will damp the ardor of those who desire to promote human happiness by striking shackles either, off commerce or off men. Very sincerely Yours, [Endorsed] ELGIN & KINCARDINE Nov‘ 8/49 ‘ Lord Elgin [Enclosures] No. 1 [Original MS] ST CATHARINES 24”‘ October/49 MY Lom>/
I understand you are about addressing the Imperial Government again on
the subject of the Reciprocal relations between Canada and the United States –


There are two points, relating to this transaction, which it is highly important
the Imperial Government should Understand—~

The first is :1 Fact, which from your own personal Observation. my Lord
you can confirm———viz-—— That the producer in Canada and not the Consumer
in the United States, pays the duty on every Article exported from the one
Country and consumed in the cther—

The Second point, is to urge that if like Causes produce like effects, a similar
duty imposed by Great Britain on the like productions from the United States,
would produce precisely the Same Result viz—That the producer in the United
States and not the Consumer in Britain would pay the duty to the State — I
will not reiterate the Causes which has and will continue to produce this, result,
but merely draw your Attention to the October Number of Hunts Mercantile
Magazine which contains this extract

“ The Value of the exports of Flour last Year, exceeds the Former $9.000,000,
this export sustained the Value of the Home Sales about $30.000,000, Flour
averaging $5.25 per Bbl——Had that export demand not existed the quantity
25 per Cent more, pressing on the Home Market, would not have reached $4:
per Bbl—— Thus the influence of the export demand is not measured by the
actual Sales, but by the effect of those exports upon the prices of the home
Market ”—— ,

In order to realize the comparative effect of prices in the United States and
Canada—— Suppose the Producer there paid the duty on: every Bbl of Flour
shipped to England the Value of the home sales would decrease in proportion, It
is therefore not the Amount of duty paid to the Govt of the U.S. but the
depreciation of one fifth of the productions of the entire Country which efifects
the Prosperity of Canada——

So well‘ convinced‘ are the Statesmen of the United States of this Fact,
and the immense decrease of prices and Wealth, to their producers & Country
which a duty by Great Britain would insure, that an intimation of that Result,
if a negociation based on the relinquishment of the Fisheries failed, would
insure the passage of the Reciprocity Bill — it should not be lost sight of~« we
are rapidly approaching the 1“ Dec. the next Session of Congress, and a short
time remains for negociation, if it is designed to precede the Action of Congress,

I have the honor to be
My Lord
with high consideration
Your Obd Ser‘


P:S. my letter of the 6”‘ August herein—— written before leaving for Halifax»-
shews that the views respecting the producer paying the duty instead of the
Consumer, is not a new Idea, In 184:6. I pointed out the effect which this duty
in the U.S. must produce. having realized. the operation in 1836 & 1837——— under



similar circumstances, and I regret to find Your Lordship appears to imagine
that a change may take place under our existing Laws. to increase prices in
Canada so as to equalize them with the United States, this may happen when
prices rule higher in Europe than America, but it never can when prices are
higher in America than in Europe

To the Right Hon——
The Emu on ELGIN & Kmcannmn

[Original MS]
Sr CATHABINES 5”‘ Nov 1849.

I beg leave to enclose‘ the within from Mr Crampton, he appears to attach
little importance to the Newspaper paragraph, but my only apprehension arises
from the opposition the fishing Interest in the Eastern Towns may make to the
Treaty, they understand the advantage they possess in this system of Bounties
and have an interest in Maintaining or continuing them-—

I exceedingly Regret, to find Sir Henry Bulwcr has not yet arrived, and if
Your Lordship concurs would recommend Mr Crampton being requested to make
as Strong a representation, of the position of Canada as in his power on his
Return, I would put it to Lord Palmerston & Lord Grey, and the Imperial
Government, That it involves the permanency of the Connection of those
Colonies——I am clearly of the opinion that time. is all important in settling
the question and if Sir Henry does not arrive before the next Session of Congress,
further delay will -be inevitable, whereas were he now here the Cabinet of Wash—
ington would have time to give «him a definite Answer, I am waiting to hear of
the arrival of the papers to leave at a moment

I have the honor to be
& & &


No. 2


We understand that His Excellency the Governor General in Council has
been pleased to order that such Militia oificers as signed the manifesto, declaring
their intention to agitate the country for a dismemberment of the Empire and
the annexation of Canada to the United States~shall be dismissed the service.
We are sure that this announcement will be received with high satisfaction
throughout the Province. We also learn that the Queens Counsel implicated
in the treasonable movement are to be deprived of their silk gowns.

1 The enclosure is not in the collection.



While on this subject we cannot avoid noticing one of the most unprincipled
things we have ever seen, even in a Montreal Conservative newspaper, and that
is saying very much. The Montreal Gazette of Wednesday last in urging the
Ministry to the step they have just taken, used the following language:

“ Dare the ministry dismiss from the militia and the magistracy, any
or all of those gentlemen, many of them their own warm supporters, who
have appended their names to the Annexation Address, and who have thus
committed an act of ‘constructive treason,’ as the Assistant Commissioner
of the Board of Works, who has not, however, the slightest pretensicn to
legal knowledge, whatever his characteristic modesty might lead him to
imagine, has defined it to be. Dare they dismiss Benjamin Holmes or Jacob
De Witt, both of them Members of Parliament and their own staunch
supporters? Will they have the courage to deprive the former gentlemen
of his commission, as he has been guilty of this ‘ constructive treason’ to
Her Majesty as any? We trow not.”—Montreal Gazette, 31st Oct.

But no sooner was it rumoured that Government were about to take the
course the Gazette has been urging on them, than out he comes in his very next
paper——only two days after his former article—with the following piece of

 » Within these few hours a circular has been addressed by the Provincial
Secretary to all the gentlemen who signed the late Montreal Address in
favour of anexation, who hold any oflfice of honour under the Crown. The
wisdom of that address we disputed at the time, but we think there can be
no question of the rashness and folly of demanding a categorical answer;
the alternative of which will be of course dismissal from ofiice. The Queen
will thus lose the services of many brave and loyal men, who have the
manliness, at the request of her own Ministers, to say what they think, to
make room for paid and rewarded traitors.

 » About fifty of these letters have been issued in Montreal, including
two to Queen’s Counsel, or rather to Counsel holding patents of precedence,
which is a direct attack on the independence of the Bar, and will doubtless
be resisted with spirit.

“The advice we most strongly give to the parties who have received
these letters is not to be rash in answering them; to consult together, and
to meet, with as much care and consideration as they can, so unprincipled


At a meeting held in the Town Hall, Cobourg, on Tuesday last, the 30th
October, called by the President of the Board of Police, in compliance with a
requisition, numerously and respectably signed, to express disapprobation of
the annexation movement at Montreal—Asa A. Bnrnham Esq. was elected
Chairman, and Richard Chatterton Esq. Secretary. When it was—

and despotic an invasion of public liberty and the rights of free discussion.” .




Moved by the Hon. Geo. S. Boulton, and seconded by Thomas Eyre, Esq.,

and carried——

Resolved——That this meeting View with feelings of regret and indigna-
tion, the course pursued by those of our fellow-subjects in Montreal, who,
forgetful of their allegiance to the best of Sovereigns, have deliberately, yet
rashly, affixed their names to a document recommending the separation of
these Colonies from the British Empire, and their annexation to the neigh-
boring Republic.

Moved by Andrew Jeffrey, Esq., seconded by Geo. S. Daintry, Esq,——-

2. That it is the opinion of this meeting that, from the loyal and
patriotic feeling displayed by the inhabitants of this Province upon former
trying occasions, to preserve the integrity of the Empire, the same spirit
would again be exerted if necessary for the same purpose.

Moved by John C. Boswell, Esq. seconded by David Brodie, Esq.,———

3. That, although suffering (temporarily, we trust,) from a great
depression in trade, in the same manner as other countries have occasionally
sufiered,—we believe that relief can, and will be obtained by the co~operati0n
of the Provincial with the Imperial Legislature, without foregoing our
allegiance to the Parent State.

Moved by Darcy E. Boulton, Esq, and seconded by William Graveley, Esq,—
4. That by a sound system of Legislationwa calm resolve to drop old
party strife~—a submission to the rule of a constitutional majority—and a
rigid economy in the administration of the government, this colony can
better re—establish her credit, and regain her wonted prosperity, than by
severing her connexion from the greatest Empire of the earth, and forming
instead a dependent State of the American Union.
Moved by Thomas Eyre, Esq., seconded by the Hon. Geo. S. Boulton,——

5. That this meeting is pleased to find that two prominent members
of the Provincial administration, the Honble. Robert Baldwin and the
Honble. Francis Hincks, have publicly and plainly expressed their views
on the subject for which this meeting is assembled, and that such views meet
with the full and unqualified approbation of this meeting.

Moved by James Cockburn, Esq., and seconded by William Graveley, Esq.,–

6. That this meeting is of opinion that this country owes a great debt
of gratitude to the Parent State, for the large amount of her treasure which
she has from time to time expended in the Colony for its protection and
defence, as well as in the erection of that magnificent work the Rideau
Canal, which, while it is so beneficial to the Province, is a continual expence
to the Mother Country, and productive of scarcely any revenue.

Moved by Richard D. Chatterton, Esq., and seconded by J. C. Boswell,


7. That a Committee, consisting of the following gentlemen:——Asa A.
Burnham, Esq., Hon. G. S. Boulton, Andrew Jeffrey, Thos. Scott, Thos.



Eyre, D. E. Boulton, Henry J. Ruttan, and James Thompson, be appointed
to prepare a protest against the annexation movement, in accordance with
the foregoing resolutions, and to express our firm and unalterable adherence
to British connexion, and to the British throne and constitution, and that
the Committee be further requested to circulate the said protest for general


The Bathurst District has ever been highly distinguished for the efficiency
of its schools, for the intelligence and enterprise of its inhabitants—and as a
necessary consequence, for its strict adherence to the Liberal side of politics.
We are rejoiced to see that it continues to maintain its high character, and
that at the recent Perth assizes there were but two civil suits tried, and not
one criminal case in a district of 30,000 souls.——~The Grand Jury made the
following presentment on the subject of annexation: ‘

BATHUBST DISTRICT, We, the Grand Jurors of the Bathurst District,

to wit: convened at Perth, and representing the sev-
eral sections of said District, although there are differences in opinion
among us, respecting the policy of the present administrators of the Gov-
ernment of this Province, deem it to be our duty, at this time, to record
our solemn and deliberate testimony against the views entertained and
advocated by a party in the City of Montreal, who have issued an Address
to the people of Canada, recommending Separation from British Connex-
ion and Union to the United States of America, as presenting the only
practicable remedy for the evils which affect this Province.

We believe, that there are no evils affecting this Province which may
not by union of the people of Canada themselves, and wise legislation, and
proper respect for the Constitution and Laws, be speedily and entirely
remedied; and, knowing, that, in no part of this District, are the views of
the revolutionists of Montreal entertained, but a determination, rather, to
oppose to the uttermost the carrying out of such views, we earnestly hope,
that the spirit which the advocacy of treason has evoked will not expend
itself in mere testimony of its opposition to a faction which is doomed to
be ephemeral, but induce those who are united and actuated by it to seek
the true remedy for the evils which depress our condition, in determining,
and in vying with each other, to develop the many elements of prosperity
and progress which our Constitution, our natural position, the protection
of the greatest and most powerful of States, and our vast internal resources
place within our reach; but which the diiferences of contending factions
have hitherto prevented our availing ourselves of for securing the destiny
which Providence has marked out for us, in our union, and in our power
to become, by that union, in the future, a great, -prosperous, and happy


‘ themselves.



We further believe, that so long as the Parent State will continue to
Canada her present able, impartial, and Constitutional Governor, whose
administration has been distinguished by the strictest regard to the prlv~
ileges of the other branches of the Legislature, and to the rights of the
people of this Province, or will select for the Representatives of our
Sovereign, the wisest, the ablest, and the best of her most experienced
statesmen, Canada has nothing to fear, but everything to hope, from a
continuance of her present connexion.

(Signed) JOSHUA ADAMS, Foreman.

Perth, Oct. 26, 1849.

We learn that Mr. Justice McLean, in addressing the Grand Jury, said it
was properly within their province to express the opinions which the present-
ment contains; because, although up to that time, parties to the proposed
separation and annexation, had, he said, discussed the question with remarkable
calmness and moderation, the question necessarily involved such dilferences of
opinion, as will soon arouse and inflame, and bring into collision, the worst
passions of parties, and lead to consequences so much to be deprecated, that it
was clearly the duty of Grand Juries to express a decidedly condemnatory
opinion. The opinions of such bodies have weight, he said, in the country; and
he repeated that it was within the province of the Jury to express the opinion
which they had presented, and that they had very properly discharged their
duty in presenting it. — He concluded with a hope, that the sentiments which
had been expressed would be duly appreciated in the proper quarter, and have
weight with the people of the District.


This august body have been wrangling in the City Hall for the last few
days, but with what aim or object no one can tell——they don’t seem to know
Annexation, and elective governors, and Legislative Councillors
seem to have been the favourite topics, but it is all talk~—not a practical move-
ment can they suggest. The entire thing is a broad farce and furnishes subject
of ridicule for the whole town, Whig and Tory. To see Bill Davis sitting as
Delegate from the Johnstown District, to frame a new constitution for two
millions of people! About one half of the “Delegates” (bless their dignity)
are the scrapings of the Tory party of Toronto« not one man of the respectable
Conservatives of the city go near the thing. We intended to report the speech-
ifying, and indeed commenced doing so, with the view of affording our readers
some fun—~but we found it was too contemptible an affair to throw away quiz-
zing upon. Comical as the Kingston meeting was, it was absolute respectability
in comparison with this. The best thing the “Delegates” can do is to get
home as speedily and quietly as possible.


No. 3

@” The Toronto Anti-Annexation Protest, up to last evening, had received
over three thousand six hundred signatures.


“ We are told that the seat of Government is to come to Quebec, at the
expiration of the present Parliament, that is to say in 1851. The law which
is to authorise this extraordinary rotatory system is yet a l’etat do projet, and so
we cannot judge it. We can, however, safely estimate the amount which the
Province will pay for each “flitting” at from £60,000 to £70,000. Once every
four years will give £15,000 to £20,000 a~year, a mere trifle as our readers will
perceive. To imagine that the Upper Canadians will consent to allow the
government to depart in peace, after having enjoyed it eighteen months is absurd.
They will] thunder about this expense of £60,000 until the ministry of 1851 are
as bewildered as the ministry of 1849.”

The above is from the Quebec Gazette, and we can only express amazement
that such statements are found in such a paper. It will scarcely be believed
that not only is all this cry about the expense of removal from Montreal to
Toronto untrue, but that in fact the government will make money by the change!
There will be an actual saving by the removal, in consequence of the high
rents paid at Montreal, which have been got rid of. These were:———

Rent of Parliament Buildings, Montreal, per annum. .£ 1500

RentofMonklands…………………… 450
Rental Government olfices.. .. .. .. .. .. .. 650
Total.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..£2600

Four years at Montreal would therefore have cost £10,400; Whereas the
Government will sit in Toronto with but one rental to pay of £2501 And we
are informed on the best authority that the whole expenses of removal and
fitting up will not amount to one year’s charge for rental at Montreal. The
saving to the country, therefore, by having the seat Government at Toronto,
and not at Montreal, every term of four years, on the alternate system, will
be £7,800.

THE Lnseus.

The worthy delegates have talked themselves out—spent all their breath——-
and carried themselves off yesterday afternoon. Not a step have they taken
not a new point of action have they agreed upon, except to meet again at
Halifax, some day hence. From first to last a more ridiculous exhibition has



never been cut by men of common sense, than by these same leaguers sitting in
solemn state, a la Parliament, aping dignity, talking twaddle, and doing nothing.
The following is the only document which has emanated from them:~——

Report of progress of « Committee of Conference” on Union of the British
N orth American Provinces.

In obedience to the resolution passed by the Convention of the “British
American League,” when in Session at Kingston in July last, the Committee of
Conference, then and there appointed, have to report as follows:~—

That considerable delay was experienced in preparing and publishing the
information it was deemed necessary to lay before the Colonists of the Lower
Provinces, owing to untoward and accidental circumstances.

That there being no association, known to your Committee, organized in
Nova Scotia, Prince Edward’s Island and Newfoundland, a communication was
made to “prominent and influential” parties in Halifax requesting them to
co-operate with your Committee by disseminating through Nova Scotia, Prince
Edward’s Island and Newfoundland, the printed proceedings of the Convention,
accompanied by circulars written for the purpose of inviting the action of those
Provinces on a proposition for a Union of all the Colonies.

That your Committee communicated similarly to the “ Colonial Association
of New Brunswick,” which Society responded’ by appointing the hon. Charles
Simmonds and the hon. John Robertson, to the conference. These gentlemen
were not however authorised to act definitely, but only to ascertain the views

and opinions of the “British American League,” and to report thereon on their

That the following members of your committee met the hon. Charles Sim~
Inonds and the hon. John Robertson in conference in Montreal, on the 13th
and 14th instant, viz: Messrs. J. W. Gamble, George Crawford, 0. R. Gowan,
H. C. Montgomerie, and Thomas Wilson.

That the following is a copy of the minute then and there made, as
expressing the opinion of this conference, arrived at after a close and thought-
ful discussion of the question proposed for consideration;——-

“At a meeting held at Montreal on the 13th of October, 1849 —- Present –
Hon. Charles Simmonds, hon. John Robertson of New Brunswick, Messrs.
O. R. Gowan, George Crawford, Thomas Wilson, H. E. Montgomerie, and J. W.
Gamble, of Canada. .

“ In the course of conversation and discussion it was elicited as the
unanimous opinion of those present——-

“That the commercial evils now oppressing the British American Colonies
are to be traced principally to the abandonment by Great Britain of her former
Colonial policy, thus depriving them of the preference previously enjoyed in the
British market without securing any equivalent advantages in any other market.

“ That these colonies cannot now remain in their present position without the
prospect of immediate ruin, and that it is the duty of the Imperial Government

either—— First, to restore to the Colonies a preference in the British markets
over foreign countries—— or second, to cause to be opened to them the markets ‘


of foreign countries, and more especially the United States, upon terms of
reciproeity—— one or other of which is considered inclespensable to the con-
tinuance of our present political connection with Great Britain.

“ That a union of the British American Provinces, on mutually advantageous
and finally arranged terms, with the concession from the mother country of
enlarged powers of self-government, (including the unrestricted privilege of
making laws to regulate and protect their commercial and industrial interests,
and to reduce the expenditure of the civil Government to an adequate scale)
appears essential to the prosperity of the Provinces.

“ That deputations from the ‘British American League ’ and ‘ New Bruns~
wick Colonial Association ’ should meet at Halifax on as early a day as possible,
with such gentlemen from the other Provinces as may attend, for the purpose
of arranging a definite scheme of Union to submit for public approval.”

Your Committee then adjourned, upon a proposition to meet again in
Halifax, in the hope that they would be there met by representatives from Nova
Scotia, Prince EdWard’s Island and Newfoundland, for the further consideration
of the proposed Union of the Provinces.

Trzos. WHJSON,

Chairman Council of Conference.

Tonorrro, Oct. 31, 1349.

[Duplicate MS copy]


Nov’ 23/49

I have been detained by one person after another coming tm me till I fear

I have hardly time to Write to you as I wished— In the first place I think you
sh“ write to me an Official Despatch on the annexation movement on wh. I may
found a pretty strong Despatch Condemning those who have joined in it & saying
that the Queen does Not doubt the attachment of the great majority of Her
Canadian Subjects & sets a high value upon it1— In writing to me I think you
ought to take a pretty confident tone & above all to avoid any language wh. can
be taken to imply that failing to get “reciprocity ” with the U. States W‘ afford
the slightest reason for the Canadians to Wish for annexation ~— I enclose an
extract from a letter of L“ John’s2 with some remarks on the unreasonableness
of those who represent the loss of Canada as the necessary consequence of the
continuance of the American duty on com. I entirely concur with him & I
think the substance of What he says ought to be inculcated on the minds of the


1 The papers relating to the removal of izhe_seo.t of Government and Annexation were
presented to both Houses of Parliament, 15 April, 1850. (Parliamentary Papers 1850, No.

[1181 vol. XXXVIII).
2 is letter is not in the collection. See below, 12. 557.


Again I think a Careful calculation in figures of all that the Canadian
gains wh. may be set ag“ his loss on his corn sh“ be made & published in the
newspapers—- The taxes paid by the Canadian Farmer (say near Toronto) sh“
be Compared with those paid by a similar farmer Near a Town of corresponding
size in the States; in this calculation sh“ be included not only state & township
taxes but the enhanced price paid by the American for many articles (including
especially all implements made of iron)1 owing to the protecting duties levied
in America—— I am very much mistaken if making a fair allowance for the
Greater cheapness of most of the articles of his consumption & his comparative
immunity from local rates & taxes an U. Canadian Farmer who sells annually
a couple of hundred bushels of wheat W“ find that he W‘ pay very clearly indeed
for the privilege of getting a 1/4 of a dollar more a bushel in America by
submiting tm the burthens of the States Farmer—— Surely the means of making
this calculation might be found & its publication I think w“ have a good eiiect,
more especially as I see it is remarked in one of your newspapers that after all
there have only been 3 occasions on wh. for many Yea-rs past Canada w“ have
gained by being able to send corn to the States duty free —~ I am the more
anxious that this matter sh“ be set right because from the conversation of M‘
Lawrence I have little hope of our succeeding in the negotiation.

I send you by this Mail a Despatch on the Ordnance proposed [sic] about
Barracks? to wh— I wish you to be careful about the answer -— I need {not
tell you that at the present moment it wd be utterly out of the question proposing
to the H. of Commons a plan for spending any thing like this sum on Canadian
Barracks. This cd hardly have been done at any rate & the annexation movement
has removed any doubt as to its total impossibility

The principle we must come to is that of requiring the Colonies to provide
barracks for the Troops but I wish to postpone announcing this to Canada until
the Province has got reconciled to Free Trade, in the mean time we have made
a capital beginning about the Barracks at Montreal 9. question wh. you have
arranged entirely to my satisfaction

I enclose a copy of a Dcspatch3 I have just written to N.S. Wales wh. will
explain to you the principle on wh. it is quite clear that Parl‘ will require us to
act, & in my opinion it is quite right in doing so, I see no pretence for letting the
Colonies throw such a burthen as they have lately done on this Country—— With
this explanation of our views I hope you will be able with the assistance of the

lSec below pp. 563, 577.

2 On 19 November, 1840, Lord Grey transmitted reports and estimates for the accommodation
of tro s _in Canada, which luaxl been submitted by the Ordnance. In this regard. he sairl:—~
“It is tting that your Lordship should have an opportunity of considering and reporting to
me your ocpinion upon the very large outlay which is required for the object in question,
and of determining whether arrangements could not be made for quartcring the Troops
without incurring the heavy expense proposed.” (G781! to Elgin, 19 Novrnnber, 1849, Military,
Na. 66. G. 1.95). See below 1:. 693.

3On 21 November 1849, Lord Grey wrote a despatch in which be reviewed the corre-
spondence in which he had informed the colonial authorities of New South Wales that the tune
had come when the Colony should assume part of the charges for defence. He n‘dde/d:—j-

These communications will have fully prifiared you for the reduction which Her Majesty’s
Government find it absolutely necessary to an e in the military expenditure of the Australian
Colonies, and I have accordingly to acquaint you that Her Majesty’a Government pr . use
to transfer to ‘the Colony of New South Wales the barracks and all military buil ings
and ‘lands not immediately requirfxl for the preservation pf stores, and that ‘His char e
gprovxding, maintaining and repairi quarters for Her Majesl:y’s troops in New South ales
must in future be undertaken ‘by t at Colony, and that the force to be retained there, will
’be reduced to a guard in the capital of ‘Hie Colony, and in the town of Melbourne, \v’lr1ch

7 -~—* “iv” -—‘


General to devise some plan of patching up the existing Barracks for the present
& in a Year or two I am very confident indeed that the finances of Canada will
be in a/‘state wh. will render it easy for Whoever may then have to deal with the
question (I trust it may not be myself) to propose to her to undertake the

I have written in such haste that I fear you will not find this easy to

understand — _
signed GREY

Nov‘ 23/49
Lord Grey To Lord Elgln

[Duplicate MS copy]

‘ C.O
Nov’ 30/49

I rec“ yesterday your letters of the 4″‘ & 8”‘ but I have little in reply tm

them to add to what I said in my letter of last week ~— The political economy
of M’ Merritt is certainly of the lowest order, & the more I consider the subject
the more I am convinced that if the Canadians will but have patience they
will very soon have it proved beyond all doubt that commercially & materially
instead of gaining by annexation they W“ be infinite losers by it.

I see some facts mentioned in the papers you have sent me strongly supporting
this opinion -— The local taxation of the city of New York alone exceeding the
whole taxation of Canada general & local (if as I suppose the statement is
correct) is a pretty strong one. Again is it possible to suppose now your ports
are open to all the World the difierence in the price of flour &: corn in Quebec
& New York can continue without speedily transferring to Canadian Merchants
& Millers much of the trade now enjoyed by their Yankee rivals? It is clear
that a very few months of this state of things will transfer to Quebec the trade

will the the ca/pital of the rproposod {province of Victoria. If a greater amount of force is
required, the Local Legislature must either make ;provision for raising a more considerable
body of police than is now-maintained, or some other description of local force, or else
provide for the pay and allowances of an additional nunrher of Her Ma;iesty’s regular army,
in which case there would be no objection to allow additional regiments to serve there.”

‘Lord Grey declared that in adopting _this_ policy, tine Governnienthnd considered the
fact -that N. S. Wales possessed representative institutions and that ell restrictions on trade
had «been removed. He oonc1uded:~— _ _ .

“It is my duty to apprise you that, if ‘Nae Colonial Legislature should not think profper
to make mi tuate provision «for the maintenance of the necessary barracks in a nganner
in which the ealtli and comfort of the troops will the as well scoured as at present, it will
be incumbent on Her Majesty’s Government to remov_e ‘thorn altogether.

“I have only further to acquaint you that, in win to the Colony the harracks and
other -huildi s which are -to the transferred to it u er e present instructions, it must ‘be
distinctly -un erstood that Her Ma.J’esty’s _Governinent reserve to themselves the right of
resuming possession, if at any future time it should in their judgement become necessary to
do so; some nominal rent must therefore be reserved as a recognition of the title of the
Crown t9 the property.” _ _ _ _ _

(Printed in, Grey, The Uolomal Policy of Lord John Russell? Admmistmtoon (London:
1853) Vol. I, Appemiiaz B, pp. 300-305.) .



in flour for the supply of Brazil & Cuba. The Western states of the Union
can get their sugar & eofiee now quite as cheaply, to say the least, by the S‘
Lawrence route as by New York & the Canals, & if this is the case while flour
&c is so much cheaper with you it will next season he more advantageous to
bring the produce of Cuba & Brazil to Quebec & take back Canadian flour than
to carry on the trade from N. York —- But every barrel so shipped from Canada
as substitute for a barrel of American flour tends doubly to equalize prices
between the two sides of the boundary by diminishing your surplus increasing
their supply for home consumption~— When you remember that America has
never yet failed for two consecutive Years to Grow More Corn than she can
Consume, & that Canada can meet her on equal terms in foreign Markets it is
as utterly impossible that there sh“ be any permanent disparity of prices as
that the water sh“ stand higher on one side of the S” Lawrence than the other ——
But the Canadians are really like children for impatience~ they forget that
the repeal of the Navigation Laws has not yet come into operation & even when
it does it invariably takes some little time after such alterations in the law for
trade to Settle itself into the new channels wh. are opened for it, but it is not
the less certain that in a little time it Never fails to do so —~ Pray try to explain
these matters to your Council & to get them to inculcate the same opinions
thro’ the press, & above all remember that the more the Canadians call out that
without free trade they are ruined & must have recourse to annexation the more
likely the Yankees are to refuse what they want — The true way to get it is
to say (what is the truth) that the want of reciprocity is a very serious incon-
venience for the present, but that in the End it is quite sure that these restric~
tions will do more injury to the States than to Canada & will foster the trade
of the latter at the expense of the former -—

Fox Maule is very anxious that you sh“ not in Consequence of the change of the
seat of Gov“ move the Military head quarters, as this W4 he says lead to much
expense— he also suggests that the General Coma!‘ sh‘ occupy Monklands
instead of Sorel wh. W“ appear to me a very good idea—-

(signed) GREY


]?.S. I have just been told by Fox Maule that he has a report from Tullhch
who Was sent over about the Pensioners that there is some valuable Ordnance
land altogether neglected particularly near Toronto —~ I will write to you about
it oflicially in the mean time pray take Care None of it is alienated without
orders from home.

Nov’ 30/49
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

[Original MS]

NIAGARA. .Nov“1 15. 1849

The English Papers which reached us a few days ago contained the contre~
coup of the intelligence from Canada up to the close of September ——~ At that
period I had been about 4 weeks in U. Canada. Moving about unattended
among a purely British Population —— cordially greeted where ever I made my
appearance. Nevertheless this fact is altogether ignored by the English Press-
The Montrealers with the aid of their allies at Boston and New York succeed
in keeping up the impression that the same spirit which animatcs them prevails
throughout Canada. No one would suppose that the assertions which they
had hazarded with respect to the State of feeling among the British inhabitants
of U. Canada had been entirely falsified »- Indeed one might conclude from
the tone of the American and English Journals that the sentiments of the
British population of Canada were to be gathered entirely from the Lower
Canadian section which numbers 150,000, and that 700,000 U. Canadians were
of no account whatsoever. I only now allude to this fact as illustrative of
what I stated in a former letter, vz. that what with prejudice at home and self
interest in the States, it was hopeless to expect that the truth respecting Public
opinion in this Province ever could reach England, so long as the Montreal
Press had the prestige of being Metropolitan}-—

Meanwhile it is satisfactory to see that the removal of the seat of Gov‘ has
had an excellent eifect on the tone of the Montreal Press itself—- I send a. number
of my friend the Gazette with by far the most useful article notwithstanding
some hits at myself, that I ever saw in that paper. Also one of the Transcript,
the Tory Paper which valiantly resists annexation-— Also of the Courier”?

annexationist, which commends rebellion in the mildest and most dove like

accents—— very diiferent from the loyal Courier of days gone by.—« It contains
as you will observe the report of a meeting in favor of anneXation——.— which
seems to have been a small aifair.

We intend to dismiss the Militia oflicers and Magistrates who have taken
part in these afiairs and to deprive the two Q.C.s of their silk gowns.-—— These
Gentlemen were recommended to me for this honor by Mess Cayley & C » just
before they left ofiice —— It was rather a job as they were young at the Bar —

Very much, as respects the result of this annexation movement depends
upon what you do at home. I believe that a great many who have taken a
part in it ardently hope that you will pronounce yourself strongly against it——
(by you I mean the British Gov‘ and Par‘)—in which case they Will withdraw
protesting that they never intended to take any step in the matter without the
full approval of England.—— 011 the other hand I cannot say what the eflect
may be if the British Gov‘ and Press are lukewarm on the subject——- The annex-
ationists will take heart, but in a tenfold greater degree the friends of the con~
nexion will be discouraged. If it he admitted that separation must take place

1See above p. 520. _
2 These papers are not in the eoilection.



sooner or later, the argument in favor of a. present move seems to me almost
irresistible —— I am prepared to contend that with responsible Gov‘ fairly worked
out and with free trade there is no reason why the colonial relation should not
be indefinitely maintained — But look at my present difficulty, a dilficulty
which may be encreased beyond calculation if indiscrect expressions be made
use of during the present crisis.»~ The English Gov‘ thought it necessary in
order to give moral support to their representative in Ireland to assert in the
most solemn manner that the Crown never would consent to the severance of
the Union altho’., according to the Oconnell doctrine, the allegiance to the
Crown of the Irish was to be unimpaired notwithstanding such seVeranca—» But
when I protest against Canadian projects for dismembering the Empire I am
always told “The most eminent statesmen in England have over and over again
told us that whenever we chose we might seperate —– Why then blame us for
discussing the subject?”

I have given a letter of introduction to your Lordship to a certain M’
M°Pherson agent for a highly respectable Forwarding Firm who proceeds to
Europe with the View of inducing German & other Emigrants to adopt the route
of the S‘ Lawrence instead of that of new York —-— The object is a most important
one for we never can bring down our outward Freights unless we can encrease
our Freights inwards ~—— I am told that M‘ McPherson is an annexationist— but
so are, I regret to say the Forwarders generally. fie is, I know, a violent
Montreal Tory.

Very sincerely Your’s.


Nov‘ 15/49
Lord Elgin

[Original MS]
Toaorrro, Nov’ 21. 1849.

Mr Dunn GREY,

We came here yesterday to an hotel as our House is not ready for us~— I
have just been informed that the English mail is to be despatched to day two
days before the time at which it has hitherto started for fear of ice.-—— I am
therefore unable to prepare despatches which I should otherwise have sent—- I
am somewhat anxiously expecting the English mail With the contrecoup of the
Montreal annexation 1nanifesto— It may produce considerable eifect for good
or for ill here. Meanwhile I send you a letter which appears in the Commercial
advertiserl one of the principal New York newspapers which gives a pretty

1 ‘I\his cliprping is not in the collection.


fair representation of the state of feeling in Canada and which illustrates the
truth of what I have always affirmed respecting the efiect which the change
of the seat of Gov‘ might be expected to produce upon the tone of the American
Press. The spirit of Toronto is substituted in that quarter for that of Montreal.
——And this is very important for the American Press has great influence here —

I am much annoyed by a difiiculty which has occurred with some Indians
on the shore of Lake Superior -— Metcalfc’s Gov‘ of Jobbers gave licenses to
certain mining Companies in that quarter without making arrangements with
the Indians, and I have been occupied for the last two years in getting some
compensation for them—— We had finally settled with them as we supposed when
some blackguard whites as it appears induced some of them to attack one of the
mines. I have been obliged to send up a detachment of soldiers to protect the
miners~— I hope that all will be settled in a few days. I shall send a report by
next post}

Yours very sincerely—

Nov’ 21/49
Lord Elgin

[Duplicate MS copy]


Dec‘ 13/49
I have rec“ today your letters of the 15″‘ & 21″—— I am glad to hear that

your removal of the seat of Gov“ has answered your expectations & promises

to be useful, but this reminds me that you have never yet reported to me that
measure officially.—— this is an emission that may prove inconvenient when
Parl° meets & considering how much we are to be the object of attack I cannot
impress upon you too strongly the importance of writing to me safe producible
despatches reporting to me all facts of importance on wh. it will not do for me
to be without official information I have not a line from you on the annexation
movement Upon this you may like to see a letter wh. L“ John has just written
to certain Canadian Merchants who had addressed a long complaint to him in
wh. they said that some of the Queens most loyal subjects in Canada had been
driven to join the annexation movement by the loss they have experienced by
the removal of protect/ion2——It is not a little severe is it not-— I will see M’
M°Phers0n when he calls.3 I believe you will get a very large part of the
emigrants from Germany now that the Navigation Law is repealed, & all the
more if the Americans continue to refuse to admit your corn. If flour for a
‘ For Lord Elgizfs despatch on this subject see below p. 554, Appemliaa XVII.

2’I’l.n.s letter is not in the collection.
5 See above 1:. 5158.


return cargoe is to be had cheaper at Montreal than at N. York it will be a great
inducement to take this route. Quebec however I sh“ think not Montreal w‘
be the main seat of trade as it must be far more convenient for the sea going
ships to stop there, & now that your Canals are so improved there is no reason
why the Vessels from the Lakes sh“ not go direct to Quebec –

Every thing portends that I am again next Session to be the great mark
for every section of opposition & this is an unpleasant position when I am not
in the H. of Commons to defend myself -—

(signed) GREY.
Dec‘ 13/49
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

[Original MS]

Tonorrro Nov —- 27, 1849

I have nothing particular to trouble you with. The annexation move-
ment is stayed the only chance which its promoters have is in making capital
out of the comments in English newspapers. Anything that implies indiffer-
ence at home to the retention of the Colony is seized with avidity by these
Gentry. There is excitement today in the Town I am told because the tele-
graphic report of last night states that if Canada chooses to cut the connexion
with England England will not use coercion to retain her. I hope that caution
will be exhibited in employing language of this description. Meanwhile we
are rather tranquil for us. and the enclosed newspaper extract, though en
badinant tells pretty nearly the truth.

Yours very Sincerely


Nov‘ 27/49
Lord Elgin


“ Opifer per Orbem Dicor.”
FRIDAY MORNING, Nov. 23, 1849.
The Commercial year is drawing fast to a close—-excellent as the season
has been and still is, the businessof 1849 is ending. In another week or so,

all the steamers and sailing vessels will be laid up, and the long, but not
dreary Canadian winter is before us. Until April, Canada is like its bears,



living upon its summer fat. Alas and a-lack-a~dayl that the fat should be
so scanty.

There is a lull in politics—a lull perhaps ‘before a coming storm~—but a
lull most decidedly. Lord Elgin and his amiable ministers are preparing to
open the campaign in Toronto under better auspices than at Montreal. Men
are tired of abusing thcm—the vocabulary of ill names has been exhausted
upon them; and to speak of them now Without plagiary is to praise them.
Another thing in their favor is the disorganised condition of the’ once
powerful Conservative party. Between Annexation and the League it is
nowhere. Nor is there any hope of its revival. While Bishop Strachan
and his numerous pupils still survive it may hold up a feeble head,
but once they die oli”, Conservatism dies too; for the onwards tendency
of all conditions of men on the American continent is democratical. -It
is more pleasant for folks to govern themselves badly than be ruled by
others well.——The people of Montreal are crying pecavimus and. it is high
time. They have had their fun, and now find out that fun to be expensive.
Wh0’.s sorry? Nobody in Upper Canada. The Montreal merchants, and the
Montreal politicians have been the ruin of the upper country, that is to say,
its temporary ruin. If they have also ruined themselves, they have only them-
selves to thank. They would force the trade to New York, and they would
force the seat of- government to Montreal. And a pretty mess they made of
both. Had the merchants behaved with common decency towards their cus-
tomers, New York would ncver have become to Upper Canada What it is«—-
its commercial capital. Had the politicians allowed Kingston to remain the
seat of government, nine-tenths of the present evils of Montreal would not be
in existence. Every dog will have his day—the selfish Montrealers have had
their’s. Cui Bone?

Annexation is on the stand still, and Reciprocity is all the vogue. The
wittiest Eng~proverbs are always the most dirty, which is a great pity; for
the great respect we have for our readers prevents the elucidation of the
present topic by a very trite though homely adage. The standard of morals
is much higher in Canada than in England. What the Times could utter
with impunity in London, the British Whig would blush to speak in Kingston.
And that is saying a good deal.

Our readers must see what fearful shifts we are reduced to for subjects
to write upon,~—The American rhetoricians have a figure of speech which they
impressively style “bunkuzn.” The above article is a specimen of that style.

[Original MS]

Tonorrro Dec’ 2. 1849
As our Post makes Wonderful vagaries at this season of the year We are
constantly taken aback by its leaving for England a day or two sooner than


expcctedm We have just heard that it is to leave tomorrow (Monday) about a
week earlier than its departure from Oswego or Buffalo—— This is a grievance to
the Mercantile Community as well as an inconvenience to the Gov”. I shall
shortly propose a plan for its’ removal.-—.

I see by the English Papers that I am well abused on all hands for the
change of the seat of Govt— I have the consolation of knowing that I would
havebeen quite as much abused if I had done anything else~ Meanwhile the
measure is producing the important and valuable fruit which I eXpectcd—— –
Anncxation is arrested, and stigmatised as a merely local movement. The
movement of a disappointed self seeking faction—- If Montreal had continued
to be the Metropolis it would have spread and become, I do not say triumphant,
but certainly Provincial—— U. Canada would have been taught by the Montreal
Press to consider itself ill used, for you must remember, though it may be
impossible to make the English Public understand this, that from the day on
which the Assembly passed the address recommending the change, the removal
of the seat of Gov” was the talk if not the expectation of every one, and the
Gov‘ in taking upon itself the responsibility of determining to stay, and to
summon Part at the place where the H. of Assembly said it could not meet with
safety, would have occasioned disappointment in one quarter quite as acute as
it occasioned in another by moving. I make this observation because the
English Press of all colors treats the question as if it was a mere coup de téte
of the Gov‘ Gen3—— As respects Montreal itself the effect of this measure has
been just what I expected.—I-Iaving no Gov‘ to fight on the spot the inhabitants
are taking to their business— Even the Press is comparatively mild only
indulging once or twice a week in some violent abuse of the Gov’ Gen}, which
is of little consequence as it does not beget emeutes. An illustration of this
tranquility is afforded by the subjoined telegraphic report which I cut out of
one of the ultra Tory Papers of this city yesterday,1 the said constabulary force
being no other than the Mounted Police which we were assured a few months
ago by our own Magistrate Cap‘ Wetherall could not be introduced into the
Town without producing civil warl. Finally our neighbours in the States are
beginning to admit, and I doubt not that before long the same admission will
be made in England, that in testing the state of feeling of the British population
of Canada the 30,000 Anglo-Saxons & Irish of Montreal are not all in all but
that the 700,000 of U. Canada Go for sornething.—~

I am afraid of getting into some trouble With the most dangerous and
spiteful man in U. Canada who is no other than its Bishop on the subject of a
letter against the University Bill which he sent to you in original —~ It appears
that he sent a copy to me without any request that it should be forwarded,
through the Provincial Secretary—— Seeing that it contained assertions which
called for comment I gave it to M’ Baldwin at the time I recieved it, begging
him to make some notes upon it and to give it to me when the authenticated
copy of the Bill and his abstract went home in order that I might send it with
them. They were prepared for transmission while I was on my tour and I did

_ 1 “BX TELEGRAPH. MONTREAL, Nov. 29-7 ]?.M. The new eonstzthulary force arrived
this morning from Laprairie. It is reported that they are to be employed as a guard at the‘

jail. Cllhe weather continues cool, but pleasant.” ‘


not know till I returned that the Bishops Petition had been kept back in order
that I might write a despatch with it—— I sent it off as soon as I made the
discovery—and I hope that it will be in time to be considered with the Bill,
as otherwise I shall be abused beyond all precedent-—

I do not know what you propose to do in the way of reduction of our
military staff of which you Wrote in a late letter.1 I do not doubt that a good
deal might be done in this respect without impairing the efliciency of the service.
It is a very delicate thing for me to touch on but I cannot help adverting to the
system which prevails here of keeping ofiicers in high staff situations for an
indefinite period until they become identified with all manner of local parties
& prejudices— The extent to which I have suffered from this cause during the
past year is I believe incalcu1able—and I really think if it be persevered in you
ought to have a military instead of a civil Gov‘ whose position W5 give him
some moral influence with the Military-

Yours very sincerely




ES. The last lie of the Gazette is too good to be kept back? You see the
Avenir (Papineau’s organ) invents and the Gazette cooks the story for the
Home Market.

I intended to have said at an earlier part of this letter that the conduct of
the French in reference to the seat of Gov’ has been excellent. The annexation
1/novement does not appear to have made any head among them

Dec‘ 2/49
Lord Elgin

[Original MS]

TORONTO Dec” 10. 1849


I have just recieved your letter of the 14″‘ Ult. In compliance with your
suggestion I enclose a letter to Lord John Russell3— My excuse for not having
done so before is the precedent of Lord Metealfe who did reoieve an official com-
munication, and I did not think I could take the liberty of Writing without being
written to— I have been betrayed in writing to Lord John into making some
remarks on our politics, with reference more especially to Reciprocity with the
States, which I trust you Will not be indignant with me for doing. I have just
heard that the rascally whites who have been trying to make 9. disturbance at the

‘ See above 12. EM.

2’l »his clipping‘ is not in the oollection.
3 This letter is not in the collection.


mines have been arrested 1 and no resistance to the Military is apprehended. You
are severe on our annexation movement and I do not Wonder-— Nevertheless I
much doubt whether y. excellent allies of the Manchester school would stick by
their flag as gallantry as the farmers of U. Canada are doing, if they were con-
vinced, as the farmers are that they would add one fourth to the value of all they
have to sell by changing it—- —I shall not add, what however I know tm be the
case, that but for the signal proof of Englands determination to carry out con~
stitutional Gov‘ fairly which has been given this year, and but for the zeal with
which I have fought this battle the annexation cry w‘ have run over the country
like wild fire— I may repeat however what I have said often before- Give
us Reciprocity with the States —— and I am ready tm answer for the tranquility
of Canada.

As I sent in my last the Gazettes latest lie, I send the contradiction in this-

Very sincerely Yours

Dec’ 10/49
Lord Elgin

QUEBEC, ler décembre 1849.

On lit dans l’AvcmSr du 29 novembre:

“ La Minerva dit simplernent que: Lord Elgin We jamais écrit 6. Pévéque dc
“Mont’réaZ, pour demancler a so Grandeur dc publier rm mandement contra Zes
“annea:iom’stes. Lui a—t—il écrit autre chose dans le meme sens? lui a~t—i1 de-
“ mandé des circulaires? lui a-t-ii demandé d’employer son influence et celle du
« ‘ clergé contre le mouvement annexioniste? a—t—i1 écrit aux autrcs évéques.”

Ainsi donc 1’Avem’r et son frere en démagogie le M oniteur, persistent dans le
mensonge, au moyen duquel ils espérent déconsidérer le gouvernernent qui a le
plus fait pour les Canadiens francais et son administration et enlever au clergé
Tinfluence morale qu‘il s’est acquise sur le peuple a force de dévouement et de
sacrifices. Maintenant la lettrc qu’ils affirmaient avcir été éerite par le gouver-
neur-général is So. Grandeur Yévéque de Montreal, aurait été égalernent adressée
23. tons les-évéques du Canada, et conséquemment 33. Sa Grace Monseigneur
l’Archevéque de Québec, ou ii. Monseigneur l’administrateur du diocese.

Quand un journal se dit autorisé a contredire un fait ou une assertion d’u.n
autre journal, c’est qu’il s’est mis en communication avec les personnes qui
peuvent donner pareille autorisation. Mais il par-ait que cela n’est pas suflisant
pour l’Avem‘7~ et son noble f1-ere en calomnie, le Moniteur; il faut que 10 journal
qui contredit déclare tenir ses renseignements des pezrsonues vénérables qui sont
aceusées dlétre parties a la transaction supposée. Pour l’Avem’r il faut sortir

1 See above p. 5.59 and below, Appemiio XVII.



des usages et des convenanoes, i1 fauiy que les personnes qui désirent le plus so
tenir en dehors des lutbes de la. presse, consentent £3 se poser en acteurs sur un
théfitre oil i1 Ieur répugne de figurer. Cepandant, afin d’en1ever aux ennemis
du clergé Pombre méme d’un prétexte pour persévérer dans Ieur odieuse calomnie,
1e rédacteur en chef (in Journal s’est adressé ce matin au secrétaire de l’archevéehé,
dans les termes suivants:
“ Québec, ler décembre 1849.

 » Monsieur,

“ Vous trouverez sans doute étranges Ies questions que je vais vous adresser
et que je vous pi-ie de vouloir soumettro 2‘; Nos Seigneurs les évéques. Elles me
sent suggérées par le désir de comiaitre la vérité et de 19. faire connaitre; oette
considération doit sufiire pour les justifier.

“ Sa Grace Monseigneur Parchevéque de Québec ou S9. Grandeur Monseigueur
Fadministrateur de I’a1’chidiocése ont~el1es it 11119 époque queloonque regu du gou-
verneur-général ou de Pun des membres du gouvernement, ou de tourbe autre per-
sonne soit de 19. part du gouverneur-général, soit de celle de son administration
une lettre dans laquelle nos Véuérables Evéques seraient priés (Yengager Ie clergé
au moyen de mandements, de circulaires ou autrement, is. 2).rré’be1′ le mouvement
de Yannexion? Et leur est-i1 promis en rebour qu’on Ieur rendra les biens des

“ J a suis monsieur, eto.,
“ J osmm CAUCHON,
“ R. du Jourmzl de Québec.”
 » Rév. M. CASEAU, seorétaire, etc.”

Voici Ia. réponse qu’on a bien voulu faire 5 la Iettre que nous avons adressée
ce matin 52 M. 1e secrétaire de 1A’rchevéché:

 » Québec, 1 déeembre 1849.
“ Monsieur,

“En réponse A. votre Iettre de ce jour, j’ai Phonneur de vous informer do 19.
part do Nos Seigneurs Parchevéque de Québec et Pévéque de Sydime, qu’i1 ne Ieur
a été fa-it aucune proposition de la part de Son Excellence Ie gouverneubgénéral,
ni d’aucun des mcmbres de son administration, pour les engager 5. arréter, par
mandements, circulaires, ou autrement, le mouvement do Pannexion, et qu’i1 ne
leur est venu, 9. aucune époque quelconque, de la méme source, ni offre, ni pro-
messe de mettre Ies biens des Jésuites entre les mains (in clergé.

“ C’est avec plaisir que je vous donne ce renseignement, bien qu’i1 me
paraisse 5, peu prés inutile, car il est diffieile de croire que les mensonges qu’i1 a.
pour but do constater, puissent trouver Ie moindre crédit parmi Ies catholiques et
méme parmi Ies prabestants du pays.

“ J ’a.i I’honneu1’ d’étre,
“ Monsieur,
“ Votre tréswbt. serviteur
“ C. F. CASEAU, Pt-,re.,
“ Secrétaire.”


“ J os CAUCHON, éouyer,
“ Rédacteur du Journal de Québec.”

Voile. pour les autres évéques du Bas-Canada; voile pour la calomnie des
organes de 12. démagogie. Pour tenir contra une dénégation aussi imposante et
venant d’un pareil lieu, que reste—t-il A faire Q l’Avem‘7~ at A son frere clémago—
gueque et menteur, si ee n’est de donner le nom ou le titre de la “ haute autorité ”
é, laquelle ils doivent cette odieuse oalomnie

II faudrait que le gouverneur fut bien moins intelligent, bien moins doue’
de jugernent, qu’il ne Fest réellement, pour aller, par une démemehe aussi inconsi-
dérée se eompremettre personnellement et eompromettre eette cause ’r/oute impe-
riale e laquelle il comprendrait qu’il devreit s’identifier, il fandrait en outre
supposer, ee qui est impossible, qu’il ignore les dispositions du peuple du Canada
et Pagonie de1’¢m1Lexz’on.

Pourquoi, dans le district de Québec, par example, engager le clergé it com-
battre ce qui n’existe pas?

[Original MS]
Dec” 17. 1849


I think it would be a good thing if I had it in my power to offer to the Chief
Justice Robinson a 0.13.1 He is the head of the old Compact, but a clever man
and a perfect Idol with a certain set——— I do not know whether he would covet
the distinction or whether difiieulties may not arise about my offering it before
I can hear from you on the subject. If however you can authorise me to make
the offer I should be oblig:ed— There can be no question as to his being 9. fit
person for it-

Yours very truly


Dee’ 17/49
Lord Elgin
Ree“ Jan” 9/50

1 See below pp. 505, 642, $45, 650, 7.38.


[Original MS]

TORONTO Dec“ 17. 1849.

Your letter of Nov[‘1 23*‘ reached me yesterday. However creditable it may
be to Lord John’s foresight that he anticipated the disastrous efifects of Lord
Stanley’s legislation on Canadian Interests} rely upon it th-is fact will not recon-
cile Canadians to the consequences.—— Followed by the legislation of 1846 it has
ruined a large proportion of the most enterprising members of the community
by tempting them to invest their capital in Mills and Warehouses and hoisting
up the value of land & its produce only to topple it down again— Judging from
the tone of the English Press I and disposed to fear that there is in England an
entire misunderstanding with respect to the state of opinion in Canada on these
questions, and I hardly think from your letter that you appretiate it correctly.
My own impression is that as regards the economy of the question opinion in
the Province is decidedly in favor of annexation— that it is generally believed
that the additional value which would thereby be given to property would more
than compensate for the additional taxation it would entail, against these views
the Globe and Pilot, the organs of the Ministry and some other Journals are
struggling manfully but I think nevertheless they are still the popular creed.-.
It is not for me to dispute the point with free traders when they allege
that all parts of the Empire are suffering from the effects of free trade and
that Canadians must take their chance with others. But I must be per-
mitted to remark that the Canadian case differs from others both as respects
the immediate cause of the sufiering, and still more as respects the means which
the sufferers possess of finding for themselves 9. way of escape. As to the former
point I have only to say that however severe the pressure in other cases attend-
ant on the transition from protection to free Trade, there is none which presents
so peculiar a specimen of legislative legerdemain as the Canadian where an
interest was created in 1843 by 9. Par‘ in which the parties affected had no voice,
only to be knocked down by the same Part in 1846.—- But it is the latter con-
sideration which constitutes the specialty of the Canadian case. What in point
of fact can the other suffering interests of which ‘ the Times ’ writes do? M’ H.
Drummond may fraternise with Bright,—~ my old friends in Jamaica may refuse
to pay the Chief Justice his salsry.—there may beagreat deal of grumbling,,

‘ and a gradual move towards republicanism or even communism: but this is an

operose and empirical process——- the parties engaged in it are full of misgivings,
and their ranks at every step in advance are thinned by desertion— Not so with
the Canadians—- The remedy offered to thcm‘,—- such as it is, is perfectly definite
and intelligible—- They are invited to form a part of a community which is
neither suifering nor free tradin«g——— which never makes a bargain without getting
at least twice as much as its gives——— (as, for instance, in this matter of the
Navigation Laws— until Canada is annexed American ships will be able to carry
freight between Quebec and Lond0n- but, after annexation, will British ships
be able to do the same between Quebec & New York‘?)— a community the mem-

1 See above 11. 5.43.


bers of which have been within the last few weeks pouring into their multifarious
places of worship to thank God that they are exempt from the ills which aflilict
other men— from those more especially which afflict their despised neighbours
the inhabitants of North America who have remained faithful to the Country
which planted them——

Now I believe that if these facts be ignored, it is quite impossible to under-
stand rightly the present state of opinion in Canada or to determine wisely the
course which the British Gov” and Par‘ ought to pursue-— It may suit the policy
of the English Free Trade Press to represent the difficulties of Canada as the con-
sequence of having a fool for a Gov’ GenL— but, if it be permitted me to express
an opinion on a matter of so much delicacy, I venture to doubt whether it would
be safe to act on this hypothesis. My conviction on the contrary is, that motives
of self interest of a very gross and palpable description are suggesting treasonable
courses to the Canadian mind at present, and that it is a political sentiment, a
feeling of gratitude for what has been done and suffered this year in the cause of
Canadian self Government which is neutralising these suggestions—— I am quite
sure that there was much more reason to fear annexation a few weeks before the
Rebellion Losses bill was sanctioned when Sir George Simpson who had just
returned from Washington professed to me that he believed it to be imminent
(speaking with an evident leaning that way himself) and when I know from
other sources that numbers of the liberal Party were wavering, than there is at
this hour.——- I believe that the mass of the population of both origins have a faith
in Great Britain now which they had not then, & that the consequences of the
Bill in question and the removal of the seat of Gov‘ have therefore proved under
Providence mainly conducive to the check which the desire for annexation has

Now if these views be sound it follows I think that there is a lull rather than
a cessation of the trade wind which is driving this Colony to the States. The
favorable moment may be improved; but if it be not improved I doubt not but
that the gala will shortly set in again with encreased severity: The promptings
of self interest are likely to prove in their operation more constant and more last-
ing than the sentiment of political gratitude of which I have spoken. In a word,
unless prices are equalized or nearly so on the two sides of the line I fully believe
that you will hear ere long a renewal of the annexation cry and that it Wills be
louder than it has been yet-—— It is possible that the effect of the repeal of the
navigation laws may be to produce this equality of prices—— If so all will be well
even without reciprocity. I should decieve you however if I were to lead you to
suppose that I thought less than this would keep the Canadians quiet. It is quite
true that they are much more lightly taxed than they would be under annexation
——We are doing all we can to demonstrate this, as an article which I enclose
from the Globe will shew1-—- But it is the interest of the promoters of annexation
to mystify this subject as much as possible and they will be ably abetted I doubt
not by the Cobden class of home politicians who will both declaim against the
expense of our system of Gov‘ and. then threaten to saddle the Colony with the
cost of its military defence— I have sent you officially by a late mail the Montreal

1 This article is not in the collection.


annexation manifesto and the Minute of Council respecting the dismissal of
Magistrates & other oifioeholclers who signed it‘——— I think this will be as good an
opportunity as any I could furnish you with for expressing your sentiments on
the subject.

As respects my own prospects I have not much to say at present. The
English Press still retails Montreal lies & with wonderful unanimity every
newspaper (except the Times which says nothing on the subject) which reaches
the colony, from the Daily News to the John Bull, concurs in vilifying the
Gov’ Gen‘— This is nuts to M°Nab and the Gazette who revel in the prospect
of my being forthwith recalled, on the other hand I think I percieve symptoms
of a blush rising on the check of some of the more moderate conservatives at
the gross injustice of these proceedings— The S‘ John’s News from which I
enclose an Extract is a Lower Canada Conservative Paper. The S‘ Catherinc’s
Journal is Radical? I am sometimes inclined to dcspond, for what with the
desire that exists in certain quarters to run down the Colonial Administration,
and in others to mystify the British Public with respect to the efiects of Free
Trade, I see little prospect I do not say of justice being done to the Canadian
Gov‘ but of any decency or measure being observed in calumniating it so long
as I am here.

I enclose a letter from Mm Holmes M.P.P.3-— on the subject of his super-
sedeas for signing the annexation manifesto. Also an article from the Gazette
(which M‘ Filder the Commissary General lauds as being the best defender of
British Connexion in the Province!) on the same subject4— You will observe
that the countenance given to the project of dismemberment in England is the
plea set up by M‘ Holmes and C° in justification of their own course and non-
demnation of the local Gov‘ for its measures of repression—

Yours’ ver sincerel


Dec” 17,/49
Lord Elgin
Rec“ J an” 4/50

[Original MS]
TORONTO—Dec’ 19, 1849,


Only one absurdity can be greater pardon me for saying so than the
absurdity of supposing that the British Par‘ will pay £200,000 for Canadian
Fortifications5—- It is the absurdity of supposing that the Canadians will pay
it themselves. You are quite right to express the hope that you will not have
to deal with this question—— If I were vindictive which I trust I am not, I

1 These documents are printed bclow..Appendt’m XVIII.
2 These clippings are not in the collection.

“This letter is not in the collection.

4This clipping 13 not in the Collection.

“See above 1). 5M (6 note 8.


could imagine no greater curse for my worst enemy than to be Sec of State for
Colonies or Gov“ of Canada in these times——-

£200,000 on Defences! and against whom? Against the Yankees——and who are
these Yankees?—— Your own kindred— a flourishing swaggering people who are
ready to make room for you at their own table—— to give you a share of all they
possess, of all their prospcrity—- and to guarantee you in all time to come
against the risk of invasion or the need of defences if you will but speak the

I have always told you that if you would do it quietly you might reduce
yr garrison— You are just as little able to ‘cope against the power of the States
with 5000 men as with 3000- You may therefore if ymu please largely reduce
the stall » and more moderately the inenwleaving the remainder in the best bar-
racks— I think ymu may do this without in any material degree encreasing
the tendency towards annexation—-—prcvided always that you make no noise
about it—You must do this however if you attempt it on the Authority of the
home Gov‘. If you wait till Domesday you will never get a military man here
to agree to such a course.

But, I repeat it, you must not unless you wish to drive the Colony away from
you impose new burdens upon the Colonists at this time-— True, I succeeded
with the Montreal Barracks~ but how? I said to the authorities—— The
Imperial Gov‘ have plenty of barrack accommodation in the Country—- If you
insist on having a regiment stationed where there is no accommodation for it
and remove it from its own quarters, you must house it.

More than a year ago I pointed out that if you were forced to make mili-
tary savings here the safest way w“ be to convert Canada into a Major Genera.l’s
command and to reduce every thing in proportion1— I am of that opinion

More than a year ago I stated that my policy here w“ be to make annexa-
tion by violence impossible, and annexation by any other means as improbable
as circumstances would permit. I have steadily pursued these objects—— I have
deprived the advocates of annexation of every pretext which could grace or
dignify rebellion—— They are so completely without a political grievance which
will bear the light that they are compelled to put forward the most vulgar and
sordid reasons for the course they recommend- reasons, which never w“ tempt
a man to shed his blood or to risk his fortune except as a speculation-——I have
therefore done I think every thing that could be done to avert that greatest of
all calamities—— a war with the States on account of Canada.

But as regards the other point— the making annexation by other means
improbable, that is a matter not entirely within my control. I have never con-
cealed from you my conviction that if England chooses to retain a colony
situated like Canada she must consent to make some sacrifice to that end——- I
have done what I could to keep things right here-— but if you share the opinion
which seems to be general in England that the evils of Canada could have been

1See above 1:. 268.


averted if I had acted with greater wisdom I earnestly hope that no considera-
tion for my reputation will prevent you from trying to govern this Colony
through another Agent—-Very sincerely Yours



Dee’ 19/49
Lord Elgin
Rec » J an » 9/50

[Duplicate MS]
Jan’ 10/50


I have rec‘ several letters from you since I last Wrote— those of the 2‘ & 10″‘
& 17″‘ of Dec » the last of wh. reached me yesterda.y——— \
I am sorry to perceive from these that you seem to Write in bad spirits & with
a feeling that we are not here satisfied with your administration of the Gov“ of
Canada. I assure you there is no ground whatever for the last idea, & as far as I
can judge, our prospects for the future are much less gloomy than you consider
them tm be» As to the manner in wh. Canada is to be governed I most entirely
concur in your views— I am as Much convinced as you are that nothing but the
thorough and cordial adoption by us of the principles of Constitutional Gov“
e“ have prevented the overthrow of our power in Canada; & however little credit
We may get £01‘ it I am persuaded that if the retention of the Colony is an object
tm this Country, to you & myself this is principally due;——— if we had acted on
the views of our predecessors with regard to the Rebellion losses bill, & as to the
duty of giving the support of the Crown to the  » Loyal party ” (a name they will
probably drop now) Canada W“ have been gone by this time— Far therefore from
thinking that your rclinquishment of the Gov” W“ be of advantage towards the
maintenance of B“ power (5 quieting agitation in Canada, I am of opinion that
there c“ be nothing more fatal to both these objects than your yielding to the
violence of the minority in this manner & thus encouraging the notion that they
can succeed in resisting the complete Establishment of the System of Con—
stitutional Gov“

It is true that the English press has been most unjust to you as I think
it has also to myself, but to this we must make up our minds, & for my own part I
have long ceased to care about being represented by most of the newspapers
(& particularly by that wh. is the organ of S. Herbert, Gladstone & Lincoln) as
not only the most incapable minister who ever was in this Office but as one
totally without principle or the slightest regard for the truth»



Nor do I take so desponding a view as you do of the prospect we have of main-
taining our power in Canada for at least many Years to come, if this depends
upon its becoming manifest to the Canadians that their Material interests are
prompted by the Continuance of the Connection — I have so firm a faith in the
soundness of the principles of free trade, that I have not the slightest doubt that
in a very short time indeed it will be shown by the result that Canada where
they are acted upon derives from this the greatest advantages & I fully expect
that before 3 Years are gone by after the S‘ Lawrence is openedby the repeal
of the Navigation Laws that Province without being hampered by “ protecting ”
duties will go ahead of the U. States in prosperity if they, as it seems probable,
sh“ maintain or aggravate their protecting system—I am convinced that this will
happen even if we sh“ fail in obtaining that Concession from the U. States with
respect to the introduction of Canadian produce into their territory for wh. you
are justly so anxious, but I am happy to find by a letter I rec‘ yesterday from
Bulwcr that he anticipates that we shall get what we want—Looking then to a
speedy return of prosperity all we have to do in the mean time is to take all
the pains we can to keep up the courage of the friends of B5“ Connection & to
check the agitation of the question of annexation——~ I trust that the Despatchi I
have sent you by this mail & wh. I presume you will publish in the Gazette will
be of some use to you in this respect. I know that we shall have great difficulties
to encounter— partly arising from what I fear is a growing feeling in this country
that Colonies are useless—— partly from the effects of those changes in our com-
mercial policy to wh. you refer & of the mischief of wh. I am fully sensible as
you will perceive from the enclosed copy of a paper wh. I have just written for
the Cabinet2-~

You will observe that in this paper written before I got Your letter I have
stated not less strongly than you have done in it the grievance of Canada with
respect to the Corn Law -— It is unfortunate that the course wh. W‘ be best with
a view to the state of public opinion here, is precisely that wh. the Grievance of
Canada makes objectionable as regards that Province-But it is perfectly clear
that we cannot keep up our Military Expenditure as heretofore, & we must
endeavour to reduce it in such a manner as to create as little difficulty in Canada
as possible.— This I think can best be done by reducing the amount of force wh.
w“ have the further advantage of bringing away the Reg“ wh. were in the
Colony during the rebellion— I shall however have difliculties here with the Duke
of Wellington, & I must have your support & authority before I can take any steps
in this matter, I shall therefore by this Mail send you an cflicial reminder that
you have not yet answered my confidential Despatch of Dec‘ 29/48.3 In
answering this you may tell me that a much more moderate number of Troops
concentrated in some of the principal forts will sufiice & we will act upon this

1See below, Appcndia: XIX.

3 ‘I\his paper is not in the collection.

“In this despatch Lord Grey pointed out that it was necessary to effect a reduction of
the military exzpenxliture in the colonies. He therefore instructed Lord Elgm to report “whether
the force now maintained in Canada might in your opinion, be safely reduced, and whether
there are any c.rran;:,ements which it may be in your power to suggest «by which the amount
of force which may be retained, may be rendered less expensive than it now is.” Lord Elgm
was instructed to cwnmunicate confidentially with the General Commanding the «forces and such
other oflicers as he should find necessary; “anxl in forming your judgment you W111 not fail to


reeommendation— I think it W“ be very wise to give the CB. to C. J. Robinson1
& you may tell him that if he W“ wish to receive this honor I shall be prepared to
recommend him for it to the Queen –

(s‘) GREY

Jan” 10/50

Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

[Original MS]
Torzozrro. Dec’ 24—1849

My DEAR GREY,——In y. last letter you mentioned Iron Implements as one
of the articles the superior cheapness of which was an argument in favor of the
connexion with Great Britain——2 Now, strange to say, a considrable part, I
am assured, of the Iron Implements used by agriculturalists here are of American
manufacture. The advantage which the agriculturalists would derive from
having these implement introduced without the payment of a 12 W’ °‘ duty on
thejrontier is one of the clap traps of the Annexationists—The fact which I have
mentioned is accounted for in various ways. Some contend that inferior articles
only are imported from Great Britain—— others that the Americans are more
skilful in adapting their implements to the uses to which they are applied~—
It seems incredible that the Yankee Manufacturers who declare that they can-
notggontend against English Goods when protected by a duty of 30 p’ C”, should
be able to undersell the Britishers in a market in which they meet on equal
termsw I cannot help thinking that Canada is looked upon as a sacrifice
market for surplus stocks. This if it be true ought to be of course a powerful

\argument with Canadians in favor of the maintenance of the status quo. The

question is an interesting one, and I am endeavoring to get some information
upon it. ‘

I hope to be able shortly to effect a satisfactory arrangement with the
Irfdians with respect to the Mines on Lake Superior.3 It is very fortunate
that we acted with promptitude in this matter, for I have reason to believe
there was mischief brewing. I saw two days ago a letter from a missionary 9.
half breed who is stationed on Lake Michigan on U.S. Territory He stated
that various communications had reached him from persons in Canada who
were desirous to render the American Indians on our Frontier troublesome in

bear in mind that H. M Troops are not to be looked to for the performance ocf duties more
properly lhelomzing to a Police Force, It is for the protection of the Inhabitants of.Canada
from any possible attack Ifrom a Foreign Enemy that so considermble a Force is mquntaxned
in that part of Her Maiestyir dominions, and Her Majesty’s Government consider it to be
of vital importance that the number of Her Majesty’s Troops should on no account he reduced
below What may be necessary for affording sunk protection when it may be called. for prompt]
and effectually. But to guard Property against petty depre-(lotions and to_ma1_nta:in xnterna
order in the Province, are more properly the obgeets of a Police, for which it IS _the duty
taf 2118 Provincial Govt to provide.” (Grey to Evin, 29 December, 1848, Uanfidcntutl, 0011:!»
~ 51 it 417.)

‘ See above pp. 556; and below 1712. MB, 555; 550; 738-

2See above 12. H4; and below p. 57″/.

3 See above pp. 549, 554; and below, A.2)1Jeml:’ar XVII.



connexion with the annexation movement. The writer expressed his disap-
probation of such nefarious proceedings. The conduct of the Quebec Mining C°
is also most suspici0us~—- The Manager would not allow any resistance to be
oifered to the small body of Whites & Half Breeds & Indians who attacked them
and decamped at once with his gang of miners who greatly outnumbered the
assailants. The object seems to have been to raise a claim for compensation
against the Gov‘

Dec’ 29. When I commenced this letter I was not aware that we had
entered upon the period of our fortnightly mails- I new resume my pen to
say that I have recieved since then your letter of the 30°” Nov’ I quite agree
with you in thinking that the Canadians are children for impatience——- Nay,
more, they are spoilt children into the bargain~ but that does not make them
at all easier to manage when you order your usher here to change the system——
I can assure you that I do every thing; I possibly can to counteract such fal-
lacies as those in which M‘ Merritt indulgcs~—- I believe that the operation of
the free Navigation system will be what you anticipate to a great extent at
least, and that it will tend materially to equalize prices on the two sides of the
line. At the same time I do think that there are circumstances in this country
which falsify in some degree the deductions to which one arrives from reasoning
founded on the abstract principles of political economy. One of these cir~
cumstances is the power which the farmers in the Western States having no
rents to pay,,,havc of holding back their grain when prices do not suit them..
You must have observed what hoards they poured forth when they were
tempted by the famine prices of 1847.— and I cannot but think that this power

of hoarding, coupled with an indifferent harvest, must account for the great .

disparity of price which has obtained during the course of the present year in
the New York market for bonded grain & grain for home consumption. 1 fully
expect however to see the price of Canadian Grain bonded at New York rise,
new that it can. be exported to Liverpool in the New York liners which will carry
it for ballast. Nevertheless I think that Sir Robert Peels dictum with respect to
the repeal of the Corn Laws on the day on which he retired last from office,
when he observed that ‘thenceforward even when the poor suffered from the
high price of bread they would not ascribe that suffering to the fact of their
bread being taxed,’ applies with at least equal force to the Reciprocity question
as afiecting the Canadian farmers. For sure am I that so long as there is a
duty on their produce when it enters the States and none on the introduction of
United States produce into England they will ascribe to this cause alone all
difierences of price that may occasionally rule to their disadva.ntage.———

My advices from Washington give me better hopes of the Reciprocity Bills’
passing through Congress than M’ Lawrence, who is a New Englander & Pro-
tectionist (not very averse I suspect to annexation although by way of being
opposed to it) allows you to indulge in- A great deal will depend, I believe,
on what the Yankees style lobbying, talking over the M.C.’s in the lobbiw and
at the supper tables. The south would support the measure willingly if they
could be persuaded that it would prevent anneXation~— I think it desirable
that there should be some Canadian there to assist Sir H. Bulwer. We have




asked M’ Young to go. He is in my opinion the best person we could send just
because he is most confident that Canada can thrive without it—— He will assure
the Yankees that although we are desirous to obtain reciprocity we are by no
means dependant on it— He is the most enlightened merchant and the best
political economist I have met with in Canada. He has taken a very decided
stand on the annexation question and dissolved. partnership with Mess Holmes
and Knapp1 in consequence of their having joined in the movement-— Perhaps
I had better write to you oificially on this subject in case Stanley should bring
the case forward again which he has some excuse for doing seeing how M’
Holmes has acted after affecting so much indignant loyalty last Summer. I
much fear that M’ Young’s business may prevent him from going to Washing-
ton—— The Gov‘ have however asked him to go.—

There are indications here of a break up of parties, though it is not possible
to tell how far the agitation which is going on without will aflcet Parliamentary
divisions—— The annexation Party comprises a section of the Old Tories——— a
great many Americans— a jeune France faction headed by Papineau«— and a
few liberals: not many of the latter at present.——Thesc are of course all violent
against the present Colonial Gov‘—— Next to the annexation Party, and very close
upon its heels, comes a fragment from the League headed by M’ Gowan, and a
fragment from the liberals under various leaders; both clamouring for constitu-
tional changes in the most ultra democratic sense, and though abusive of each
other, agreeing in condemnation of the Ministry——— Then we have, steady to the
connexion, that portion of the reforming Party which is attached (as Baldwin is)
to constitutional Monarchy, and that portion of the Tory Party which is sincere
in its detestation of Republicanism— It is not easy to say what may be the
relative strength of these parties in the Country-——— probably at present they
vary considerably from day to day. But new combinations can hardly fail to
arise after the cards have been so rudely shuffled and such new combinations will
almost necessarily imply an abatement of the virulence of sectarian and national
antipathies—— This much good we may hope will come out of the evil-—

I infer from your last letter that there is some misunderstanding at home
respecting the precise position of the residence of the Military Commander in
Chief? Sorel has always been considered a sort of country House— a place of
retirement and rclaxation— When the Governors were also Commanders in
Chief they had this advantage- after the civil and Military commands were
seperated there was a squabble between the authorities and it was decided that
Sorel was the pcrquisitc of the Military— It never was made the Military Head
_Quarter I believe except by Sir B. D’Urban, who was 9. very old man seeking
quiet, and Sir R. Jackson. It is of course altogether unfitted for the Head
Quarters. Rowan has a house in Montreal which is I presume furnished to him
by the Gov‘— I do not suppose that he would at all fancy being moved to
Monklands, which he would find probably too large and expensive. Monklands
is a hired House and the Provincial Gov‘ pay £450 a year for it—— They will let it
if they can find a Tenant. The land about it is worth I believe about £150

‘See above 12. 81,5 note; 8613.
2 See above 17. 54¢‘.


In case I should have overstated the case at the commencement of this
letter about Iron Implements, I hope to have some statistics before the next

mail leaves this,-
I enclose the last Pilot with an article on the Indian a&‘air—-— and a letter

from “a Merchant.” (who is I believe M’ Young) of wl‘ you will I think

approve 1
Very sincerely Yours


Dec‘ 24/49
Lord Elgin
Rec“ J an » 22/50

[Original MS]

Tonowro Dec‘ 31. 1849.

The letter of which I enclose a copy from M’ Wilson to 001. Bruce is a
sample of what I have to contend with here. M‘ Wilson is a Conservative-—an
opponent of the Rebellion losses Bill———the proposer of the amendment which if
if I recollect rightly Sir R. Peel said he would have voted for had he been an
M— P.P. instead of an M—P.—But M’ Wilson disapproved of the attacks on
the Gov’ Gen‘, and was civil to me when I visited London. Hence the taunts
to which he has been exposed and which (rightly or wrongly I do not stop to
enquire) have induced him to resign his seat and to stand a fresh eleotion—— His
opponent M‘ Dixon is the Mayor who behaved so scandalously when I visited
London? & who since that time refused to take the chair at a Meeting to oppose
annexation held in the Town at which M” Wilson made the best speech in favor
of the connexion which I have read since the subject was mooted—- You will
observe however that if M‘ Wilson is defeated his defeat will be due to the votes
of British Pensioners and British oflicers on full pay who are stationed in the
Town on Military duty——

Very sincerely Yours


Dec’ 31/49
Lord Elgin
Rec“ Jan” 22/50

1 These clippings are not in the collection.
2See above 12. 509.





No. 1

LONDON 26 Dec‘ 1849

I sent you my address to the Electors of London on my resignation.——
Whether I put it or not in the best shape, my object was to set the question right
as regards Lord Elgin and the Conduct of the Conservative party on recent
events. Instead of finding as I expected that moderate men would sustain my
views, I have found it from the first day a fair trial of party strength and that
the Conservative party is using every means fair and foul to defeat me. Among
other things I am told they say to pensioners that I am against the Government
and that if they support me they will lose their pensions. There are a few
Military men here who have votes but I fear their example in voting will so far
give color to this. There is a M’ Wilson who is Barrack Master here, and has
9. good deal of influence which he is making and will make against me. Capt.
Dacre and Major Gordon of the 20”‘ (Reg‘) have both votes and I hear they
are against me. Now altho’ I mention these to you I really do not see how they
are to be reached but if you can I hope you will.

What I dislike most is that the old rascal Dixon is the one they sustain
whose views and conduct lately are so well known. That I shall be returned,
I have no doubt, but I should not really like to be returned by the Ultra radical
set alone, and returned as a mere party man on that side.——As regards the
appearance of the affair elsewhere, it will make no difference how I am retumed,
if I be but returned.

If possibly you can do anything, pray do it the least I think these gentlemen
should do is to let the matter alone and tell the pensioners the truth. I hope
you will not think my writing to you intrusive

Very truly Your’s

Col The Hon Rom BRUCE
N0. 2


VVHEN you did me the honour to choose me for your representative at the last
election, you required no pledge, and none was given, except that I should
endeavour to carry out Responsible Government as administered in England.
Although no positive pledge was given, it was, however, generally understood
that I should act with the Conservative party then in power. As far, therefore,
as that party has acted consistently with its professions, in maintaining Constitu—



tional principles, so far I have acted with it. But, when instead of carrying out
Responsible Government, indications were evinced of a determination to rule
or to subvert the very principles of good government, then I felt constrained to
state opinions which were at variance with the sentiments of a considerable por-
tion of the party with whom I acted. And now, as events have progressed, and
the designs of the party have become more fully developed, I am compelled to
reiterate my sentiments, and to disclaim all participation in feeling and action
with that party. When the Bill, which has in a great measure been deceptively
characterized as the cause of subsequent outrages was passing, I took occasion
to speak of it in such terms as in my judgment it merited, and I opposed it,
while it could be honestly, opposed. But when it had passed through both
branches of the Legislature, I could see no course left for the head of the executive
government but to assent to it. If he had declined, he would have been justly
chargeable, not only with a breach of faith in permitting a measure to be intro-
duced appropriating a part of the Consolidated Revenue, and then dissenting
from it, but he would have found his Ministry ready to resign on a point
considered as a test and a first principle of the Constitution. An appeal to the
country would have been the consequence, but the recent elections had shown
what the country felt. No one, indeed, of either party, ever doubted but that

A the result of a new election would have been substantially the same as that just

efiected. Besides, the reservation of the Bill would have thrown upon the
ministry of England a responsibility which in my opinion was properly avoided.
It, however, immediately became apparent, that the indignation which, if well
merited, should have been thrown upon the projectors of the measure, and upon
those who voted for it, was levelled as a personal matter upon the Head of the
Government. Believing that this was unjust, at the same time thinking that the
course suggested for his adoption in reference to this measure, would only distract
and agitate the country; and feeling the enormity of the outrage which had just
been perpetrated, I availed myself of the first opportunity to express my views
to the effect,

“ That Her M8.jesty’s dignity should be insulted in the person of her
Representative,—that the Legislative Assembly in the peaceful prosecution of its
constitutional labours should be outraged so grossly,—that the Houses of
Parliament of the country should be wilfully set fire to,—its records destroyed,—
its noble and unique libraries both consumed amidst the savage and exulting
shouts of a mob, not of the lowest orders,—were circumstances well calculated
to excite the saddest apprehensions and the most painful feelings. There were
occasions when silence was 9. crime, and they were now the actors on such an
occasion. He said he would be brief, but he would speak plainly and he hoped,
as became a rational man.—It might be that he had misunderstood the meaning
of terms, but he had esteemed loyalty to his Sovereign, as inseparable from
respect to her laws, and, therefore, he held those men, or those classes of men
who could trample upon law and order were essentially disloyal, their boisterous
protestations to the contrary notwithstanding. In this, there was no question as
to Whether the Act was wise or unwise, expedient or inexpcdient, which was said

___ ‘S < ‘__‘ -. .-_m..



to have given rise to this sad tumult. Whatever was its character, it was carried
by the only means known to our laws, and assented to, as it properly might be,
by the Representative of the Sovereign, as a constitutional right. No hon.
member of the House had felt more strongly, or spoken more decidedly against
the passing of that measure by the House than he had done; yet, he said that
however much he could have wished that the bill had neither been introduced nor
passed by the House, he should have regretted the necessity that could under
existing circumstances, have compelled His Excellency to withhold his assent
from the Bill. While, therefore, as a mere measure, apart from a constitutional
question, be deeply regretted and should always regret, the passing of the Bill,
be said, and he said it boldly, that he was glad that, as the test and exercise of a
constitutional right amidst threats, both whispered and avowed, it did receive the
Royal assent. It would not have been wise in the Representative to have
withheld his assent from this bill, if there had been no other reasons than to
show that the exercise of the functions of the Sovereign were not to he influenced
by coercion, and that everything like fear was alien alike to the Crown and to
everything British.”

This was spoken in the midst of excitement, but my sentiments are
unchanged. For this expression of opinion, and that subsequently on an address,
and for my subsequent disapproval of these acts, my Conservative friends here
and elsewhere have charged me with seceding from the Conservative party.
If the leading members of this party have adhered to the principles they
professed; and if such language and conduct have been sober, orderly and
becoming high—toned patriotism; and if the conduct I have pursued, and the
sentiments I have uttered, have been the reverse of this, then I am justly charged
with this secession. But if they, on the other hand, have acted contrary to their
professions, and in such a manner as to show that, for the sake of power, they
would subvert every principle of free government——and of all government, I shall
be acquitted of the charge.

And as regards this Bill there is one thing remarkable, that England, having
given us Responsible Government, did not withhold her sanction to it, although
no doubt it was distasteful to her. She did, as she has always done, preferred
good faith to every other consideration, and thereby gave us another and an
ample guarantee that she meant to let us manage our own aiiairs.—But, assuming
that it was the most nefarious Bill which could be introduced,—~the quiet working
of Responsible Government, and the unconstitutional course of the ultra-Con~
servatives, may well be illustrated by this very bill. And first, all free govern-
ments suppose that the will of the majority is to govern, and that the minority,
will submit. If, therefore, the majority in the House chose to pass the bill, the
minority was bound to submit to its operation when it became law. If it were
Wrong, an appeal to the good sense of the country would have set it right, or
displaced those who were rash enough to do what the country disapproved.
Secondly, if, to carry out any measure, or class of measures, or to carry on the
Government without jar, it became necessary to change the majority of the
Legislative Council, it was right to do so; and this is, virtually, to make that



House so far elective, as not to thwart the free action of the Government.~«But
for this change the Ministry are answerable to the Country~1‘esponsible for
carrying out the Government, and for the means by which it is effected: and if
in any respect they have been corrupt, the next elections would have set all right.
Thirdly, in passing this bill, the Representative of the Sovereign did no more
than by the Constitution, he had a right to do, and in my humble judgment,
what he was bound to do, not only as the Head of the Government, but as an act
of fair dealing with his Ministry. But, instead of a reasonable appeal to the
sense of the people, instead of the minority being in opposition, what they would
have wished, being in power——~we have seen that, immediately on the passing of
the bill, the Governor General was assaulted, not by the mob, but by persons of
education and standing, who have been applauded for the act. Just following
this, the Parliament Buildings, Library, and Records, were destroyed, by a mob,
of course, but a respectable onel This flagrant act was palliated, its perpetrators
screened, and all attempts to bring them to justice, thwarted, disapproved, and
resented. In the same spirit and with the same impunity, the Governor was
afterwards barbarously attacked in the streets; and missiles, not as before,
merely calculated to insult, but to endanger, if not to deprive him of his life,
were hurled at him, on an occasion when either resistance or retaliation was out
of the question: but even these acts were not condemned by the ultra-Conserva-
tives. English statesmen of all shades of opinion, in the meantime, pronounced
unfavourably of these proceedings. Annexation to the United States, with the
mockery of “peaceful,” attached to it, was next mooted; chiefly by those, too,
whose feelings had just been so grievously wounded by rewarding, it was said,
those who had a few years before propounded the same scheme as a cure for
their grievances! If annexation was a high crime, and the right to dispense with
allegiance denied in 1837, what has made the crime less enormous and how can
allegiance be thrown ofi it: 1849? If it be no crime now, it were surely no crime
then. But if the highest penalties were justly awarded then, would they be
unjustly awarded now‘?-—-If to subvert the Government now, be patriotic, it was
so then. To allege wounded feeling with one breath, and annexation with the
next, is truly absurdl But this scheme, not really meant for what it professed,
was too glaring even to entrap the unwary, for whom it was intended, and it
spread little beyond the point from which it emanated.——Next followed a Con-
vention, a democratic assembly, which they who sat in it two years before would
have denounced as republican, and subversive of every thing British. In this
assembly were debated propositions subversive of what Conservatism sought to
conserve; and the concluding question left open to the country with its sanction,
was a demand of the 92 Resolutions, unconceded, namely, an Elective Legislative
Council.–And to crown all, an influential branch of the party has recently, and
while professing the most exalted loyalty, resolved, that not the two, but the
three branches of the Legislature shall be elective! True Conservatism is to
preserve our English institutions, this is totally to subvert them. I have all
along deprecated the extremes into which parties in this Province run, but I was
not prepared to find that the two extremes of ultra-clamorous loyalty and ultra-



claznorous radicalism would meet in the same radical point; nay, that the
extremely loyal would in some degree outstrip the extremely radical. The
extreme radical of 1837 who did not disavow loyalty altogether, sought only the
redress of grievances to the extent to which England has granted them, excepting
an elective Legislative Council, but that part of the party referred to, then, now
and always boasting of loyalty, seek this and other radical changes~—an elective
Governor and other elective functionaries not then thought of.

I was not in favour of the introduction of Responsible Government at the time
it was granted to us, because I was afraid we could not, as a people, appreciate
its advantages and carry it out, but I confess my fears in this respect never
rested upon the party or the men who have been the first to try to subvert it.
If this form of government was good for the ultrappart of the Conservative party
when in power, it should be good for it when out of power: it did not become
that part of the party to show, that, being in power they were Conservatives,
but, being out of power they were Radical and destructives; and that the dis«
tinction, in fact, between the one and the other was having, or not having the

Responsible Government was a step in our social progress, and in our poli-
tical position, made, as I humbly thought, in advance of our wants and fitness
to appreciate it, but having been made, it could not be recalled. All that
remained was fairly to work it out, and I do believe, that if we would but do
this, it possesses the quiet, safe and certain means of redressing every evil, which
a government can redress. If we were annexed to—mo1’roW we would be less free.
It may work too slowly indeed for the impatience of designing and needy
politicians, but not too slowly for the welfare of the country.

But it is said: we are in the power of Lower Canada, be it so, what would
Lower Canadian influence be, but for our dissensions? The lesson it teaches is
important in showing that “union is strength.”

We possess a great country, great resources, and a people capable of develop-
ing these resources. Our great leading interests are one, and entire, if We could
but see it so. Since the government has been based upon that of England, there
is now no great political question about which to contend, but the bane of the
country is the rancour with which its political parties assail each other. Rather
than forego this, they would ruin the Province. The feeling, common to both, is,
that each only can do the right thing in the right way. My constant aim has
been to soften down this bitterness, but for this I have been designated as wanting
in political principle. I have always looked upon outrage and violence as retro—
grade movements in our social progress, and as unbecoming a free and civilized
people. I have on all occasions spoken against such conduct, and lamented its

_ occurrence. I have always been averse to sudden political changes and hope

never again to see bonds of law and order shaken. I have always looked upon
the British Constitution as the perfect model of a good government, and our
connexion with that country as in invaluable inheritance. I have always
esteemed loyalty as a sentiment sacred to good order, and to the maintenance of
our social rights. I will not, therefore, be of any party whose acts subvert that



constitution and sap that loyalty. But I know, there are some among you whose
opinions differ from mine, and who think disorder and violence are things to be
encouraged; with such, to whatever party they belong I wish to have nothing
to do. Lest, however, in holding the opinions which I have candidly expressed,
and acting as I have done, I may misrepresent this community, I have resigned
my seat, which your honor and mine, alike, require that I should not hold, with
any imputation. I place myself before you again as a candidate for your
sutffrages-. If consistently with my views and opinions I can represent you, I
shall esteem it an honor to be again elected, but if I cannot, I shall nevertheless
be content to retire with the conviction, that I have done nothing and said
nothing as your representative Which can cast any reflection upon you.

I have the honor to be.

Your obt. scrvt,
London, 12th December‘, 1849.

[Ilhe following clipping, dated “ —-—R 20, 1849,” is found in Jlfiscelltmeaus Papers]


To the Favourers of Annexation.‘

We will now, if you please, gentlemen, take a turn through the State of
New York, and by carefully observing her natural advantages, and what has
been done to improve them, endeavor to ascertain whether her people are
superior to us; and how far it is therefore probable that we should be improved
by their settling more axnongstius.

The situation of New York is far superior to that of the English town of
Liverpool—~the country of which she is the mercantile metropolis is of infi-
nitely greater extent, and numbers within its borders a far larger amount
of population, for it includes Pennsylvania on the South, Western Canada
on the North, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Wisconsin, and Michigan on the
West. The port of New York is in fact the outlet of the commerce of a country
infinitely more important than that possessed by any city of Europe. There
is not then much to boast of that she has kept pace with Liverpool in population
~«but it is in population alone. Where are her docks, her mercantile depots,
or indeed any signs of individual enterprise, beyond those of the most ordinary
character? Nay, more lavish as nature has been, is not everything about her,
with the exception of the Croton Water Works, of a most insignificant descrip-

We look in vain, in and around the city of New York, for any of those
signs of mercantile energy and enterprise, or persevcring industry, which should
mark a people superior to our own. Compare New York, not with Liverpool,
but with the comparatively very small town of Montreal, and We shall find

« ~<‘



in the latter abundant evidence of a far superior spirit, Compared with
New York, the quays and wharves, canals and railroads of Montreal, are as
superior to anything and everything of the same description in and around
that city, as the enterprise of the Canadian merchant is to that of the Amer-
ican. Already the former is endeavouring, by skilful and admirable works of
art, to wrest from that rival foreign country her trade and commea-ce—ANo
success Is CROWNING TI-IE ENDEAVOUR. The deep, enduring energy of the
hardy north, the true spirit of enterprise, to be found alone perhaps under the
British flag, is winning the race of improvement hollow, from the vain, restless
speculator of the States. »

What then can we gain by annexation?

But the city of New York is but an epitome of the whole State. In every
town the same deficiencies are obse1’Vable. Albany, one of the oldest cities
of the Union—the seat of the State G0vernmcz1t~— situated at the head of
the navigation of the noble and beautiful Hudson——the terminus of the Erie
Canal——the most important post of the Boston and Buffalo Railway, with
every advantage of situation possible to imagine, presents, nevertheless, the
aspect of the dullest mediocrity. Troy, a petty town situated at the confluence
of the Mohawk and Hudson, with their fertile valleys‘ stretching, one away
to the eastward towards Ontario, the other north to Champlain; Troy is yet
utterly conternptible, as a place of commerce.

Proceed up the boasted and really beautiful valley of the Mohawk, and
we find its once fertile soil ruined by wretched husbandry-«a few paltry
hamlets, here and there, with many a staring, gaudy clapboard public house
——but scarcely one, if even one handsome country residence in its entire
length. Passing on through this, the most important section of the State,
along which the traflic of the western country pours in a continual stream, no-
where do you see improvement commensurate with its importance and population
—~— nowhere has it taken root — nowhere has the young plant become a vigorous
tree, or brought forth fruits even approaching to perfection.

Along the route westward there are certainly towns, pretty towns too, and
to a certain extent thriving ones; but they serve more to mark the great dis-
tance passed over, than the permanent and prosperous condition of the coun-
try — each one but marks a spot possessing uncommon natural advantages,
neglected for some newer speculation. Where is there a spot possessing
greater advantages than Syracuse? Situated in a fair agricultural country, on
the great line of communication between the northern Atlantic ports of the
whole Western country from the eastern end of Ontario to the extremity of
settlement in the west, including all Western Canada—the whole of these
extensive regions, depending on her springs for their supply of that necessary
of human life, salt, cheaply and abundantly manufactured there——-the Erie
and Oswego canals, and latterly the Boston and Buffalo railroad, giving her
the means of transporting this most valuable production in every direetion~
how long did not Syracuse remain a mere village? Is she at this moment any-
thing more than a very ordinary town?  » Rich as a salt or silver mine ” may



be a proverb in Poland——it has not become one in America. Here again we
look in vain for any of those improvements which invariably mark the HOME
of energy, enterprise and persevering industry.

But pass on westward—you need not stop. There is positively nothing
to see. Speculation has taken its flight over the country, and left its impress
on——the wind. Industry, the ofispring of vigorous mind, may hereafter take
advantage of the riches which nature has here so abundantly supplied, and
then what a noble country it MAY become? But that time is far distant,
for the child’s papa is still in baby clothes, and his mother, Contentment, is
not born! Yes, let us pass on. To the thinking mind, the present aspect is
not pleasant, and the past but gives a more painful prospect for the future.
Let us travel on, then, and strike the rich valley of the Genesce. Here we find
Rochester, possessing not only the same great general advantages as all the
other towns on the route, but possessing, further, that of being the centre of
a range of country unrivalled in the Union for its fertility. It has besides
an excellent natural road extending to the British frontier on the Niagara
river, extensive water power, and a port on Ontario. In proportion to these
substantial and important advantages, Rochester is but a paltry place after
all. A wretched market-—no wholesale trade—insignificant retail business-
not a yard of rnaeadamized or other common road made to connect it with
the surrounding country—its port empty—its mills chiefly owned by distant
merchants and speculators—its only manufacturers those of shoe pegs, lasts,
and scythe-snaths. These manufacturers, trifling as they appear, and little
noticed as they are in that land of speculation and desultory habits, are yet
in fact the most valuable matters that Rochester can show; for they have been
formed and are owned by her own children, and are the first fruits of pat-:’Amt=
perseveiing industry.

We pass on from Rochester through an apparently fine, and settled open
country—75 weary miles of bad farming~—on the canal route one small town
— on the Railroad route one pretty vil1age-and we reach Buffalo.— Buffalo,
for so many years the entrepot and place of transhipment for the whole enor-
mous traffic of W. America, at this moment numbering the emigrants and other
passengers travelling westward by thousands in a. day —~ sailing by the hundred.
We have already in a former letter alluded to this town as having possessed
for many advantages superior to any inland town in America. In truth it is
hard to imagine a place more advantageously situated for commerce. Until
the opening of the Welland Canal, every description of trade or travelling
between the eastern and western portions of the northern part of this continent,
must of necessity pass through the streets and over the wharfs of Buifalo. We
need not stop to enquire what the people of Buffalo have done to secure to their
own town the advantages to be derived from this important position, for they
have done absolutely nothing.

We now have passed through the most important part of the most im-
portant State of the Union—~we have looked in vain for signs of local im-
provement beyond the most ordinary capacity to project, or very moderate




means to execute. Along this line, over which has passed during the last 30
years, a stream of commerce, and a flow of emigration, more important and
extensive than that which passes over any portion of the world of similar
extent, we do not find a single piece of ordinary stage road, made to connect
one town from another. One great mind projected, and one energetic character
carried out to magnificent design of connecting the waters of Lake Erie with
the Hudson. The idea was grandwits importance undoniablc———its profits
deemed unquestionable—it was flattering to national vanity—and it was the
easiest possible accomplishment, involving not one single difliculty along the
whole line. Moreover, the money necessary could be borrowed from a foreign
people, who, honest and enterprise themselves could not but be pleased at
seeing cousin J onatlian so wisely undertaking the noble work. Thus commenced
and was accomplished the Erie Canal. At the time the boast of the Civilized
world; its vast importance, contrasted with the youth of the country which
made it, dazzled men’s eyes, and prevented them observing that the work itself
was but a commencement; that as a work of labour or of skill, it was after all
but a very small affair.—Still let us take it as worth at the time all that
was then said of it-——-it was a noble undertaking and gave promise of commer-
cial energy and enterprise worthy a great people. But how has that early
promise been fulfilled, how have those early hopes been realized? While the
poor and comparatively insignificant Canadas, having steadily continued the
improvements once commenced, and passing large vessels capable of traversing
the ocean without stoppage from Chicago to Halifax, the Erie Canal has by
comparison dwindled into a mere ditch, a. wretched and insignificant means
of conveyance to maintain which the State of New York determinately opposes
every other means of traific which may interfere with the revenue arising from
it, and it thus remains a monument of ignorance and narrow mindedness as
extraordinary as its first conception was magnificent. Every where by com-
parison British enterprise and energy rises conspicuous, and no man unless
he wilfully closes his eyes can avoid seeing the decided superiority of the
Canadas over the American States. While the harbor of Buffalo remains simply
the mere creek which nature made it, altogether inadequate to the trade of the
place, the old entrance to the Welland Canal at Port Dalhousie has given
place to a magnificent harbor —— while the country round Bufla-lo is almost an
uncultivated and certainly an undrained waste—that around St. Catharines
is cultivated like a garden. While out of Buffalo there is no attempt even
at the formation of a macadainizecl or other Common road, they are to be
found branching out in every direction from every town in Canada of any
pretentions. While the Erie Canal has become entirely unfit for the tralfic
which it is now 1’equired—-the Welland has become the outlet to the Ocean,
and with its various feeders, basins and locks, will bear comparison with any
work of the kind in Europe.
While the American speculator is squandering far away all that might be
made valuable to his country, and to the entire neglect of its best interest
—~British enterprise, supported by the industry of her people, and controuled


by their steady habits, is raising among British settlements the means of power
and wealth far surpassing anything in the States.

Everywhere are seen local improvements unknown among her neighbors,
and with a true perception of her advantages, by the concentration of her
means, she is not only securing to herself the possession of those advantages
but, as I have elsewhere observed, is wresting from the States the fruits of ill-
directed labours. In short, enterprise is taking the lead of speculation —energy
is passing rest1essncss——and steady habits leaving desultory ones far behind.
The British Canadian people are winning the race of improvement holLo’w——-

from the American H!

[Duplicate MS copy]
CAiuJroN Tnizmcn
Jan’ 23/50

I reed last night your two letters of the 24”‘ & 31“ of Dec‘”— The in~forma—
tion in the first respecting iron is very curious —— I must make some enquiry
about it & see if nothing can be done to correct the cvil—~

I shall be very glad if you can succeed in making M” Young Go to Washing-

ton to help Bulwcr of whose capacity to manage Such a negotiation by himself
I may tell you that I have a very low idea—— M‘ Young’s letter in the Pilot (if
it is his) is a very good one indeed — The address of Mm Wilson Enclosed in
you.r letter of the 31“ is also excellent, I must try if I cannot get it re—published
here as I hear that Canada is next to the Cape to be the great subject of Colonial
Attack when Parl‘ meets—-
Your description of the state of parties in Canada is very curious. I have always
thought the present combination one that was Not likely to last, & What may
come out of the break up you anticipate it seems very diflicult to conjecture, but
if there is the abatement of the virulence of sectarian & national antipathies it
will be the best thing for the Province that Can happen ——— If parties in Canada
cd but know how much their credit in this country sulfers by their putting for-
ward plans of “ annexation ” or separation from this Country in their struggles
with each other I think they Wd agree to fight their battles on other ground ~—

I am afraid there is nothing wh. I can do to prevent oflicers of the Army
acting as improperly as it appears some were likely to do with respect to MW
Wilson’s re~e1ection—

You may perhaps be anxious to have some home news on the eve of the
meeting of Parl‘ but I have really none to give wh. you will not gather from
the newspapers ——~ About a month ago the Protectionists were very confident —
they believed that by joining the Radicals on some bye question they might put
us in a minority & force us to go out & their speculation was that if they got



possession of the Gov“ they might by a dissolution obtain a H. of Commons wh.
they might go on, but their courage is I think a good deal cooled partly by the
complete failure of the protection move in Ireland.

The Colonies are to be the great object of attack -by the Gladstone party
but L“ John is going to take the initiative & make a statement of our general
policy in moving the Australian bill»-


Jan’ 23/50
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

[Original MS]

TORONTO Jan? 14. 1850.
My DEAR Gnnv,

I « find on enquiry that the implements which agriculturists here procure
from the Americans are chiefly axes—— spades occasionally, the manufacture of
ploughs within the Province is encreasing considerably.

I have recieved since I last wrote your letter of Dec‘ the 13”‘ with aicopy
of Lord John’s letter to the Canadian merchants1 who informed him that the
removal of protection had caused some of the most loyal people in the Province
to declare for annexation —-— It is excellent, and Ishould be glad to see it in
print —~— Though I cannot conceal from you that I dread a little the effect of the
admission (though it is made I am aware only for the sake of argument) which
is contained in these words, “They might, as they allege, obtain from 12“ to 18“
more per bushel than they now do for their wheat”~—— Only think what 1/ or
1/6 per bushel on his wheat is to the Canadian farmer-— particularly in these

days when he is somewhat irritated by the removal of protection, and possessed

moreover with the belief that it has been withdrawn because England has dis-
covered that it is the first duty of man to sell in the dearest market & buy in the

Before your next letters will have been despatched you will probably have
recieved from me something oflicial both with respect to the annexation move-
ment and to the removal of the seat of Gov’— I ammost anxious, I can assure
you, to give you despatches for Parliament. ——But while I maintain my consti-
tutional position hcre, acting as I believe you agree with me in thinking I ought
to act, on dc through my Ministry, you must feel how difiicult it is for me to
discuss in my own name and person, in documents which are sure to be published,
acts of the administration which may at a later period be the subject of con-
troversy in the local Parliament, perhaps the ground work of new ministerial
arrangements. I do not think that there is any class of duties more difficult
to define even theoretically than those which devolve upon 9. Governor under our
newly adopted system of constitutional Gov‘ towards the colonists on the one

1 This letter is not in the collection.


hand, and the Imperial Gov‘ and Par‘ on the other.—— and what it is so difficult
to define in theory it is not easier to work out in practice. As respects the
seat of Gov” question I would respectfully suggest that you should throw the
whole responsibility of the change on the local Gov‘ & Par*—— But if you want a
case made out I can do it easily enough— I can show, how, in the first instance,
the U. Canadians were induced to consent to the union by the promise that the
seat of Gov’ should remain with them. Lower Canada being at that time muzzled
and treated as a conquered country—- how, as soon as the muzzle was taken ofl
the latter, they clamored against this hole and corner pact—— how Stanley
struggled and protested against the proposed transfer to Montreal — and at
length, as he always did in such cases, yeilded with the worst possible grace —-— I
can shew how in both these cases, owing to the injudicious and impotent display
of Imperial authority indulged in, the worst feelings were excited against
England,, first on the part of the Lower Canadians who alleged that it was
English policy and power which swindled them out of the seat of Gov*,—— and
then on that of the Upper who declared that England broke the agreement she
had made with them by consenting to the removal of the Par*—from Kingston.
In the present instance England has nothing to do with the matter and no odium
need attach to her unless she desires to assume it ~—~The proposal for a change
emanated from the Assembly1 on the suggestion not of a member of the
Gov »— but of a leader of the opposition, the Attorney General of the former
administration —-« Ministers made it an open question and voted some for,
some against the address. Instead of shewing any anxiety to act upon the advice
thus tendered, I recommended caution and delay with the hope of bringing
about a better state of feeling in Montreal —- In this attempt I failed —— having
tried every thing except a street fight, which, with the two races in presence,
and the British troops supporting the French, would have been I still think a
very awkward experiment. When the navigation was about to close for the
season and it became absolutely necessary to decide this point one way or
other- seeing that the reasons which had induced the Assembly to come to
their vote on the address— which had prompted the mover of the address to
leave the town for fear of assassination2——which had led me to decline, on the
urgent representation of Sir B. D’Urban3 & his successor, to prorogue the Par‘
in person— and which made our stipendiary Magistrate (a Tory & an officer)
three months later throw up his appointment and demand that the city should
be subjected to Martial Law4—— seeing that all these reasons still existed with
others which the annexation movement suggested — I determined to accede to
the request of the Assembly—To this resolution5 all my Ministers adhered
except one who dissented because Toronto was adopted instead of Quebec. I
have endeavored to avoid mixing up the Imperial Gov‘ with this matter as much
as possible —— I am confident that it cannot interfere in such cases without giv-
ing mortal offence to one party and laying the groundwork for claims &
reproaches to an undefinable extent from the other —- You can always disavow

1 See above pp. 862-808.

3 See above P. 868.

3 See above 13. $59.

4See above p. 149. _

5 For the Minute of Council see below, Appcndim XX.


& recall your Governor if you see fit so to do. and although I do not, God knows,
court martyrdom, I must say that I do not think it is possible for 2. Governor
in these critical times to work the system which is in operation here without
putting the integrity of the Empire in constant peril unless he be prepared to
assume such responsibilities and run such risks –

As regards annexation; I fear that a strong declaration from me that
Canada is much better off with the existing connexion, & that she will continue
to be so even although reciprocity of trade should be refused by the U.States,
would he made a handle of by the annexationists in their endeavors to work
upon the feelings of that large class of persons who believe, rightly or wrongly,
that it is of the utmost importance to them to be admitted into the markets
of the States on equal terms with the citizens of that Country. The really import-
ant point is that the local Press should speak this encouraging language, which if
you look into the columns of the Pilot & Globe, the ministerial journals, you
will find that it is doing. —— The next important point is that the local Gov‘
should take a decided stand against the annexation movement—- and this I
think it has done in the dismissal of the Magistrates & Militia oflicers who have
signed the manifestow Lastly and principally it is important that the deter-
mination of the Imperial Gov‘ to support the connexion, and its approval of
such acts of vigor in this behalf, should be signified by you & Lord J. Russell on
fitting occasions & in language not to be misunderstood –

As to the next Session of the Imperial Par‘ it is clear enough to me that you
will be made the object of much unjust attack and I sincerely regret that
Canada should furnish weapons to your enemies —— A large number of people in
England wish to get rid of the Colonies and while they labor hard to effect this
object desire that the blame should rest on others — Others in their hostility
to you are actuated by motives yet more base-— I am certainly less sanguine
than I was as to the possibility of retaining the Colonies under free trade—- I
speak not now of the cost of their retention for I have no doubt but that, if all
parties concerned were honest; expenses might be gradually reduced. I am sure
also that when Free Trade is fairly in operation it will be found that more has
been gained by removing the causes of irritation which were furnished by the
constant tinkerings incident to a protective system, than has been lost by
severing the bonds by which it tied the Mother Country and the Colonies
together—~ What I fear is that when the mystification in which certain questions
of self interest were involved by protection is removed, factions both at home
and in the Colonies will be more reckless than ever in hazarding for party
objects the loss of the Colonies — Our system depends a great deal more on the
discretion with which it is worked than the American where each power in the
State goes habitually the full length of its tether— Congress, the State Legis-
latures, Presidents, Governors, all legislating & vetoing without stint or limit
till pulled up short by a judgment of the Supreme Court.-— With us, factions
in the Colonies are clamorous and violent with the hope of producing effect on
the Imperial Par‘ and Gov‘ just in proportion to their powerlessness at home——
The history of Canada during the past year furnishes ample evidence of this



truth.~— Why was there so much violence on the part of the opposition here
last Summer, particularly against the Governor General? Because it felt itself
to be Weak in the Province, and looked for success to the cfiect it could produce
in England alone — MN Wilson the candidate for London told me that when the
rows took place at Montreal he spoke to M°Nab in the House and said to him
that really he ought to interfere to stop them ~— To which M°Nab replied “ If
we don’t make a disturbance about this we shall never get in ”— Look at the
facts-— Three vacancies in the Par‘ have taken place during the recess— In all
three reform candidates have been reelected— At Quebec the Ministerialist will
probably be returned—— His only opponent is a French red republican annexa-
tionist.— M‘ Wilson it is believed will succeed in London, & if Daly has made
a vacancy by taking office in England (which is doubted) a ministerialist is
likely to succeed him -— Is it possible to maintain the semblance of repre-
sentative institutions and to act on the foregone conclusion that the Country
can be properly governed only through a party which cannot do more with the
local Part and constituencies than the existing opposition here can do‘l———How-
ever-couragel— when all other hope is gone something may be atcbieved by
playing into the hands of Gentlemen in the Imperial Par‘ who wish to spite Lord
Grey—— So think the Bishop & the orange Lodges—— if I am rightly informed with
respect to the crusade against the infidel university which is about to be
preached—- And how is this tendency to bring the Imperial and local Parliaments
into antagonismw a tendency so dangerous to the permanence of our system-—
to be counteracted? By one expedient, as it appears to me, only—— namely, by
the Governors acting with some assumption of responsibility, so that the shafts
of the enemy which are intended for the Imperial Gov‘ may fall on him — If a
line of demarcation between the questions with which the local Par“ can deal
& those which are reserved for the Imperial authority could be drawn, as was
recommended last Session by the Radicals and Gladstone} it might be dif-
ferent— but as it is, I see nothing for it, but that the Governors should be
responsible for the share which the Imperial Gov‘ may have in the Policy carried
out in the Responsible Gov“ Colonies, with the liability to be recalled and dis-
avowed whenever the Imperial authorities think it expedient to repudiate such


1 On. May 16, 1849, Roebuck, speaking on the disturbances in Canada said, in part:-—-“But
what he would say was this, that the money which this legislature was about to appropriate was
the money of Canada, and not the money of England. t was about to appropriate it at the
sugigestion of an admindetration constituted by the votes of the majority of that legislature, and
it ad the sanction of the Crown. He had asked, on the previous day, whether this was not a
Money Bill, which had received the previous sanction of the Crown. He assumed the facts to
be that the Earl of Elgin went out with certain general instructions and certain powers as
Governor General. He represented Her Majesty there; and, in that Parliament, no Bill for the
appropriation of money could be discussed without there being .21 Committee, exactly as in the
B1’LlD18l_l House of Commons; and the Minister must have come down, and when he proposed the
Committee, stated that he had the sanction of Her Majesty in making the proposal for 200,000£.
[Mi-. Eawes: 1009009.] – 100,00(!£ for purposes of which Her Majesty was cognizant.”

‘Gladstone took issue with Roebuck upon this point‘ He declared:-— “. . . . . . I protest
against a doctrine which interferes with‘the supremacy of this‘ country over all imperial con-
cerns . . . . . .”_ And In conclusion he ea1d:— “ do not enter lnto the question Whether there
should be any interference or not; but I protest against alleging these general grounds, which
would exclude, at all times and under all circumstances, the interference of this House. and
hinder the right and the duty of this House to have supervision over all colonial afluirs;
although I should accompany the hon. and leu.rned,_ Gentleman all lengths in asserting the prin-
ciple t at our interference ought to be strictly_ limited to matters that are of imperial concern,
and that the discretion of the local authorities ought to be left entire and unimpaired ovoer
matters that are not imperial.” (I{au3ard’c Parliamentary Debates, ’1″hird Series, Vol. 07,

12. 56: ff.)


I send half a note1 I have just recieved from Major Campbell which shews

how the annexationists go to work in the French districts & with what Success——
Yours Very Sincerely

Jan’ 14/50

Lord Elgin
Rec“ Feb 4

[Original MS]
TORONTO Jan 18. 1850‘

Enclosed is a telegraph message which is interesting——— Also two extracts
from a newspaper shewing the devices of the annexationists & their English

E & K


No. 1
Tonorwro, J any 17, 1850.
To Hon F. Hmong
Wilson returned, fifty Majority —— immediate

No. 2

From Liverpool, 29th December.

On the subject 01″ the Annexation of Canada to the United States, the
Morning Advertiser has the fol1oWing:——

 » The Cabinet has under its consideration the question of a severance
between the mother country and her Canadian possessions. The conclusion
arrived at is, that England would be no actual loser were the Canadas to carry
the threats of separation into eflect. The result of a careful examination of
the Canadian connection in all its aspects is, that so far from England being a
sufferer from the renunciation of their allegiance to the British crown, on the

1This note is not in the collection.



part of the Canadians, she would be an actual gainer. It is a well ascertained
fact that the expenses of the connection have more than counterbalanced its
advantages. The maintenance of that part of our colonial possessions subjects
us to a yearly expenditure of more than £300,000 in hard cash. Will any one tell
us that the Canadas confer on us benefits at all equivalent to this‘? It may he,
indeed, debated whether our exports to the Canadas would not be as great as
they have been at any former period. At any rate, we speak advisedly when we
say that the country will be no loser by the seccession of the Canadas. That
is certainly the conclusion at which the Ministry have arrived, after the most
able and careful deliberation. On that conclusion they have resolved to act.
When the session opens, we shall see the facts brought fully before the public,
with the grounds on which the Cabinet has come to the resolution at which it
has arrived.”

No. 3
Tonomso, Fsnmv, JANUARY 18, 1850.


The mail by the Canada has not as yet been received, and in the absence
of our London» Correspondence and papers, we have taken from New York papers,
received last evening, a few more items of European news, communicated
by Telegraph from Halifax, but which were not given in the Telegraphic Report
furnished us for our last Tuesday’s paper. The statement respecting Canada,
from the Mowing Advertiser, is important, if true. The people of this country
are prepared to believe anything, however black, infamous and treacherous, of
those who now, un-fortunately, form the Cabinet in England; but they are not
prepared to believe that the British Parliament and people will relinquish these
Colonies, on the recommendation of Earl Grey and his colleagues in the
Administration. Canada, if separated from England, will not go singly. She
must be accompanied in her flight by the other Provinces on this continent; and
it is not easy to perceive in what way Newfoundland and the West Indies are to
be precluded from joining in the infatuated movement for the extension of the
modern Republic, and the enlargement of her wealth and power, by land and
sea. Lord Elgin and his Cabinet, in conjunction with the Cabinet of England,
have much to answer for; and it would seem, that their main object at present
is merely to facilitate and accomplish the dismembernoent of the Empire.


[Duplicate MS copy]

Feb’ 8/50
My DEAR EL<;IN——~ I have referred to you olficially an application from an American Merchant made to us thro’ M” Lawrencel for permission to bring down a Ship from the Lakes to the sea th.1’o’ the Canadian Canals—- It occurs to me that the wish to obtain these favors might be made of considerable use in forwarding the success of Bulwer’s negotiation for the free introduction of Canadian corn &c into the U. Statcs—— You might either say that you must put ofi » deciding upon this application until you know how the U. States Wd deal with our proposal, or you might say that you W“ grant it in confidence that the U. States W“ not with—hold from us a concession to wh. after the free admission of their corn into this country we are so clearly entitled in justice, expressing this in such a manner as to imply that if we sh“ be disappointed future applications of this kind will be refuscd~— You sh“ consider wh. mode of dealing with this case is most likely to produce a favorable effect on the negotiation & communicate your decision to Bulwer. His last reports (of Jan? 2) are very encouraging & I begin to feel very hopeful as to the rcsult—— I hope M’ Young went to help him2»— Some assistance of this kind is I am sure much wanted. I received the other day your letter of J an’ 14- Since I wrote the one to wh. it is an answer your oflicial Despatches about the removal of the seat of Gov“ & annexation have arrived & contain all the information I wanted as you will perceive by my answers.—— I quite agree with you as to the necessity of your writing with much more reserve on the reasons for the Measures you adopt than a Gov’ who has not responsible advisers, it is only necessary to be very careful that I have Despatches however short & dry stating the fact of any important measures having been adopted or occurrences taken place, so that if called upon for information I may have it to produce—— It occurs to me that when it is neces- sary to make out a case in favor of any measure this will be best done by send- ing an approved minute of your Ex. Council, this avoids committing you per- sonally & yet explains what is done -—- Lord John is going tonight in moving the Australian Bill to make a general statement of our Colonial Policy of wh. I trust the effect will be good, I have not time to add more as’I am going down to hear him & have some other letters to writc~ [Endorsed] (S5) GREY Feb’ 8/50 Lord Grey to Lord Elgin 1Americu.n Minister to England. The petitioner was Daniel Newhall. (G. 136, pp. 189-152.) 2 See above 27. .705. 584 E’LG’IN~G.RE Y PAPERS [Original MS] TORONTO Jan? 28. 1850. MY DEAR Loan, I venture to request your attention to the statement herewith enclosed of the services of Lieut W » R Davies now in command of H,M_’s Steam Ship Cherokee on Lake Ontario-— I have found Lieut. Davis at all times an active and intelligent oificer, most zealous in the discharge of his duties. His friends in England are, I understand, about to renew their exertions with the admiralty to procure for him his promotion to which his long services would seem to entitle him, and I should be truly glad if the testimony which I can very conscientiously bear in his favor should facilitate the attainment of this object} I am My dear Lord Yours very faithfully ELGIN & KINCARDINE The Earl Grey, [Endorsed] J any 28/50 Lord Elgin [In pencil, in Lord Grey’s hand] “Look at Case Has not servd since 1815- nothing particular before tha+r—in 1841 appointed to the Lakes [Original MS] Private Toaonro. J an’ 28. 1850. My DEAR GREY, I enclose a leader from the chief Montreal annexation paper on M‘ Cobden’s Bradford speech and the commentaries of the M5 Chronicle & Daily News upon it. It is interesting as shewing indirectly that there is no political grievance at the bottom of the annexation movement~ The tender of absolute self Govern~ ment in the sense of the Chronicle & Cobden is rejected with scorn by the annexationists —~ N » 2. is an article from a senii—anncxationist paper in this town founded I have reason to believe on letters recieved from M’ M°Pl1erson whom you were kind enough to grant an audience to at my request, I regret to say that M’ Baldwin has been seriously ill—— He is a very conscientious and laborious public servant and fatigue and anxiety have knocked 1 See below 1;. 5:72. ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 585 him up~— I consider him of more importance to the connexion than three regiments— He is better and with rest will I trust recover. I sent via the States by the last mail a report of M’ Wilson’s reelection for London—— I enclose herewith an extract from a local paper commenting on the course taken by Oflicers on full pay in ]:I.M’s service in this case.-— I have been informed on the best authority that the annexationists are moving heaven and earth at Washington to prevent the passage of the Recipro- city Bill— They base all their hopes of success on its rejection~— I have great difliculty in dealing with the references you have made to me on questions touching the Ordnance expenditurel All correspondence on these subjects passes directly between the Departments here and those at home. I know nothing of it until I am required at the last moment to set up my civilian judgement on purely professional points against the recorded opinions of pro- fessional men. I am doing what I can to persuade Rowan of the absurdity of making Montreal, w“ is totally undefended the chief depot for Military Stoi-es— I enclose a telegraphic report of the state of the Poll at Quebec at the close of the first day’s polling-— Chabot is ministerial, & Legaré annexationist—— Yours very sincerely ELGIN & KINOARDINE [Endorsed] ‘ Feb’ 18/50 Lord Elgin Rec“ Feb 1850 [Enclosures] No. 1 THE MIRROR. Tononcro, Fnmnx, JANUARY 25, 1850. We can state, upon the best authority, that Earl Greg has but slight hopes of obtaining for Canada, reciprocity of Trade with the United States. HIGHLY IMPORTANT. We have been favored with the following extract from a letter of a Montreal Merchant of the highest respectability, now in England, to a friend in this City: “ I send to your address a number of to~day’s Times, containing a report of 8 speech of Cobden’s, and a leader, both preparing the public for a separation from Britain; not of Canada alone, but of all her Colonies. The thunderer’s editorial is most able, specious, and characteristic, pretending to administer to 7-On 19 November, 1849, Lord Grey transmitted certain reports and estimates regarding accommodation for the troops. He said:—- “It is fitting that your Lordship should have an Opnortunity of considering and reporting to me your opinion upon the very large outlay which is required for the object in question, and of deternuning whether arrangements could not be made f0I_‘ guartering the Troops without incurring the heavy expense proposed.” (Gray to E1115», datum, No. 60, 001211, 6‘. .561, p. 590.) 586 ELGI N -GRE Y PAPERS [Enclosure] Cobden something resembling a rebuke, for raising and stirring, what they admit to be a splendid subject for agitating the Country upon. The influence wielded in this Country by the Times, is perfectly incredible The great body of the people do not seem to think for themselves on public questions, but blindly and ignorantly follow their Leaders, (which they digest with their breakfasts,) whether right or wrong. Positively I have not met one individual in England unconnected with Canada and her trade, who expressed the slightest objection to our dissolving the Connexion; but on the contrary, they seem to desire it. They all prate as glibly as parrots, about our taking as much calico from them after separation as at present; and that they will be gainers by the amount of the military expenditure that will be saved. They know nothing of our Country, and wont look beyond the columns of the Times for information. When you hint at the possibility of their descending in the scale of nations, they laugh at you. That is a point on which John Bull, honest fellow, is not a reasoning animal. He would still make any sacrifice to maintain undiminished, the national dignity and supremacy: but he does not seem to think that the Colonies have contributed to the greatness and power of the Empire; and that to lop ed the branches would not weaken, but strengthen the parent stem. I sincerely hope it may prove so. All we have to do to obtain separation, is to ask for it con- stitutionally, and the preliminaries cannot be considered too soon.” “I suppose the Steamer will carry you accounts of Corn Markets being rather stiffer; but of course you will not be influenced by reports from this country of the present prices. Unless you can buy with a prospect of realizing a. profit in some other market than this, you had better let it alone. Baltic Wheat of fine quality, 4s. :2 6s. per quarter more valuable than ours, is offering for Spring delivery. April, at 34s. on 363., delivered in British ports.” No.2 THE MONTREAL HERALD. Tnnsnmr Monmne, JAN. 22, 1850. “That it is the resolve of England to invest us with the attributes and compel us to assume the burdens of independence is no longer problematical. The threatened withdrawal of her troops from other colonies———The continuance of her military protection to ourselves only on the condition that we shall defray the attendant expenditure, betoken intentions towards our country, against which it is weakness in us not to provide.” We this day reprint articles from two English papers among the daily press of the metropolis-—the undoubted leaders and exponents of public opinion, and with them 43. condensed report of Mr. Cobden’s late speech on the colonies. Of course, the subject of annexation is not directly broached by the writers, or the speaker. That is not a subject for British but for Canadian statesmen. But, in spite of the ambiguity which the C’h7’om’cZe imputes to the orator, we think nothing can be plainer than that he desires for a complete severance of all political connection between the mother country and these dependencies. In ELGI N -GEE Y PAPERS 587 [Enclosure] this desire he is boldly backed by the Times—~in its article of the 27th ultimo, published in our last issue. The other two papers appear to halt short of the point of an open and declared separation. If their opinions, however, be examined, even in the most cursory manner, it is evident that they lead to simple and absolute independence. Like the old colonies, we ought, according to them, to elect all our own political functionaries including our own Governor; Great Britain ought to exercise no control over us, and we ought to support and protect ourselves entirely. What then remains? An offensive and defensive alliance. But if this alliance exists only in accordance with our interests, and with our good—will, in what respect shall we differ from any other foreign State making a similar alliance; and if against our will and interest, then we are to have a state which will not spend a penny for our good, compelling us to that to which we object. This is absurd. Can it be supposed that we would consent to be com- pelled to protect ourselves against the rest of the world, and yet fail to protect ourselves against England, if the occasion arose? The people of England, for their own reasons, and, as we think, for perfectly good ones, are evidently about to withdraw from those burdens, which they have hitherto incurred on our behalf; but in declining to discharge any duty towards us, they will certainly free us from any obligation towards them. They will make us in every respect independent, and we shall of course make use of our independence, just as they make use of theirs—for our own advantage. Besides, we presume no one would be so Quixotic, as to suppose that Great Britain would undertake a war, say with the United States, on our account, after she had withdrawn all her troops from our borders. If we differed with that power, we should either be sacrificed to British diplomacy, or deserted in our need. Why should we then go to war with the United States, if England quarreled with them, on a subject in which we had no interest, or one, perhaps, directly opposite to hers? This undefined tie then to exist, after all others had ceased, is a chimera. It would be the giant and the dwarf over again—-—all the profit to the giant, all the danger to the pigmy. We have set at the head of these few lines, by way of motto, a few words from the Annexationist Manifesto. It will be remembered how loudly our op- ponents derided the writers of that document for asserting that England would do, what all English authorities now tell us she must do, to save herself from destruction. This last news has naturally thrown them into an agony of rage; we can afford to wait calmly. Events are doing for us more than we could expect to do for ourselves. (From the London M ormlng Chi-onicle.) Mr. Cobden’s speech at Bradford on Thursday last, is by far the best we have had from him for » many a day. We only hope that the meeting of Parliament will find him still in the same mind with reference to the subject matter of it. With a lively sense of the excellent service which he rendered at Leeds a few days earlier in demolishing the protectionists erection, we attach much greater im- portance to his energetic adoption of the cause of colonial reform——always provided that he really means it, and that he does not allow some new move- 588 ELG’IN~GREY PAPERS [Enclosure] ment to put it out of his head between now and the beginning of next session of Parliament. We will not, however, anticipate any such contingency. Although he certainly has been in the habit of taking up agitations and laying them down with a. facility not at all conducive to his public influence or usefulness, we cannot help thinking that he will keep in the right track now he has found’ it, and we therefore heartily welcome him (provisionally) as a recruit to that most fruitful of all rcfox-msv~~Colonial self—government, and support. It is a real discovery that Mr. Ccbden has now. made, and we wonder he did not hit upon it sooner. “ You can make no reduction,” he says,  » in the public expenditure ” on any considerable scale, “unless you fully remodel your colonial system, for at present a great part of your vast expenditure for the army and navy, is on account of your Colonies.” Never was a truer thing said. Colonial reform is the Economists magnum vcctigal. It is hopeless, as we have repeatedly con- tended, to talk of any large and decisive reduction of taxation without a com- plete re-organization of our colonial system. You may retrench here and there in thousands, and even perhaps in hundreds of thousands, by a frugal and con- scientious administration of the national resources; but the millions must stand pretty much at their present figure, while the great items of the army, navy and ordnance remain untouched; and there is no touching this in any substantial point, so long as the duties of the services continues as they are. Our military and naval expenditure is by no means flagrantly disproportioned to the labours of our colonial empire, as at present administered, exacts from our soldiers and sailors. The nation might, no doubt, by better management, get more of its money; but a good deal more will not be too much for its necessities as measured by the present dominions of the Downing Street Empire “ on which the sun never sets.” If the Colonial Office has to govern and protect Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the Cape, and the West Indies, it cannot be said that we have a gun or a ship too many, and instead of finding fault with the extravagance of our establishment, we ought rather to express our admiration of what may almost be called—only that the business is not done after all-« a miracle of cheapness. . . . . . . . . . If we remodel our colonial system; if we return to that policy, at once generous and wise, which character- ised the earlier and better days of British Colonial enterprise; if we recognize the right of self-government in the fullest sense of the word, together with its correlative duties, self-support, and self-protection as an indefensible inheritance of British colonists; if we leave off meddling in the affairs of remote com- munities which are not represented in our Legislature, and whose wants and interests cannot be understood by our statesmen; if we content ourselves in these distant dependencies of the British crown, with that alliance, offensive and defensive, which is implied in common citizenship, we shall then be in a position to make retrenehments in our military and naval establishments (unless in the meantime we go crumpling up Russia) which will be felt in the weekly housekeeping in every family in the United Kingdom. . . . . . . We certainly, should not like to commit ourselves to Mr. ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 589 [Enclosure] Cobdcns figures; but let that pass. It is enough that a retrenchment, measured, not by thousands, but by mi11ions——perhaps nearer a half than a third of the once famed national budget-—is perfectly feasible, on conditions, which, so far from risking or impairing our Imperial power, would palpably tend to its security and consolidation. . ._ . . . . . . .Let us add that we should be still pleased to see him (Mr. Cobden) advocate this great question in a high and noble spirit. He will get his millions saved all the sooner if he thinks something less about the mere money saving, and a. vast deal more about the welfare of colonial communities, the progress of colonial enterprize, and the honor and stability of the Empire. . . . . . . . . . . The retrench- ment argument has its value; but it will be equally good if not better for giving up the colonies and colonization altogether and even a financial reformer, who means that, will only desory one good Work, without advocating another. There are two ways of advocating colonial self—government and self support, -and the dilierence between them though not always obvious on the surface, is radical and fundamental. A man may vote for leaving the Colonies to them- selves, on the ground that they are not worth keeping, and that a great empire is not to his taste. Or he may take a totally opposite ground, as Mr. Godley does in his letter, that they are worth keeping, that this is the way to keep them, and that a great empire is no childish vanity, but a source of substantial benefits and blessings, material and moral. We own we are not so sure as we should like to be, that the latter of these two is Mr. Cobden’s meaning, and there seems at present a shadow of ambiguity in his whole way of speaking with respect to the eventual political relations of Great Britain and our Colonies. We hope, however, to see this point satisfactorily cleared upon another occasion, for, if anything could give a new lease of life to our tyrannical and costly Colonial Office despotism, it will be such a mode of assailing it as should seem to identify colonial self-government with thedissolution of the British Empire, the humilia- tion of the British name, and the collapse of British power within the dimensions of these Islands. (From the London Daily News.) At Bradford Mr. Cobden has fired a broadside that must have made every pane of glass in the Colonial office tingle, and the red-tape dance upon its tables. The diflieulties of the Colonial 0lfice—the result of its vacillating between con- victions of the inexpediency of the old false system of policy, and the strong chains of habit which bind it to that vicious routine—~have been rapidly augment- ing within a short time. Of late years the oifice has had to bide many a shrewd blow both in and out of parliament. But such a ruthless banging, so heartily administered, as that bestowed upon it by Mr. Cobden at Bradford, it was never before its lot to undergo. The speech is ominous, notwithstanding the passing compliment paid to the Colonial Minister, of the combat a l’outra77.ce for which the retainers of the office may be girding their loins against the meeting of parliament. Turn our eyes where we will, throughout the wide range of our colonies and dependencies, we find wanton expenditure, despotic administration, incessant 590 ELGI N -GEE Y PAPERS [Enclosure] change of purposes, and their necessary consequences, financial dilficulties, dis- ‘ content, and disa-ffection. It is the cue of the protectionists to represent all the diificulties and dis- content of our colonies as arising from the adoption of a free~trade policy. To do this they are obliged to ignore tacitly the existence of any but the North American and West Indian groups of colonies. With the grievances of which the rest complain free trade has not the remotest connexion. With regard to the colonies of America and the Antilles there is doubtless a protectionist party there as well as in the mother country, and its peevish squall may be heard mingling with the general complaints of those colonies and adding to the confusion. Time, argument, and experience of the benefits of free trade alone can silence this element of the clamour. The free traders here and in the colonies will unitedly fight their battle against the fallacies of the protectionists. If any danger threaten from the free trade controversy, it is owing to the frag- ments of the protective system which have yet to be abrogated. The emancipa- tion of the slaves in the West Indies, and the wealth and intelligence of many among the black and coloured classes there, render the resuscitation of slavery impossible. Yet these colonies while exposed to competition of free trade in their produce, have been denied free trade in labour. In like manner the retention of the monopoly of the coasting trade, in deference to local interests in Great Britain, operates greatly to the prejudice of our North American colonies, by placing them at a disadvantage in their trading intercourse with the United States, and through the United States with this country. It is more, not less, free trade that is wanted to relieve our American colonies, and assuage their exasperation. But the most irritating grievances of which these colonies complain are of quite a difierent nature. It is of the meddling of the imperial government in their local affairs; of the mismanagement consequent upon the interference of distant and necessarily ill-informed legislators and administrators; of the enormous expense entailed upon them by squaring salaries and establishments to the notions of our place-hunting aristocracy, instead of the circumstances of the colonies. To the resistance offered to judicious retrenchment in Jamaica and Guiana; to the annoyance and expense entailed upon Canada by transferring the seat of Legisla- ture and government within a few years from Toronto and Quebec to Kingston, thence to Montreal, and thence back to Toronto, with the prospect of1 No. 3 LONDON ELEc*rIoN.~The London Free Press speaking of the late election in that town, asks the following forcible questions of the oflicers in the garrison in London. These straws show the way the wind blows. It is perhaps worthy of remark that all the officers in garrison who could vote, voted for Mr. Dixon; that is, for the man who, (being Mayor of the Town) refused to stop the insulting and blackguard burning-in-efligy in the public square; who publicly insulted the Queen’s Representative, whilst the guest of ‘Clipping ends here. ELGIN-GREY PAPERS 591 [Enclosure] the town; who led a rabble to St. Thomas for the avowed purpose of breaking the law by putting down a meeting called in accordance with an Act of Parlia- ment, and when tried for the offence, had the audacity to offer to Judge Macaulay to fight-it-out on the Square. Gentlemen, who wear the Qucen’s livery and take her pay, do you endorse all this? Do you deliberately set your faces against the Government you are hired to serve Imperial as well as Colonial, Executive and Legislative? No.4 BY TELEGRAPH FROM Quebec. Tononvro 26”‘ Jan., 1850. To Hon. Lafontaine Chabot. 1414 Legare 682 all quiet E. Caron 12 Collect 4/1»; and check Quebec «} on a com sent here to M‘ Drummond. [On reverse] Etat du Poll, a Quebec, 2‘). la cléture, ce soir Samedi La Fontaine. Ea. l’élection de Méthot les votes étaient aprés lcs deux jours de votation: Méthot=1196 ‘ Légaréz 722 473 [Duplicate MS copy] Private 0.0. Feb? 18/50 My DEAR ELGIN»- I have received today your letter of J any 28, & I am glad to find that you have no fresh difficulties to report & that the elections are going ag“ the annex— ationists whenever there are vacant seats to fill up. I am also glad to find by a letter from Bulwcr that the prospects of success in carrying the reciprocity bill continue to be encouraging— . You will see that hitherto the progress of the Session has been much quieter than we expected especially on Colonial affairs— You will learn from L“ John’s speech 1 that we have decided upon a, step of wh. I doubt not that the effect will be felt in Canada, that is to create a elective Legislative Council as well as Assembly at the Cape— 1 See below p. 608. 592 ELGI N -GEE Y PAPERS I send you the papers upon this subject wh. have been laid before Parl‘~— the report from the Board of Trade at the end explains our scheme—- I also send the original draft1 of that report as I wrote it—— I was over~ruled about having the L. Councillors elected for life but I still think the scheme was much better in that shape but I was willing to sacrifice a good deal to carry an elective Council wh. was not easy—— Return Me this draft as I have only a copy or two & shall want them— I fully expect that this will soon bring a demand for a similar change from Canada & if it does it cannot I think be refused»- S‘ GREY {Endorsed} Feb’ 18/50 Lord Grey to Lord Elgin [Duplicate MS copy] C.O. March 1/50 MY DEAR LORD– I have not failed to bring under the consideration of the 1″ L‘ of the Admiralty your letter of the 28” of Jan’ in wh. you call my attention to the claims to promotion of Lieut. Davies now commanding }E[.M’s Steamship Cherokee.2 It w » have been a source of great satisfaction to me if my interference in his behalf had been successful but I regret to inform you that I learn from Sir F. Baring that it is out of his power to hold out to me the expectation that Lieut. Davies can be selected for promotion at present from among the very Numerous Candidates whose claims to it require to be consideied—- (s“) GREY EARL or ELGIN [Endorsed] March 1/50 Lord Grey to Lord Elgin 1This draft is not in the collection. 2See above 1). 68.5. .—_-..- ___~,_._ ELG’IN—GRE Y PAPERS 593 [Original M.S] Private . Tononro Feb. 11. 1850. MY DEAR GREY, I fear that my dcspatches on the Military question 1 may not be quite satisfactory to you~— I cannot however go farther in the direction of recom- mending reductions than I have done in them. I cannot give advice in op- position to my own convictions and to the opinions of every class of persons in the Colony except the annexationists, I am quite ready indeed to repeat what I have before written to you~— namely that I think it a safer course in the present temper of men’s minds here to economize by withdrawing troops than by asking the Colonists to assume fresh burdens—— and I am ready to add that if you do Withdraw pact of our force I shall do my best to keep up the spirit of the Colonists but I cannot advise a reduction.—— I have stated our case as fairly as I can in my despatches—- You will judge what it may be prudent to do. I shall communicate with Rowan & urge concentration——— but I do not expect to find him favorable to any change. The extract of which I enclose a copy from a letter which I reoieved this morning gives you an idea of the demoralization produced in Lower Canada by the annexationist movement. I am not quite sure of my authority but I do not think the state- ment about Cap‘ Jones improbable-— I should not Wonder if these disbanded troopers gave us trouble yet. _ Both y’ public and private letters by the last mail were very satisfactory. I think y’ despatch on annexation has done much good. I send you a copy of it as it has been circulated. It is a singular fact that M. Légaré who opposed M Chabot the other day at Quebec as an annexationist recieved a much smaller French vote and a larger British one than he did about a year ago when he contested the city against M’ Methot ministerialist on the ultra democratic ticket—The majority against him it is satisfactory to know was greater on the present than on the former occasion. I am informed that since the publication of your Despatch a section of the annexationists have resolved to give up the agitation of that subject for the present and to join the Cobden movement at home on the principle enuntiated by the Montreal Courier in the extract given below- Yrs very sincerely ELGIN & KINCARDINE Emu. GREY, [Endorsed] Feb’ 11/50 Lord Elgin Rec‘ March 9 ‘In dea atches No. 150 and 151 of 9 F’eb., 1850 and in a confidential d(§mtch. of the same date, Lord Jglgin discussed the question of defence. See below, Azmenlluc X I. 95i3’I——3B 594 ELGIN-GEE Y PAPERS [Enclosures] No. 1 Extract. I was lately informed however that Captain Jones commanding the Queen’s Light Dragoons had expressed himself favourable to a class of persons calling themselves Annexationistes, and that he had stated thathis brother the Hon” R Jones was a noble fellow, and that he considered Annexation would benefit this country. This intelligence from a source I could not doubt, I was disposed to overlook for the time but this morning while Captain Jones was paying his men he said that when the 71“ the 23”‘ & 19“ Reg“ heard that we were likely to be disbanded that they would desert by sections and squads to the United States. This expression and sentiment uttered by an Officer in the service of the Government and more particularly in a service in which we are employed, I considered highly improper & unsoldierlike and dangerous perhaps in its utterance but the 71“ was particularly alluded to. No. 2 DESPATCH FROM HER MA.nvsrI’Y’s SECRETARY or STATE FOR THE Conomrs To THE RIGHT HONORABLE THE EARL or ELGIN. DOWNING Srnnmr, 9th JANUARY, 1850. My Loren, I have to acknowledge your Despatehes of the dates and numbers quoted in the margin: [Nos 114, 19th Nov. 1849.—127, 3d Dec. 1849.——~129, 3d Dec. 1849.- 134, 14th Dec. 1849.] 2. I have laid these Despatches before Her Majesty, and also the Address of the Warden and Councillors of the Municipal Council of the District of Gore: of the Lt. Colonel and Oflicers of Militia of the 1st and of the 8th Battalions of the Regiment of Dorchester: of the Oflicers of the 4th Battalion of the Regiment of Kamouraska, and the inhabitants of the Parish of Ste. Anne de la Pocatiere: and of the Oifieers of Militia and Lieut. Colonel Commanding Battalions of the Regiment of Quebec, enclosed in the two first of these Despatches, which Her Majesty has been pleased to receive very graciously. It has afforded Her Majesty great satisfaction to receive these expressions of that loyalty and attachment to the British Crown which she trusts is generally felt by Her Canadian subjects. 3. With regard to the Address to the people of Canada in favor of severing the Province from the British Dominions, for the purpose of annexing it to the United States, which forms the subject of the third of these Despatches, I have to inform you that Her Majesty approves of your having dismissed from Her ELGI N -GREY PAPERS 595 [Enclosure] Service those who have signed a document which is scarcely short of trcasonable in its character. Hm MAmsTY CONFIDENTLY nnnrrs on THE LOYALTY or Tnri GREAT MAJORITY on Him CANADIAN Somnors, AND SHE IS THEREFORE nnTnaMrNr:o ‘I‘0 nxnar ALL THE AUTHORITY WHICH BELONGS To mm ron Tnn runrosn or MAINTAINING THE CONNECTION or CANADA WITH THIS COUNTRY, BEING 1>nnsUA1>r:o

4. Your Lordship will therefore understand that YOU ARE CoMMANDno BY
Hm: MAJESTY To nnsrsr, TO TI-IE uTMosT or your: rowan, ANY A’1″l‘EMP’.I.‘ WHICH
DOMINIONS, and to mark in the strongest manner Her Majesty’s displeasure with
all those who may directly or indirectly encourage such a design.

5. And if any attempt of this kind should take such a form that those who
are guilty of it may, according to such advice as you may receive from your
Law Advisers, be made responsible for their conduct in a Court of Justice, you
will not fail to take the necessary measxues for bringing them to account.

I am, my Lord, your most obedient Servant,

(Signed) GREY.

Right Honorable

No. 3 y

Richard Ccbden, as well as other reformers in England, seems to think that
our independence as a people will satisfy us. True it is, they may see that
independence is a necessary antecedent to Annexation, and that the latter is
altogether a Canadian question. Herein we admit they are correct, for if
independence be conceded to us, as doubtless it will soon be, by England, it is
quite clear that we must then become ban grc mal gre Annexationists.

No. 4

Québec, .9 février 1850.

Lord Elgin a—t~il écrit aux évéques catholiques du Canada la lettre que vous
lui prétez? Vous l’avez aflirmé, appuyés, avez-vous dit, sur une autorité respec-

S’il l’a fait, donnez votre autorité respectable! S’il ne Pa pas fait, avouez
publiquement que vous vous étes fait CALOMNIATEURS pour avoir droit d’insulter
A un corps d’hommes dont Pnfluence morale vous gene.

Ces lignes resteront dans le Journal tant que vous n’aurez pas réponclu.



GBANDES ET Gmnmusss NoUvmLLF.sll1

Nous recevons A Pinstant de Toronto une dépéche télégraphique que nous
nlavons pas le temps de commenter; mais dont nos électeurs comprendront Pim-
portance et la portée. Pauvre annexionl Pauvre torysmel. ..

“Toronto, 2 février 1850.
“ 3 heures P.M.

“Des dépéches olficielles sont rogues déolarant les adresscs annexionistes
“ comme étant presque de la trahison; approuvant les démissions; exprimant la
“ détermination dc maintenir la connexion britannique; enjoignant des mesures
 » légales si elles sont requises; approuvant le déplacement du siége du gouverne-
“ment, paroe qu’il a eu lieu d’aprés le désir exprimé des représentants du peuple;
“ exprimant Pespérance que ce ohangement aura un bon effet.

“ Le comité de commerce du congrés A Washington a. fait rapport é. l’unani-
“ mité du bill de réciprocité, en 1’ecommandant la passation au oongros.

“ M. Weternhall 9, prété serment oomme assistant—commissaire des t1’avaux—

La réciprocité acquise, que reste-il aux démagogues pour crier?

ELECTION on Qmtssc.

Nous avons promis dos chiffres 5, nos lectcurs sur la derniére élection, et nous
les donnons aujourd’hui. On salt que les adversaires de 1’administration, aprés
avoir essuyé une défsite en 1848, dans Pélection de M. Méthot, se hatérent dc
publier des chifires pour prouver que, s’ils étaient battus, ils avaient au moins
pour eux une majorité dans la population frangaise de la oité. Nous avons pré~
paré un tableau comparatif du nombre de voix données aux dcux élections, pour
démontrer Pimmensc reviremcnt opéré dons la. population Canadienne—frangaise
en favour de 1’administration depuis 18 mois, et pour faire voir que les annexio-
nistes-démagogues out pi-is leurs voix en grande majorité dans les éléments
naturels d’opposition A un gouvernement libéral. Encore une élection et la
population Can9.dienne~fl‘ang.aise tout entiére voters. dans une union parfaite, et
reconstituera. an milieu d’elIe oette unité qui a. toujours fail‘. sa force. La portion
de la population irlandaise qui est aussi libérale, mais qui s’est laissée prendre
par son ennemi naturel, par une voix menteuse sortant des ruines brfilantes de
Penceinte législative, comprendra que son bonheur et le notre sont clans 1’unité
d’action et clans la réciprocité de sympathies.

Cette élection a dfi faire comprendre au torysme qu’il n’est plus d’aloi en
Canada; que l’administ1-ation, au lieu de se briser par le choc et par le martelage
incessant des niveleurs de tous les noms et de toutes les eouleurs, prend chaque
jour de la consistance et une force toujours oroissante. Il sontira qu’il faut qu’il
s’efface pour faire place, s’i1 est possible $3. des sentiments ct A des opinions
appuyés sur une base plus largo de liberté, de justice et d’égalité.

Il s’est plaint invariablement de n’étre pas représenté dans la chambre; mais
n’est-oe pas sa faute s’ils s’obstine it vouloir so tenir debout sur une base trop


étroite et ér s’isoler pour étre faible dons sa morose hostilité. S’il tient 51 vivre,
non dans son essence qui est mauvaise, mais dans les personnes, s’il tient is par-
tager les honneurs, les avantages et les influences de la vie publique, qu’il se fonde
dans le grand parti libéral qui, ne veut ne recherche Pexclusion de personne, et
qui appelle A son banquet tous les membres de la, grande société canadienne.
Cela vaudra mieux que d’app1audir aux inesndiaires et a.u poignard, et de glorifier
l’a.narchie. Alors il sera possible de voir dans la chambre un de ces hommes que
Yon donne comme plus spécialement propres is y représenter les intéréts commer-
ciaux et ms/cériels. Jusque 15. lo vaincu, ayant de lui meme choisi son drapeau
d’infortune, devra subir la loi du vainqueur qui ne combat que pour établir le
regne glorieux de la liberté et du bien-étre universel, les privileges et les excep-
tions lui étant odieux.

Mais hitons nous d’arriver aux chifires qui en dircnt plus que toutcs nos

1848. 1850.
Méthot. Légaré. Chabot. Légaré.
146 15 84 40
Voix frung, 43 12 71 6
“ bretonnes, 103 3 13 34
Majorité franc. 31 0 65 0
“ anglaise, 100 O 0 21
Prop:-iétaires, 29 6 37 3
Locataires, 117 0 47 37
Maj. totsle, 131 Idem, 44
Nona. tot. des voix. ..161. Idem .. 124.
Méthot. Légaré. Chabot. Légnré.
154 15 70 58
Voix franc. 37 12 40 4
“ bretonnes, 117 3 30 54
Magorité franc. 25 0 36 O
anglmse, 114 0 0 24
Propriétoires, 45 3 31 6
Loqatgiires, 109 D 39 52
Ma}. totale, 139 Idem .. . . . . . .12
Nam. tot. des voix. . . . . . . .169 Idem . . 123
Métlxot. Légaré. Chsbot. Légnré.
343 9 159 48
Voix franc. 128 9 115 4
 » irlandaises, 139 0 36 28
“ anglaisos, 33 0 4 8
“ écossnises, 43 O 2 0
Maiorite’ frapc. 119 0 111 0
“ retonnes, 215 0 0 2
Propriétsires, 58 3 28 5
cntaires, 275 6 134 40
Ma]. totals, 334 Idem . . . . . . .111

Nomlore dos voix……….. . . . . . ..352 207


1848. 1850.
Méthot. Légaré. Chabot. Légaré.
849 7 118 185
Vcix franc. 42 6 28 21
“ irlandnises, 239 0 80 150
“ anglaises, 49 O 7 7
“ éeossaiscs, 19 2 3 7
Majorité franc. 37 0 7 0
“ bretonne, 305 0 0 74
Propriétaires, 92 3 62 52
Locataires, 257 44 68 133
Maj. totale, 342 Idem . . . .. . . 617
Nonzntot.desvoix…………….356 de.m..306
Ghabot. Légaré.
30 48
Voix franc-aiaes, 17 3
“ irlnndaises, 9 39
“ anglaises, 3 1
ssaises, 1 5
M-Bforité francaise, 14 0
“ retonne, 0 34
Propriétwires, 213 8
Locntaires, 4 42
Majorité totn1e,……. .18
Uité at Bcmlieue.


Voix fmncaises, 45

“ bretcnnes, 103

Majorité franc-nises, 21

“ bretonne, 0

Propriétaires, 78

Lccatuires, 70

Major3tétot9.le……. .. .
Nombre des voix. . . … .
Méthot. Légcré. (Hxebot. Légaré.
344 414 622 211
Voix franc. 552 72
“ hretonnes. 70 139
Moqorité franc. 480 0
“ anglaiss, 0 B9
Proprlétairee, 548 20
Locataires,‘ 543 120
Majorxté totale, . . . . . 411
Nom. tot. des voix. Idem. . . 833
Méthot. Léguré. Chebot Légaré.
332 735 924 613
‘(pix franc. 218 728 856 499
Igretonnes, 114 7 88 114
Magorité franc. 0 510 357 0
“ bretonnes, 107 0 0 46
Proprletalres, 223 657 811 496
Locatazrea _ 109 78 113 117
Meg, 1:otalez…………. Idem, 311
Nom.tot.desvo1x,……….. ………11G7 Idem . 1537



De ces 1537 voteurs 264 appartiennent 2». la. Banlieue, lesquels se divisent
comme suit: pour M. Chabot 127, pour M. Légaré 137.

En récapitulant on trouve que 2863 personnes out vote it Pélection ole
M. Méthot en 1848, dont 1668 pour M. Méthot st 1195 pour M. Légaré; ce
qui oonstituait une majorité de 473 en feveur du premier. On trouve’ égale-
ment que 3210 personnes ont voté Ea. l’é1ection de M. Chabot, dont 2007 pour
ce monsieur, et 1203 pour M. Légaré.

Jamais il n’a été donné autent de voix $3. une élection 9. Québec, et, avant
celle-ci, celle de M. Méthot avait produit le plus de voix.

Methot. Légaré. Chabot. Légaré.
Total Total. Total. Total.
1608 1195 2007 123
Voix fra/nc-., 663 1092 1679 509
“ bretonues, 1005 103 329 5%..
M-ajorité franc, 0 329 1070 Q;
“ bret., 902 0 0 ~’
Propriétaires, 658 995 1535
Locntsirm, 1025 192 699 ‘
Mnjorité -totale, 473 Idem . . . . . . . .. 804
Nom. total dos voix, 2963 3210

On voit par ce résumé qu’il s’est donné 347 voix de plus en 1850 qu’en
1848; que la majorité du gouvernement a été de 331 plus grande; que sa
majorité est prise cette année dans la population franco-canadienne, an lieu qu’i1
la prenait dans la population bretonne et 1848; que Fimmense majorité des
propriétaires est décidément du cété de Pordre et du gouvernement; que la
majorité francaise de M. Cliabot est de 741 voix plus considerable que celle de
M. Légaré en 1848; que Popposition fin M. Chabot a été, sous la livrée de Pan-
nexion, une opposition directs et ardente au ministere, et enfin que oelui~ci
a remporté dans cette élection le plus beau triomphe dont il puisse se glorifier.

Le Mercury 9. eu beau inviter la population dont il est l’organe S3. voter pour
le candidet nnnexioniste; les tories ont eu beau (les principaux feignant de se
tenir A l’écart) voter ou faire voter leurs employés et autres qui pouvaient le
faire sans coznprromettre la loyauté du torysme; et l’Avem’r a pu, de son cfité,
verser la ealomnie et l’ordure sur les institutions les plus saintes, les plus
patriotiques et les plus soeiales, ainsi que sur les hornmes les plus irréprocheables,
soit dans la. hiérarchie civile, soit dans la hiérarchie religieuse, le torysme, qui
fesait un supréme eflort pour su.rna.ger, et Pannexion que l’on galvanisait pour
prouver qu’elle vivait, sent MORTS et nrwnnnns

Le Moniteur se plaindra peut-étre qu’on los enterre trop Vite, et qu’il
serait juste au moins, humain et meme chrétien de ne pas les recouvrir de terre
avant de s’assurer s’ils sont véritablement morts. Mais comme le torysme
incendiaire et le proudhonisme sont en—dehors cle Phumanité et consequenc-
ment du christianisme, nous ne voyons pas pourquoi on aurait tant cl’égard pour
ces bétes méchantes qui trouvent leur joie e faire des morsures at A démolir.

La pauvre Avenir promet des explications dens sa. prochaine publication.
11 est 9, déplorer pour lui que des amjs ne lui conseillent pas de garder 1e silence



et de courber, en paix, dans la. boue du chemin, un front que la calomnie et la
fiétrissure sillonnent et défigurent. Les enfants~rédaoteurs ne voi-ent-ils done pas
encore que leurs amis de Québec les trompent et les vouent au ridicule? Ne
comprennent-ils donc pa-s enfin que ses amis voulaient de Pargent pour vivre
et rien autre chose.

Ils ne vivent pas plus de l’air du temps que l’Avcm’r qui, avant de prendre
la livrée. de Pannexion tcry et incendiaire, avait été vend-u trois fois, et la der-
niere fois pour quinze piastres, mais qui, depuis Pheureuse époque, est plein de
vie (galvaniquc) et de distribution. Nos démagogues sont de mérne excepté
qu’ils n’ont pu mettre la main sur la douce chose: aussi les rencontrez-vous
avec des figures blémes et décornposées par la défaite, la faim et le désespoir;
ils sont Si faire pitié. Annexionistes de Montreal, soyez-done misérlcordieuxl. . . .

Ils ne savent pas non plus une autre vérité, c’est qu’il y a un revirement
complet dans le peu de personnes qui ont vote pour M. Légaré, parce que ces
personnes, a quelque opinion qu’elles appartiennent, on les :2 trompées, on leur
a menti come on a menti aux annexionistes de Montreal, en leur faisant croire
que M. Légaré avalt pour lui, surtout la population des faubourgs.

Quebec, 2 février 1850.
M. le rédacteur,
Permettemnoi de d.écla.rer publiquernent par la voie de votre journal, que
je n’ai pas voté pour M. Légaré dans le but de favoriser Pannexion.
Lours Buns,

Une correspondance touchant Yapologie (in Dr. Painchaud au prochain

[Duplicate MS copy]

March 8/50
My Dnnn ELGIN.

I have time to do little more ‘than Merely acknowledge your letter of Feb’ 11
wh. I rec“ on Monday—— I can have no Wish that you sh“ proceed farther than
you think safe in recommendg. Reductions of force, but concentration is I think
absolutely necessary to diminish expense & also to Check desertion wh. the loss
of your irregular Cavalry may encourage —- We propose enrolling the Pen-
sioners & settling them on the Ordnance reserves & this you will I trust find
a useful addition to your means of defence— I Cannot see why the service of
such places as Bytown sh“ not be performed .by them——

W ,.—-—~._ — » –

ELGI N -0131!) Y PAPERS 601

I am glad you think my Despatch on Annexation was of use—— I observe
that either in copying it here or printing it in the Colony a little bit of bad
grammar has Slipped in at the end of the 2″“ paragraph-— this however is but

a small matter~—

(ad) GREY


March 8/50

Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

[Original MS]

Tononro. Feb 25. 1850.
Mr Dnxm GREY,

I enclose the copy of another letter which the Duke of Argyll has addressed
to me in reference to MW Rylands1 case and of my reply -~—- I find a Despatch
from L“ Metcalfe to Lord Stanley No 329 of the 8”‘ Aug‘ 1845 wh. must be I
presume the one you quoted from.—— But I have no knowledge of the fact——
His Grac.e’s course is no doubt suggested to him by the best 1notives—- but it
is an inconvenient one.

I must send you a précis of Rylands case to assist you if there is a discussion
in Par‘ He is a most persevering Gentleman and by dint of keeping constantly
at it, and for a series of years playing the Imperial authorities oh‘ against the
Provincial & vice versa, he has managed to make a great deal of a very
moderate grievance —— Moderate at least as compared’ with the hardships which
the Servants of the Crown have to endure especially in the Colonies.—— At the
time of the Union of the Provinces of Upper & Lower Canada all the oflice
holders who stood in the way of that measure were got rid of, some recieving a
gratuity of two years pay, others nothing & others being pcnsioned ofi upon
an allowance calculated on the length of their service — Ryland had held the
office of Clerk of the Ex. Council for a very short time (since 1838 only), and
the Imperial Gov‘ as soon as his appointment had been notified to the Colonial
ofiice, had assured him that he should have no claim for a pension—— He stood
therefore obviously at the time of the Union in a much Worse position than
many others who were removed from office to facilitate the new arrangements—
and in getting from Lord Sydenham a situation the emoluments of wh were
expected to be very considerable he was better treated than some as for instance
M’ Joseph the present Clerk of the Ex. Council who was before the Union
Clerk of the Leg. Council of U.Canada & who was removed from that ofiice
without any compensation & remained unemployed till 1847 when I appointed
him to his present office. It is to be observed that M’ Ryland considers him—
self entitled to a pension of £515 a year for life because he performed for 2 or 3
years for a salary of £1030 the duties of Clerk of the Ex Council for Lower

‘See above 1). 580 and note.


Canada»-whereas M‘ Joseph does the some duties for the Ex.Council of the
joint Provinces for £500. ‘

I am afraid that I shall not be able to send you the ‘précis which am preparing
of this case till the next mail. Meanwhile I may observe that we are
anxiously awaiting the arrival of the mail with the Queen’s speech. The Steamer
is out beyond her time and not yet telegraphed.

Very sincerely Yours
F eb’ 25/ 50
Lord Elgin
Rec“ March 19


No. 1

Rosnnnnrn Jan’ 18”‘ 1850.

MY Loan,

I have to thank your Excellency for Your letter of the 1”‘ Dec’, and for the
very Kind offer you make of supplying me with any information.

The only point on which I would trouble Your Excellency as regards
information, would be to ask the date of a certain Despatch, and if not objec-
tionable, a copy thereof-—from Lord Metcalfe, quoted by Lord Grey in the
debate of last year, as having expressed that Governor’s opinion that whatever
claims M’ Ryland might have had under Lord Sydenhams Guarantee, those
claims had been fully & adequately satisfied by the appointment already given
him——— that I believe, which he still enjoys. I have not now beside me the
papers connected with this case; but I may explain to Your Excellency my
object in asking this particular piece of information.

As far as I recollect one of the most distinct and specific acknowledge-
ments of M” Rylandls claim as just in principle, proceeded from Lord Metcalfe-
being in the form, if I recollect rightly, of a minute stating his reasons for refus-
ing to give his sanction to a proposed report, or deliverance on the claims by
his own Council Lord Metcalf uses the word “unjust” I think, as applicable
to the principle on which the proposed report repudiated Ryland’s claim-
and I am curious to Know whether in any subsequent Despatch Lord Metcalfe
could have so far contradicted this recorded opinion, as to have represented
M’ Ryland’s claim as already fully Satisfied. If the despatch was of an earlier
date— before perhaps Lord Metcalfe had been made fully aware of all the
circumstances of the case—— then that opinion cannot in fairness be quoted as
contradicting, or even qualifying a subsequent opinion so strongly & so dis-
tinctly expressed.


1 can well understand that it would be irregular that Your Excellency should
enter into any Extra~oI’ficial discussion on this- viewing it as purely a. Public
Matter —— Will Your Excellency, however, allow me to protest against Your
statement that the Understandings and guarantees on which Ryland’a claim is
founded, are “confessedly” irregular. I cannot take this view of the Guarantee
given by L“ Sydenham. If a Representative of the Crown vested with peculiar
powers cannot give such a guarantee in respect to one of its own Servants, under
circumstances so peculiar, I hardly Know what confidence could be maintained
in the tenure of any office under it.

I beg to add that I have never paid any attention to the Amount claimed by
M’ Ryland — I observe that Your Excellency considers it to be swelled by a
very “unusual process of computation ”-— I need hardly say that the question
of amount does not affect the principle— and that if the latter be conceded the
former will without difliculty be arranged.

Begging Your Excellency to excuse these observations which I thought
needful to explain how far I consider myself a supporter of M‘ Ryland’s claim——
and thanking your Excellency for the courtesy and Kindness with which you
answered my first (perhaps) irregular communication.

I am 650
(Signed) ARGYLL.

No. 2

Toronto Feby 25. 1850-

My Lord Duke,

I have had the honor to receive Your G2’ace’s letter of the 18“’ Ultimo.

I was not aware that Lord Grey in the Debate of last year to which you
refer had quoted from a Despatch in which Lord Metcalfe expressed an opinion

« adverse to M” Ryl’and’s claim. I cannot therefore give you the information

which you require on this point. I have however written to Lord Grey to
apprize him of your Grace’s application to me.

I have &c
His Grace
‘ The Duke of Argyll.


[Duplicate MS copy]

P1’t »uatc

March 22/50

I rec“ the other day your letter of Feb’ 25- As you had nothing to write
about but M‘ Rylandl I conclude things were going well——- no news is very good
news from Canada especially——

I have only a moment to write to you & therefore as the shortest way of
explaining my Views upon a subject of importance I enclose Copies of a letter
I have received from Bulwcr & of my ansWer9——-

(s ») GREY

March 22/50
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin.

[Original MS]

Tonozvro March 11 1850

My DEAR Gnny,

An Annexationist3 I believe an alien has carried the C‘ of Sherbrooke, in a
great measure I believe through the agency of the British American Land C°—~
I have been Writing you rather an angry despatch in which I intended to shew
up these selfish ’traito1’s—— but I know the danger of writing in a passion so per-
haps I shall not send it this time-

Another regrettable incident has occurred—— M‘ Wetenhall a very good
respectable Gentleman, educated at Cambridge, whom I had appointed to the
Board of Works in room of Cameron (resigned, in a huE,) has gone mad in the
excitement of his election and this morning I learn that while he has been sent
to an asylum his opponent has been brought in by the combined efforts of the
Clear Grits or ultra radicals & orangernen. This sort of thing will not do much
harm to the present Gov‘ but it will I fear render the preservation of such articles
of the Tory faith as the Clergy Reserves more than ever difl‘icult—— ‘ Quem Deus ’
perhaps you are singing the same dirge at home.——

Things seem to be looking well as far as we are concerned at Washington—.-
I hear Sir H. Bulwcr very well spoken of, & Lady B, still more sow A Yankee
correspondent informs me after praising the former that he seems to he better
‘posted up’ in European matters than American—~ His letters to me however
seem to shew a thorough acquaintance with our aifcirs, and perhaps he may not
think it necessary to turn himself inside out to please every Yankee questicner.—

’ See above 1). 530 note.
2Th1s correspondence is not in the collection.
“John S. Sanborn. .


Legislation does not however move rapidly at Washington. M” Bright is
mistaken if he calculates on achieving this object by means of a permanent
democracy—— In reply to a remark on the proceedings of Congress which a
Canadian correspondent of mine made to the President the other day he observed.
“They get through a good deal of business Sir—~ they have been in session three
months— and they have passed a bill giving the franking privilege to M“ Polk”

I enclose a lecture on the Commercial Prospects of Canada1 by a Gentle-
man of my acquaintance in w’-‘ there is a good deal of information well put.

Very sincerely Yours



March 11/50
Lord Elgin

[Duplicate MS copy]
April 12/50

I did not answer your letter of March 11”’ by the last mail as I was at
Howick nor have I much to say now—

I am sorry for the two defeats in elections your ministers have experienced
especially that in wh. the “clear grits” were the gainers«— looking forward
it seems to me that this is much the most dangerous party in Canada— You
will see by the Newspapers that we have here a similar tendency to coalition
between the Cobolen economists & protectionists wh. is all for the real advantage
of the former. In the mean time our Colonial interests are those most likely to
suffer & I fully anticipate some most injurious reductions of expenditure to be
carried against us before the Session is over- The country Gentlemen have
the excuse of being in very great distress-— I found things in the north in a
deplorable state & I fear our rents will be very ill paid wh. to those who like
myself have to handover 8/4”‘ of their income to meet fixed charges &
Expenses of management is not a little serious-—~
The aocounts from Washington are very satisfactory & I trust there is new
little doubt that the reciprocity bill will pass, but my opinion of its importance
to the Canadian Farmer having been greatly over—rated is singularly confirmed
by the lecture on the commercial prospects of Canada wh. you have sent me.1
That Lecture by the by does infinite credit to Canada. A Country in wh.
Persons capable of stating so well such sound views are to be found & in wh.

.1_This is possibly the lecture by James Wilson, « 0amzda/—0’ammerc1’al (E Agricu » Di:t’re8s——
P0l$t$BUl Disafectatian «.6” See below, Miscellaneous Papers.


such views are willingly listened to stands very high among the Nations of the
World in the scale of intelligence—- What it W“ be for France if any of the parties
there wd adopt an equally sound View of the Commercial interests of that
Country— I shall not be able just yet to write to you oifioially on Military
matters—— I hope if the H. of Commons does not run wild to make no further
reduction except in the Stafl, & I am very anxious to settle a good many enrolled
pensioners at the most important places.

I have oflficially expressed my opinion that the boundary question between
Canada & N. Brunswick ought not at present to come before your Parl‘1—- any
discussions there upon it w“ be most mischievous



April 12/50
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin.

[Original MS]
TORONTO 23″‘ March 1850.


At the request of Colonel Turner K.I-I.—BreVet Lieu” Colonel, late of the
11″’ Regiment, I take the liberty of addressing your Lordship in order to remove
a inisappreliension which seems to have arisen with respect to the purport of a
request which he made to you through Lord Granville. He applied it would
appear for a Treasury Clerkship for his Son Henry Montresor Turner, and he
was informed in reply that the appointment in question was a Colonial one
and in the gift of the Governor General. This is however 9. mistake as the
Treasury Clerks are Imperial Officers named by the Lords of the Treasury.

1 On 9 March, 1850, Lord Elgin transmitted a Minute of the Executive Council with regard
to the question of the territory in dispute between Canada and New Brunswielg. _In this Minute
the Council had said:——“ The Committee of Council observe that the Commissioner of Crown
Lands has, with a view of Compromising the Matter in dispute, recommended the Surrender by
Canada of a large portion of territory to which it is in the o inioii clearly entitled. However
advisable such a compromise might be the Committee o Council are not prepared to
recommend it without the Sanction of the Legislature, but they are res ectfully of 0plDl’0DAtlJé7.t
the sense of the Canadian Parliament Should be taken on the Subject uring its next Session.”
(2.3 Feb, 1860; Canada State Bank, K, p. 56.) Replying to this despatch, 11 April, 1850, Lord
GreY suid:-—“ The opera with which your Lordship has now furnishell me on this important
subject will not fail) to receive the early and serious consideration of Her MaJesl:y’s Gov‘, but
advertising to the closing observation in the Minute of Council, I must express my opinion that
111 the present state of the question it would be highly inexizcdlent to bring the difference
entertained between the Two Provinces under discussion in the Canadian Legislature.”
(Grey to Elgin, No. J83, copy, G. 532 17. 61.) See below pp. 676, 705, 715, 720, 721, 73.5.

Colonel Turner is an Officer who has served with distinction in the Peninsula,
Canada and elsewhere and is now settled in this Province—
I have the honor to be
My dear Lord
Your obedient servant

I enclose the Copy of a Note which Colonel Turner has written to me on this
subject.  »
The Right Honble
E/mi. Gnny

[Note on back]
M ‘ M eriuale
I doubt Whether this deep“ should have been registered.

Colonel Turner asks for a Treasury Clerkship here, not one in the Colony.
The previous papers, if there are any, are not with us

A B 17/4

H. M Apl 18
Registry to be cancelled [illegible]
RS. Send a copy to L“ Granville that he may apply to the T »

[In pencil]
Copy sent to Lord Granville
[illeg] G.

March 8/50
Lord Elgin

TORONTO 18“ March 1850.

I made application some time ago to Lord Grey through Lord Granville,

. for a Treasuly Clerkship for my Son Henry Montresor Turner.

Lord Grey in his answer to Lord Granville appeared to think that the
appointment was a Colonial one, and only in the gift of the Governor General.

The appointment is a home appointment, in the gift of the Lords of the



I will therefore thank you My Lord to recommend my Son to Lord Grey
for the appointment and explain to him how the matter stands, and by your
Kind influence I shall have every hope of success.

I have the honor to be
My Lord
Your Lordship’s
Very Obei humble

To the Right Honorable
Governor General
&o &c &c.

[Original MS]

TORONTO. March 23. 1850.

Lord John’s speech on the Colonies1 seems to have been eminently success-
ful at home~It is calculated too I think to do good in the Colonies—but for one
sentence, the introduction of which I deeply cleplore——the sting in the tail—
Alasl for that sting in the taill—I much fear that when the liberal and enligh-
tened sentiments, the enuntiation of which by one so high in authority is so
well calculated to make the Golonists sensible of the advantages which they
derive from their connexion with Great Britain, shall have passed away from
their memories, there will not be wanting those who will remind them that
on this solemn occasion the Prime Minister of England amid the plaudits of
a full Senate declared that he looked forward to the day when the ties which
he was endeavouring to render so easy & mutually advantageous would be
severed! And wherefore this foreboding? or perhaps I ought not to use the
term foreboding—-for really to judge by the comments of the Press on this
declaration of Lord John’s I should be led to imagine that the prospect of these
sucking democracies, after they have drained their old Mother’s life blood,
leaving her in the lurch, and setting up as rivals, just at the time when their
encreasing strength might render them a suppoit instead of a burden, is one

1011 Fel>ruary 8, 1850, Lord John Russell made his famous speech on colonial policy.
In closing Lord John said: “I anticipate induced with others that some of the colonies may
so grow in population and wealth that they may say—-‘Our strength is sufiieient to enable
us to be independent of Engln/nd. The link is now become onerous to us ——- the time is oorne
when we can, in amity and alliance with England, maintain our independence.’ I do not
rfihink that that time is yet approaching. But let ‘us make them as for as possible, {it to‘
govern themselves — let us‘give them, as for as We can, the capacity of ruling their own
affairs ~_— let them_ increase in wealth and population, and whatever may happen’, we have the
consolation of suymg that we have contributed to the happiness of the world.’ (Ha/use/rd’s

ParI1’4zmcnt117’y .Dclmtcx, Third Series, Vol. OVIII, 71. 567.)


of the most cheering which has of late presented itself to the English imagina-
tion-—-But wherefore then this anticipation—-—if foreboding ‘be not the correct
term?——Because Lord John & the people of England persist in assuming that
the Colonial relation is incompatible with maturity and full developement. And
is this really so incontestable a truth that it is a duty not only to hold but to
proclaim it? Consider for a moment what is the effect of proclaiming it in our
case. We have on this continent two great Empires in presence; or rather I
should say two great Imperial systems. In many respects there is much simil-
arity between them,——In so far as powers of self-Government are concerned
it is certain that our colonists in America have no reason to envy the citizens of
any state in the Union. The forms difi »er, but it may be shewn that practically
the inhabitants of Canada have to greater power in controlling their own destiny
than those of Michigan or New York who must tolerate a tariff imposed by
twenty other states & pay the expenses of wars undertaken for objects which
they profess to abhor—And yet there is a difference between the two cases—a
diiferenee in my humble judgement of sentiment rather than substance—, which
renders the one a system of life & strength, & the other a system of death and
decay.——No matter how raw and rude a territory may be when it is admitted as
a State into the Union of the United States, it is at once by the popular belief
invested with all the dignity of manhood and introduced into a system which,
despite the combativeness of certain ardent spirits from the South, every
American believes and maintains to be immortal—~But how does the case stand
with us?—-no matter how great the advance of a British Colony in wealth and
civilization——no matter how absolute the powers of self Government conceded
to it–it is still taught to believe that it is in a condition of pupilage from which
it must pass before it can attain maturity. For one, I have never been able to
comprehend why, elastic as our constitutional system is, we should not be able,
now more especially when we have ceased to control the trade of our Colonies,
to render the links which bind them to the British Crown at least as lasting
as those which unite the component parts of the Union-—I do not say that the
relation subsisting between the Mother Country and the Colonies may not
have to be in some cases modified——«I-Iere for instance, where the vicinity of
the US. exercises so great an influence, it is, I think, possible, that the time
may come when it may be expedient to allow the Colonists to elect their own
Governors, to reduce their civil lists to the starvation point, &c, England with-
drawing all her forces except 2.000 men at Quebec & being herself represented
in the Colony by an Agent——sometl1ing like a Resident in India—-If yr. agent
was well chosen and had a good status I am not sure but that the connexion
might be kept up under such an arrangement quite as well and as profitably for
England as under the prcsent—One thing is however indispensable to the
success of this or any other system of Colonial Gov‘—You must renounce the
habit of telling the Colonies that the Colonial is a provisional existence.-~You
must allow them to believe that without severing the bonds which unite them
to Great Britain they may attain the degree of perfection and of social and
political developement to which organized communities of freemen have a right
to aspire.-——


Since I began this letter I have I regret to say confirmatory evidence of
the justice of the anticipations I had formed of the probable eiiect of Lord
John’s declaration—I enclose extracts from two newspapers, an annexationist,
the Herald of Montreal, and a quasi annexationist, the Mirror of Toronto. You
will note the use they make of it. I was more annoyed however I confess by what
occurred yesterday in council—We had to determine whether or not to dismiss
from his oiiices a gentleman who is both M.P.P. Q.C. & J .P. and who has issued
9. flaming manifesto in favor not of annexation but of an immediatedeclaration
of Independance as a step to it. I will not say anything of my own opinion on
the case, but it was generally contended by the members of the Board that it
would be impossible to maintain that persons who had declared their intention
to throw off their allegiance to the Queen with a view to annexation were unfit
to retain offices granted during pleasure if persons who made a similar declara-
tion with a view to independance were to be dilferently dealt with. Baldwin
had Lord J ohn’s speech in his hand. He is a man of singularly placid demeanor,
but he has been seriously ill, so possibly his nerves are shaken——at any rate I
never saw him so much moved. “Have you read the latter part of Lord J.
Russell’s speech” he said to me? I nodded assent——“For myself” he added, “if
the anticipations therein expressed prove to be well founded my interest in
public affairs is gone for ever. But is it not hard upon us while we are laboring
through good and evil report to thwart the designs of those who would dis-
mcinber the Empire that our adversaries should be informed that the difference
between them and the Prime Minister of England is only one of time? If the
British Government has really come to the conclusion that we are a burden
to be cast oi? whenever a favorable opportunity oifers, surely we ought to be
warned”—~ I replied that while I regretted as much as he could do the paragraph
to which he referred I thought he somewhat mistook its import—— That I believed
no man living; was more opposed to the dismemberment of the Empire than Lord
John Russell. That I did not concieve that he had any intention of cleserting
the Colonies or of inviting them to sepcrate from England: but that he had in
the sentence in question given utterance to a purely speculative, and in my
judgement most fallacious, opinion which was shared, I feared, by very many
persons both in England and the Colonies-—— That I held it to be a perfectly
unsound and most dangerous theory that British Colonies could not attain
maturity without separation, and that my interest in laboring with them to bring
into full play the principles of constitutional Gov“ in Canada would entirely cease
if I could be persuaded to adopt it— —-I said all this I must confess however not
without misgiving— for I could not but be sensible that, in spite of all my
allegations to the contrary, my audience was disposed to regard a prediction
of this nature proceeding from a Prime Minister less as a speculative abstraction
than as one of that class of prophecies which work their own fulfilment. I left
the Council Chamber disheartened, with the feeling that Lord John Russel1’s
reference to the manhood of Colonies was more likely to be followed by practical
consequences than Lamar-tine’s famous ‘quand l’heure aura sonné’ invocation
to oppressed nationalities-

It is possible indeed that I exaggerate to myself the probable eflects of this
declaration. Politicians of the Baldwin stamp, with distinct views and aims,



who having struggled to obtain a Gov” on British principles desire to preserve
it, are not, I fear, very numerous in Canada: the great mass move on with very
indefinite purposes & not much enquiring Whither they are going— Of one thing
however I am confidcnt—— There cannot be peace contentment progress or credit
in this Colony while the idea obtains that the connexion with England is a
millstone about it’s neck which should be cast off, as soon as it can be con-
veniently managed. What man in his senses would invest his money in the
public securities of a country where questions affecting the very foundations
on which public credit rests are in perpetual agitation—— or would settle in it at
all if he could find for his foot a more stable resting place elsewhere?-

I may perhaps be expressing myself too unmlservedly with reference to
opinions emanating from a source which I am no less disposed than bound to
respect— As I have the means however of feeling the pulse of the Colonists in
this most feverish region I consider it to be always my duty to furnish you with
as faithful a record as possible of our diagnostics— And after all, may I not
with all submission ask, is not the question at issue a most momentous one?
What is it indeed but this? Is the Queen of England to be the Sovereign of an
Empire, growing, expanding, strengthening itself from age to age—striking its
roots deep into fresh earth and drawing new supplies of Vitality from virgin
soils‘?—Or is She to be for all essential purposes of might and power monarch
of Great Britain and Ireland rnerely— I-Ier place & that of Her line in the
World’s History determined by the produotiveness of 12,000 square miles of a
coal formation which is being rapidly exhausted, and the duration of the social
and political organization over which She presides dependant on the annual
expatriation with a view to its eventual alienization of the surplus swarm of Her
born Subjects? If Lord John Russell instead of concluding his excellent speech
with a declaration of opinion which, as I read it and as I fear others will read
it, seems to make it a point of honor with the Colonists to prepare for separation,
—-had contented himself with resuming the statements already made in it’s course
——With showing that neither the Gov‘ nor Par‘ could have any object in View
in their Colonial Policy but the good of the Colonies, and the establishment of
the relation between them and the Mother Country on the basis of mutual
afi°ection——- that, as the idea of maintaining a Colonial Empire for the purpose
of exercising dominion or dispensing patronage had been for some time aban-
doned, and that of regarding it as a hotbed for forcing Commerce and manu-
factures more recently renounced, a greater amount of free action and self
Government might be conceded to British Colonies without any breach of
Imperial Unity or the violation of any principle of Imperial Policy, than had
under any scheme yct devised fallen to the lot of the component parts of any
Federal or Imperial system~ if he had left these great truths to work their
effect without hazarding a conjecture, which will I fear be recieved as 9. sugges—
tion, with respect to the course which certain wayward members of the Imperial
family may be expected to take in a contingency still confessedly remote, it
would, I venture with great deference to submit, in so far at least as public
feeling in the colonies is concerned, have been safer and better -— ~—

You draw I know a. distinction between separation with a view to annexa-
tion and separation with a View to indcpendance-— You say the former is an



act of treason, the latter a natural and legitimate step in progress -—There is
much plausibility doubtless in this position but, independantly of the fact that
no one advocates independance in these Colonies except as a means to the end
annexation, is it really tenable? If you take your stand on the hypothesis that
the colonial existence is one with which the Colonists ought to rest satisfied
then I think you are entitled to denounce without reserve or measure those who
propose for some secondary object to substitute the Stars & Stripes for the
Union J ack.—— But if on the contrary you assume that it is a provisional state,
which admits of but a stunted and partial growth, and out of which all com-
munities ought in the course of Nature to strive to pass, how can you refuse
to permit your colonies here when they have arrived at the proper stage in their
existence to place themselves in a condition which is at once most favorable
to their security and to their perfect national development? What reasons can
you assign for the refusal except such as are founded on selfishness and are
therefore morally worthless?-— If you say that your great lubberly boy is too
big for the nursery and that you have no other room for him in your house, how
can you decline to allow him to lodge with his elder brethern over the way
when the attempt to keep up an establishment for himself would seriously
embarras him——— ‘B
But to pass from these generalities on which I have perhaps dwelt too long
to matters more immediately pressing and practical, I anticipate, as the upshot
of all, anything put a pleasant Session here. The several factions of the opposi-
tion have been very busy of late in getting up excitement on various and gener-
ally discordant points~— On one subject all, annexationists, ultra democrats, and
Tories, profess to be agreed— in condemning our system of Government as
expcnsive—— The defeat which the Gov” sustained the other day in the County
of Halton, though no doubt in some measure owing to the illness of their Candi-
date, was I have little doubt mainly attributable to the agitation which has been
got up on this question and to the zeal with which the Tories, to spite the men
in oflice, support the views of the Radicals. It was instructive to find ‘the

‘Church’ the organ of the Bishop, and an Ultra Tory paper of the deepest dye,

running in couples with the Examiner, a journal whose hostility to the adminis-
tration arises from the fact of their not having yet taken steps to appropriate
the Clergy Reserves to secular purposes, in supporting the Anti Ministerial
Candidate-— I cannot yet anticipate what echo these out of doors proceedings
will awaken in Par‘—- indeed I do not know what my Ministers may determine
on with reference to the Retrenchment question, or whether there may not be a
split on the subject-— but I think it more than probable that there will be a
violent attack on the civil List ——-and more especially on the Governor General’s
salary. —-The Tories will join in this attack from spite, and on the plea assigned
by ME’! Johnston at Halifax, that a Constitutional Gov‘ Gen‘ is useless — ——
the anneacionationists and Clear Grits because they desire the ofliee to be elec-
tive. Lord J ohn’s statement with respect to Guiana, that it rested entirely with
the Oolonists to fix the Governors salary, is much relied on-— To be sure they
have here fixed the salary for the duration of the Queen’s reign by an act of their
own Legislature— I suspect however that this circumstance will go for very
little with those who desire to gain popularity by disturbing the settlement.


I return with many thanks y‘ Minute on the Cape of Good Hope elective
Council1~— A great deal is said he1’e at present about rendering our second
Branch of the Legislature Elective. As the advocates of the Plan however
comprise two classes of persons with views not only distinct but contradictory,
it is difficult to forsee how they are to agree on details when it assumes a practical
shape ~The one class desire to construct a more eificient Conservative Body
than the present Council, the other seek an instrument to aid them in their
schemes of subversion and pillage— For my own part I believe that a second
legislative Body returned by the same Constituency as the H. of Assembly,
under some differences with respect to time and mode of Election, would be a
greater check on ill considered Legislation than the Council as it is now con-
stituted —Baldwin is very unwilling to move in this matter—— Having got what
he imagines to be the likest thing to the British Constitution he can obtain he
is satisfied and averse to further change. In this instance I cannot but think
that he mistakes the shadow for the substance- I admire however the persever~
ance with which he proclaims “I1 faut jeter 1’ancre de la Constitution” in reply
to proposals of organic change . . though I fully expect that like those who
raised this cry in 1791 he will yet, if he lives, find himself and his State Ship
floundering among rocks and shoals towards which he never expected to steer.

Very sincerely Your’s

PS. I enclose a newspaper extract (4) with a series of resolutions which are to
constitute the platform of what is called the Clear Grit or Radical Party. I
have just had a long conversation with Lafontaine ——I am confident that his
French Party is the only one which can or will arrest this Country in it’s progress
towards the realization of the views of the extreme Democrats— and yet these
madman the Tories and Churchmen cannot find terms of abuse suflieiently strong
for those who are in fact preserving from destruction all that they profess to

’ [Endorsed]

Lord Elgin
March 23/50
Rec“ April 19

No. 1

THE COLONIAL SYSTEM.—We published, in our last issue, abridged from the
London Times of the 9th ultimo, a report of the debate in the House of Com-
mons on the preceding night, on the first reading of the Ministerial Colonial
Government Bill, introduced by Lord John Russell. We observe that our

‘This Minute is not in the collection.



Coalitionist contemporaries are diligently engaged in manufacturing political
capital, for Lord Elgin, and his liberal and economical cabinet, out of certain
“few and far—between ” passages in Lord John Russell’s speech. As they did
from Lord Grey’s dcspatch,~—in which the principle of both the Colonial and
Imperial Governments being bound to yield to the majority is distinctly laid
down—~so from Lord John’s speech, they affect to draw the conclusion that,
under no circumstances, will the Government of England ever consent to the
independence of Canada; and that, therefore, all means, however peaceful and
constitutional, having that object in view, should at once and for ever be
abandoned. They would intimidate or cajole their readers into the belief, that
the existing Whig Ministry, are, de facto and de jure, the Sovereign and people
of England; and that, as they, the Whig Cabinet, are, for the present, opposed
to Canadian independence, the Annexationists have “got their answer,” and
should, forthwith, at Lords Russell and Grey’s dictation, abandon all hope for
the future, and silently submit to what the Times calls “the decrees of the

Now, while it must be borne in mind that the subjcot—matter of Lord John
Russell’s speech, was not the general question of Colonial Government, but the
“ better government of the Australian C’olonies,” still, it was expected that the
Premier would have availed himself of the opportunity afi’ordcd him, of giving
his views generally as to the future colonial policy of the Empire; and that he
would have revealed the nature of the measures prepared, by his Ministry, with
a View to the correction of existing evils— various and distinct in their origin
and character——which, during the recess, had filled the British press with com-
plaints, from every Colonywwithout, we believe, a single exception———against
Downing Street interference and non—inte7’fc7’ence. In this expectation, it must
be admitted, all, but, more especially, we, in Canada, have been wofully disap-
pointed. It is very evident that, so far as Canadian interests are concerned,
laissez faire is the principle of action of Lord John and his colleagues: they are
perfectly satisfied to leave us to work out our own regeneration from the political
and commercial difficulties, into which we have been plunged, by Responsible
Government, onthe one hand, and the withdrawal of all favour and protection
in the home markets, on the other. Our affairs are only incidentally alluded to.
We are told, indeed, that in the event of the Mother Country going to war with
our neighbours, she will not, as has been lately suggested by various writers and
speakers in England, throw the burden of the defence of the province upon its
inhabitants; and in return for this “protection,” we are told by his lordship,

‘there shall be “ no duties so high as to be prohibitory against the produce and

manufactures of this country,” imposed by the provincial legislature: that is
(as We point out in our remarks, in another place, on Lord Grey’s recent
despatches to the Governors of Newfoundland and New Brunswick,) the com-
mercial policy of Canada shall be dictated from Downing Streetr~now, hence-
forth, and so long as We remain a colony, “ protected ” by the arms of the Parent
State. This is the quid pro quo, Lord John says “we have a right to ask in
return for the protection which we afford to the colonies.” Nothing, therefore,



is to be done for Canada, beyond maintaining the right of the Imperial Govern~
ment to check any attempts, on our part, to encourage colonial industry, either
by bounties or protective duties. Incidentally, however, as we have said, the
Premier throws out some very significant hints to us, should it unfortunately
happen that weiare not quite satisfied as ‘to our future prospects, under this
system of quid pro quowhints that, we think we can assure his lordship, will
not be thrown away. It is true, he says, that to the “proposal” that “instead
of remaining subject to Her Majesty, the province of Canada should be annexed
to the United States,” “ of course, the Crown could give nothing but a decided
negative,” but then, his lordship concludes his speech—which the Times very
justly oliaractcrises as being “utterly wanting in oratorieal efiect”~in the
following words, which, surely no man in Canada—not either in, or fit for, the
new provincial Palais des fous at Toronto-—~can, possibly misunderstand.

I believe that not only you may proceed on those principles (of quid pro
quo) without danger for the present, but there may be questions arising hereafter
which you may solve without any danger of such an unhappy conflict as that
which took place with what are new the United States of America. I trust we
shall never again have to deplore such a contest. I do anticipate with others
that some of the colonies (and which of them before Canada?) may so grow in
population and wealth that they may say—-« our strength is sufficient to enable
us to be independent of Engltmd.—Thc link is now become onerous to us —— the
time is come when we think we can, in amity and alliance with England, main-
tain our independence,” I do not think that that time is yet approaching. But
let us make them, as far as possible, fit to govern themselves, and whatever may
happen, We, of this great empire, will have the consolation of saying that We
have contributed to the happiness of the world. _

Now, it will be seen, that Lord John’s “principles” are only intended, by
him, to be temporarily acted upon—“ for the present,” as described in Lord
E’lgin’s despatchcs, the only means of information his Lordship possesseswand,
from which, he concludes, “ that time is not yet approaching.” Let the people
of Canada, through their Representatives in the Provincial Parliament, adopt
the language Lord John Russell has been considerate enough to suggest to them,
and who can doubt that his Lordship would, then, “think that that time” had
arrivecl——that they were “ fit to govern themselves,” and that, all that remained
was “ the consolation of saying that We (the British Government——it may be
the Whig Cabinet) have contributed to the happiness of the world ”—in yielding
to the reasonable requests of the people of Canada.

No. 2
SATURDAY Monnmo, MARCH 16, 1850.

The following is from an article in the London Daily News of the 11th
ultimo. It will be seen that our metropolitan contemporary perfectly coincides
With us in our view of Lord John Russell’s “truly admirable declaration.”
What have our Connectionist friends to say to his Lordship‘?

In the general views of colonial government enunciated by_ Lord John
Russell we entirely concur. “It appears to me,” said his lordship, “that in



saying that wherever Englishmen went, there they should enjoy English free-
dom and English institutions, our ancestors acted at once justly and wisely.”
And he concluded his speech with this truly admirable declaration:—~

“I do, of course, anticipate with others, that some of those colonies with
which we are now dealing, (viz, the Australian, in contradistinction from the
North American) may so grow in population and in wealth, that they may say
to us, “Our strength is now sufliicient to be an independent country; the link
of the connexion with you has now become onerous to us; the time has arrived
when we think we can ourselves, in amity and alliance with England, maintain
our independence.” That day, however, has not yet, I believe, approached; but
I say, make them in themeantime, as far as possible, fit to govern themselves
-give them, as far as you can, the capacity to manage their own affairs (the
North American Colonies having, already, been declared to have reached that
poin “fit to govern themselves,” and “to manage their own afi°airs”~—and
Imperial Legislation can do nothing more for them)——-let them increase in wealth
and in population, and whatever may happen to this great empire, we shall at
leasfidhave the consolation of saying we have contributed to the happiness of the
Wor .’

The general principles of colonial policy avowed by ministers are unex-
ceptionable. The question of the separation of colonies from the parent state
is not now before us; (assuredly notpanor will it, until the colonies, through their
representatives in their Colonial Parliament, adopting Lord John’s language,
tell the Imperial Government that “ the time has arrived,” &c.,) we are called
upon to decide how colonies which still continue integral parts of the empire
are to be governed. The true way of governing them is to let them “ enjoy
English freedom and English institutions ”——let them have self—government in
everything except those matters which are always reserved for the management
of a supreme central government~—which even in the Republic of North America
are reserved by the congressional government. The ministerial principles are
sound; but the question still remains opcn——are the measures which ministers
are about to take sufficient to carry those principles into effect?

The Daily News, with the London Spectator, (from whose columns we
shall endeavor, in our next issue, to give a long and most able article upon the
subject) think they are not. It says:—

Candidly speaking, it does not appear to us that either the constitution
proposed for the Cape or that which is proposed for New South Wales and its
sister colonies, will give real self-government. Under both the governor will
have at his command an organized body sufllcient to counteract the views and
wishes of the majority of the colonists. At the Cape the elective legislature
will be ballanced and it may be neutraliscd by a legislature nominated princi-
pally by parties holding office under government. A governor bent upon follow-
ing out an unpopular course of policy, will be able by the constitution of the
Cape, to secure a majority in the Legislative Council, and thus counteract the
proceedings of the House of Representatives. A governor in New South Wales
bent upon following out an unpopular course of policy will be able to accom-
plish his ends by means of the nominee members of the Legislative Council, and

by corrupting a few of the elective, or even insidiously availing himself of mis— ,

understandings between the stockholders (who are the aristocratic party in the
colony) and the town populations (who are more democratic in their leanings.)
The truth is, that the schemes of two legislative bodies appointed by dilferent
constituencies, and of one Legislative Council composed in part of government
nominees, both have their origin in a lurking misgiving as to the safety and
expediency of entrusting the colonists with the entire control of their local afiairs.



They are meant to give the governor—that is, the home government which
appoints him——power to check and counteract the popular will of the colony.
It is, then, abundantly evident that, although Lord Grey consents to sup-
port Lord Elgin’s Government, by cunningly worded dispatches—written for
the Canadian market-—Lord John Russell, and his colleagues, in the event of
their being told, by a majority of the people of Canada, that “the time has
arrived” &c, will, without a shadow of doubt, point to his lordship’s “truly
admirable declaration ”; and, at once, give their “ contribution to the happiness
of the world.” To agree to the independence of Canada, and to forbid her
exercising that independence,—by seeking her natural place in the great Anglo-
Amcrican confederation of independent States,-is a proposition, so absurd and
contradictory, that it would be an insult to the common sense of our readers, to

more than point it out.

“On the most delicate part of the question Lord John Russell has spoken
as plainly as we could desire. He does not shrink from contemplating the
eventual independence of our colonies, and proposes to prepare them for it
by free institutions. For our own part, we think it the merest prudery to blink
that inevitable event. When a Colony feels itself really independent—that is,
able to protect its soil, its citizens, its property, and its institutions against all
assailants, and to keep order within its own borders, it will undoubtedly aspire
to the dignity as well as convenience of absolute self-government. Our European
neighbours have taught us this lesson in the assistance they gave to the United
Provinces of America during the war of independence; and we have taught
the same lesson in return by our haste to recognize the independence of the
South American States. It is the order of nature, and we cannot fight against
it, except to our disappointment, loss, and disgrace. At present, however, there
is not one of our colonies that-could stand by itself. There is one, indeed, that
if it pleased could throw us ofi, only to take up with another master. On the
subject of Canada the Premier spoke with the loyalty of an Englishman, and
the reserve of a Minister. We agree with every Word that he said. Unless it
should become a matter of necessity to each individual Canadian it certainly is
a superfluous and a perilous piece of disloyalty to consent to annexation. No
man can tell what he will have to suffer if he takes that fearful leap, and how
much the reproaches of conscience may be aggravated by disaster. But from
Lord John Russell, and from every other statesman who may hold office in this
country, we ask for something more than a mere sentiment on the disloyalty and
danger of annexation. We ask for a pledge. Should the day arrive-should
_an overwhelming majority in Canada declare either for annexation, or for that
independence which will infallibly lead to it, we have a. right to ask before-
hand that our own loyalty may be spared a painful appeal. England has spent
£100:000,0O0 in the vain attempt to subjugate the United States, and she will
not do the like again. If Canada chooses to run the fearful risk of causeless
separation, let her do so, if not with our consent, at least Wll’:l’)[:ma] our opposi-

So, then, the Times is of opinion that it would be “ the merest prudery to
blink that inevitable event.” Whenever we feel our own consequence we “ will
undoubtedly aspire to the dignity as well as convenience of absolute self gov-
ernment.” This reduces the matter to an “ absolute” question of time, deter-
minable by the simple fact of our being “ able to protect our soil, &c. &c. &c.”
This “is the order of nature,” the Times says. When will it be the Order Of
Downing Street? Not yet awhile; for We are told there is not at present a single



colony “that could stand by itself.” What a pityl and what a greater pity
that our old mother should feel so anxious for our safety! The Times however,
prays that British “loyalty may be spared a painful appeal.” What is it?
The most painful in all nature;—the argumentum cmcem;——the appeal to the
pocket. England “spent £l00,000,000 in the vain attempt to subjugate the
United States, and she will not do so again.” The Times should have said
£200,000,000; for that was the actual cost of the suicidal war; but a few hundred
millions of debt cannot be a matter of much importance to an English editor,
in times of fiscal abundance, like the present. The Times advises us to seek for
separation “without the opposition” of his people. This is an Irish way of
offering advice. We shall have no hand in the opposition. Is the Times so silly
as to suppose, that when “ an overwhelming majority in Canada (query—hoW
many?) declare for either annexation, or for that independance which will
infallibly lead to it” (mark that John Prince, thou humbug independentist,) the
said majority will pray the Imperial power to withhold its consent? There will
not be the slightest necessity for expending £lO0,000,000 in hammering our
“overwhelming majority” into consistency. We are not in the least uneasy
on this score; we are far more concerned about the “majority.” That would
be a stirring fact, which would soon clear up a great deal of the obscurity
which involves the problem. The Times tickles our imagination with his
dignity and convenience feathers, and disturbs our sleep with prophetic dreams
of fat and lean cattle. He talks at once to the fears of our masters, and to our
own wayward excursiveness. He tempts us with fairy visions of a land beyond
the limits of red tape, and the House of Commons; whilst he admonishes the
old lady, that if she looks us up in the nursery, we will leap out of the garret
window, and leave her to pay the doorkeepers. Why not follow the Globe and
Pilot course of argument, and terrify us with “all the authmity:” or why not
tell us, at once, to set about getting up our “overwhelming majority?” He
praises Lord John for speaking “ with the loyalty of an Englishman,” but with
“ the reserve of a minister.” Here is a well-put distinction. The loyalty of an
Englishman means, go in debt over head and ears and leave providence and
posterity to shoulder the burthen; the “reserve of a minister” means, take
care of Cobden and the economists, for any government which will talk of more
debt, and heavier taxes, will be playing pitch and toss with British crowns.

It is perfectly evident from the tenour of the Times article, above quoted,
that public opinion on the colonial question, in England, is in a very unsettled
state. When the Times deals enigmatically with any great question, we may
rest assured the pros and cons are not very clearly ascertained. If the weight
of popular conviction was known to be on the side of Parliament, the Times
would write on the question of colonial separation, as he did on the question
of Irish Repeal; he would denounce it with all the thunder of “ printing—house
square.” We advise our annexation friends to be quiet; get ahead with other
good things, and leave the big stone to be rolled by those whom it cannot hurt.

No. 3

Enclosure No. 3 is not in the collection.

—/ « 4~ ,

«.4. _. _.—~—~


No. 4

(After Mr. Perry had taken his seat the following Resolutions were sub-
mitted to the meeting seriatem and, after some discussion, passed by a large
majority in every instance.)

1. Moved by David Reesor (Deputy Reeve) seconded by Mr. G. Eckhardt,

That great and comprehensive measures of Reform are urgently called for
in the present condition of Canada; and that however congenial high salaries
and class legislation may be to the feelings and prejudice of an Aristoeracy in
older countries, they are unnatural and unsuited to the circumstances and
resources of a young country like Canada.

2. Moved by Dr. Wright, seconded by Rev. Mr. Boyd,

That the abrogation of the fraudulently established Rectories, and the
appropriation of the Clergy Reserves for purposes of general education have
been long and irnperatively called for by the people of this Province, and in the
opinion of this meeting, it is much to be deplored that these questions were not
sooner satisfactorily settled, on an equitable basis, particularly as the increased
sale of the Reserves for the last few years has had a direct tendency to deprive
the people of their just and equitable rights.

3. Moved by Mr. John Reesor, seconded by Chauncey Crosby, Esq.,

That the present responsible advisers of His Excellency deserve credit for
the many popular and highly useful measures already enacted and that this
meeting looks forward in confidence to the next Session of Parliament for the
popular settlement of the Clergy Reserves, the extension of the franchise, the
equalization of the Assessment Laws, and other measures calculated to develops
the resources and capabilities of our rising country.

(This resolution caused considerable discussion. It was asserted by some
who opposed the resolution, that if a mere general expression of confidence in
the present Government had been brought forward and no reference made to
the Clergy Reserves and Rectories, on which point they had not confidence in
the Ministry, they would vote for it, but in its present shape they could not do
so. On being put to the meeting it was lost by a very large majority.)

4. Moved by Mr. Robert Wilson, seconded by Mr. J aeob Mari‘,

That a great saving might be effected in the Administration of the Govern~
ment of this Province, without in the least impairing the efiieiency of its func-

5. Moved by Mr. Salem Eckardt, seconded by Mr. George Wilson,

That the pensioning system should be done away With, as it does not secure
the object sought in its establishment; is false in principle, and infliots unneces-
sary burdens on the country.

(After some discussion as to the meaning of the resolution, the following
was added by way of explanation and agreed to.)

“ But this resolution is not intended, to prevent our Legislature from suit-
ably rewarding, by a special Act of Parliament, 2. public servant who has benc-
fited the country.”



6. Moved by Captain Button, seconded by Benjamin Marr, Esq.

That all local ofiicers should be appointed by the Municipal Councils,
whether Sherifi”, Clerk of the Peace, or other officers, whose duties are confined
within the limit of the county, and whose salaries are paid out of the county

7. Moved by Ira White, Esq., and seconded by Mr. Lewis Houck,

That a thorough and complete reform in the judiciary of the Province is
imperatively called for; that the present system of judicial proceedings in our
courts of justice is unnecessarily cumbrous and expensive; that the District
Courts might with propriety be superceded by the establishment of Local Courts
in each Municipality, similar to our present Division Courts, but with an
enlarged jurisdiction, and that the Court of Chancery might be dispensed with
and equity powers given to the remaining Higher Courts.

8. Moved by Mr. George Washington, seconded by Mr. Peter Milne,

That a very great extension of the Elective Franchise, particularly in the
Counties, and Vote by Ballot, would tend to enlarge the views and increase the
Political intelligence of the masses of community, and thus secure to a people
possessed of the natural elements of enterprise and prosperity, the undisturbed
enjoyment of the blessings of Free Institutions.

9. Moved by Mr. Joseph Marr, seconded by Capt. Button,

That a Repeal of the Law of Primogeniture and the enactment of one of a
more equitable character, would lessen the temptations to litigation and acts
of injustice that so frequently destroy the friendly relations that should always
exist between members of the same family.

10. Moved by Mr. David Reesor, seconded by Mr. Peter Milne,

That the present Law of Copy-Right, for the protection of British Authors,
imposes an unjust tax, and operates as an obstruction to the advance of intelli-
gence, without affording any commensurate advantage to the authors whom it
is intended to protect.

11. Moved by Mr. Jacob Wismer, seconded by Mr. Peter Milne,

That the three branches of the Legislature ought to be elective, and respon-
sible to the people of this Province, for whose interests alone, in all local matters,
they should be delegated with power to act.

12. Moved by Mr. John Robinson, seconded by Mr. Daniel Strictler,

That the peaceable discussion of any question affecting the government or
constitution of this Colony, cannot be injurious to its interests, nor justly inter-
fered with by the Government, while the acknowledged and legitimate source of
political power is the people themselves. ‘

(The following Resolution, bearing upon social and moral Reform, was also
passed by the good people of Markham:—)

13. Moved by Mr. John Tomlinson, seconded by Mr. Andrew Crosby,

That in order to remedy the evils arising from the sale of intoxicating
liquors, the present License Law should be repealed, and one enacted in its
stead, making the dealers of such articles responsible for the ellects produced
on the parties to whom they may sell them. ,


‘ éf_._._.—\,______f\.—- .———-—.,. ,
.., ___4__..

—u;,_.»\,._,_r «



14. That our Representative in Parliament be, and he is hereby instructed,
to adopt such means as he may deem best, not only to bring the measures and
principles involved in these Resolutions before Parliament, but also, if possible,
to press them onward to a successful issue for the good of our common country.

Moved by Ira White, Esq., seconded by Benj. Marr, Esq.,

That the M irror, Globe, Examiner, Hamilton Provincialist, and Whitby
Freeman, be requested to publish the proceedings of this meeting.

A vote of thanks was given to Mr. Perry for his attendance and address
to the meeting, and carried unanimously.

It was moved that Dr. Wright should take the chair, and a vote of thanks
was then given to the chairman for his impartial conduct.

J. TOMLINSON, Chairman.
A. BARKER, Secretary.

[Duplicate MS copy]
0. 0
April 19/50

I received on Tuesday your letter of March 23”’ & I am not much surprised
at the effect produced by the conclusion of L“ John’s speech tho’ at the same
time I do not think it has been fairly represented‘; I do not think he Meant tm
say more than the time might come in wh. the Colonies w“ wish to dissolve the
connection & that when it did so we ought to allow the separation to take place
amicably, & in the Mean time to take all the means in our power to prepare them
for self Gov“*—- It seems to me that this clearly is our policy tho’ with you I
depreciate all reference that can possibly be avoided tm eventual separation—
I cannot however disguise « from myself that opinion in this Country is tending
more & more to the rejection of any burthen whatever on account of our
Colonies dc that the proceedings in the H. of Commons are calculated to render
their retention extremely dilficult— I deeply lament this because I believe it to
be a fatal error but I do not know what is to -be done to Counteract it, more
especially when such men as Peel, Graham & Gladstone show so manifest an
inclination towards this policy-—— however our duty is to make the best struggle
we can against these tendencies, & fortunately time is in this matter a valuable
ally, as Canada gets stronger I ah“ anticipate that she w“ be less willing than
at present to be merged in the Union as the leading people there Must perceive
how much more Washington W“ interfere with their importance & freedom of
action than Downing Street-

The conduct of the Church party is indeed nothing short of insane, but we see
much the same sort of thing going on here where the Country Gentlemen are
from mere spite most effectually playing the game of Cobden & C°——. Altogether


it is not easy to resist the feeling of despondency about public affairs when one
observes how much of folly & how little of real public spirit or honesty of
purpose there is in the World-—


April 19/50

Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

[Original MS]

Tommro April 7 1850.
My DEAR Gnmr,

I understand that in consequence of the bad state of the roads the mail for
England is to be despatched from Toronto early tomcrrow—— I therefore send
such information as I have to communicate— Letters sent through the States
may be posted about five days later-~.

Since I last wrote the Gov‘ have come to an understanding as to the course
which they will take on the retrenchment question»-— They intend to follow high
examples and to propose the appointment of a Parliamentary Committee, This
is the best thing I think that they can do-though it is difficult to say to What in
the present temper of men’s minds it may lead. M‘ Merritt the President of the
Council, the most honest advocate of retrenchment (for with many the cry is
got up entirely for electioneering purposes,) is satisfied with this arrangement-
Had it not been adopted he would I think have left the Gov‘~—— M‘ Merritt, as
I have said is an honest man and by no means a violent partizan——but his
opinions are thoroughly Yankee, taken by the gross from the practise of the
State of New York——- They are I fear on many points incompatible with the
maintenance of our ccnstitutional-monarchy forms of Gov‘ and thoroughly
distasteful to the French Canadians who abhor direct taxes and excessive decen-
t7’alization—— His views are however more likely to be thoroughly sifted in a
Committee than elsewhere.

The Bishop of Toronto goes home by the Steamer which takes this letter
in order to raise funds for a Church of England University. He has succeeded
in getting, at least on paper, about £20,000 here. He is an energetic man and
one cannot but admire his pluck and perseverancc— His means of influence are
however great and a less able man than himself could hardly fail in such a
faction ridden community as this to do marvels with them. The Whole body of

the Church of England Clergy is dependant on the Society for the Propagation

of the Gospel which treats them as Missionaries holding revocable licenses and
distributes the Clergy reserve fund. This dependance on the Society is held
(justly enough I presume) to mean dependence on the Bishop, who therefore
exercises over his Clergy an authority well nigh absolute: There is, as might
be expected, a good deal of dissatisfaction among the Clergy at this state of
things,—coInplaints, particularly with reference to the distribution of the Clergy
Reserve fund, reach my ear, and have reached the Bishop’s— hitherto his energy


and the dread of the consequences of his displeasure have kept things quiet
within the Church, but I fully expect that there will be a move ere long on the
part of a. section of the laity more or less openly abetted by certain of the
Clergy to put some limit on the Bishop’s power. As regards dissenters, no arrange-
ment could in my opinion have been devised better calculated to keep up irrita-
tion among them on the subject of the reserves than that which has been
adopted under the Imperial act,—of requiring the local Gov‘ to pay over year by
year a large portion of the proceeds of what the people of Canada regard as
their patrimony to the administrators of an English charitable fund to be by
them distributed according to_such rules as they may see lit to establish Such
an arrangement appears to me to be very much at variance with the principle
of a Church Endowment from national funds——a-nd it excites especial jealousy
here from the fact of the Bishop’s being so decided a political partizan. In fact
the party opposed to him look upon the Clergy Reserve fund as a powerful
engine which the Bishop has both power & will to use against them whenever
he deems it expedient to do so. This view of the case has little tendency to
reconcile them to the endowment of the Church in Canada.

Meanwhile, as I hinted in my last letter, the best friends of the Bishop and
the Church, are La Fontaine and his adherents, the very people who have been
the objects of their unmeasured abuse. They will vote against any attempt to
disturb the Clergy Reserve Settlemeut—— and so long as they do so the U. Canada
Radicals cannot effect their object. This new phase in Canadian politics will
I fully expect present itself during the course of next Session and it will be
curious to see what consequences it entails—— The party pledged to the appro»
priation of the Reserves to Educational purposes could I rather think carry the
majority of the UC. constituencies. When they find themselves obstructed by
their French Canadian allies, they may break on‘ from them— in which case the
latter will be thrown into the ranks of the Conservatives and the result which
so many of my predecessors have labored in vain to accomplish— an union,
namely between the Lower Canada French and the U.’C. Conserva.tives——— will
be attained— or they may, when they find that their extreme views cannot be
carried out, moderate their demands, in which case some settlement of this
vexed question which shall be generally satisfactory & final may possibly be

Touching the University— I enclose an extract from the Bishops org-an
 » the Church ”. I have out it out because it professes to furnish a narrative of
Legislative proceedings affecting the University since it first came into operation,
Which; assuming it to be correct, is instructive & edifying. ‘The Church ’ shews
that both of the Canadian political parties have been in power since Kings
College was opened for instruction in June l843——that a pressure from without
has obliged both to attempt to alter by legislation the Constitution of the Col-
lege——— that no less than four measures have been introduced into Par‘ with this
view, two by one Party & two by the other—— that of these, the three first, (each
of which is in its turn condemned by the author of the article,) failed— while
the last which is carried triumphantly through Par‘ is not only as bad in principle
as any of the former but opposed to the wishes and feelings of three fourths of the
population! N ow as the University question was brought very prominently before


the Constituencies at the two last General Elections, and as the measure of last
Session was carried through Par‘ by the U. Canada Members, the only inference
I could draw from the Statements & calculations of ‘the Church’ if I admitted
them to be correct, would be that faction is so strong & reckless in Canada that
constitutional Gov‘ is impossible. But I have not quite arrived at this conclusion,
although I confess I have formed a very high estimate of the dishonesty &
violence of Canadian factions.

Meanwhile it is quite clear that the University question is being made the
stalking horse of the Party. The Bishop has brought all his artillery spiritual
& temporal to bear. Until the smoke is a little cleared away it will be difiicult
to judge how much of the opposition to the Bill of last session is sincere-

Very sincerely Yourls


April 7/50
Lord Elgin
Rec“ April 30


“ If the objections entertained by the Council against the surrender of the
“ Charter were not insurmountable, no stronger inducement could be offered
“than the request which His Lordship’s Despatch conveys. For the Council
“ cannot fail to be sensible that such a request can have been dictated only by a
“supposed necessity for departing from established principles, in order to pro-
 » mote the peace and contentment of the colony. With the opinions, however,
“ which the Council entertain, and with the opportunity of forming these
“opinions which their residence in the colony affords them, they could never
“stand excused to themselves or others if they should surrender the Charter,
“supposing it to be within their power, so long as there is an utter uncertainty
“ as to the measures that would follow.——The moral and religious state of more
“than two hundred thousand British subjects is at present involved in the
“ proper disposal of these questions, and before many years will have elapsed
“ more than a million will be aflccted by them. The Council, therefore, what-
“ ever results may be obtained by other means, could not justify to themselves
“the assuming the responsibility of endangering the very existence of the Insti-
“ tution. They feel bound to look beyond the movements and discussions of the
“passing moment, and could not, even if they concurred in the view of the
“ present expediency, consent to pull down the only foundation which at present
“ exists in Upper Canada for the advancement of youth in religion and learning,
“upon a system which has not yet been repudiated in any part of Her Majesty’s
 » dominions.”


It would be tedious and without profit to enter more minutely into the per-
severing opposition to the establishment ‘of the University during the following
five years. It is, however, melancholy to contemplate the Legislature lending
itself to destroy an Institution calculated to cherish affection to the Government
and the purest principles of religion.

Sir Francis B. Head, on his accession to the Government, guided by that
ardent spirit and intuitive perception of whatever is good and noble which char-
acterises him, saw at once the vast advantage of establishing the University;
and although he could not with prudence prevent the Legislature from making
some changes in the Charter, to which the College Council most reluctantly
assented as a final settlement, he deserves great praise for discountenancing
further innovation.

The Charter having been thus settled by 7’l;li William the Fourth, chap. 16,
which adopted all the alterations of its more reasonable opponents, Sir Francis
B. Head readily concurred with the College Council in devising the measures
necessary for bringing it into active operation: but, just as the preliminary
steps were arranged,—eontracts for the buildings ready to be signed, and Pro-
fessors and Teachers about to be appointed;-the disturbances of 1837 broke
out, and, for a time, suspended this and many other excellent measures pro-
jected by that able and independent ruler.

After the suppression of the Rebellion, Sir Francis B. Head resigned the
Government, and, during the two following short administrations, no proceed-
ings wcre had respecting the University worthy of notice or commendation.

When Sir Charles Bagot assumed the Government, Kings College engaged
his special attention. Being himself a scholar and University man, he saw the
vast importance of such a Seminary in a rising country, and he set his heart
upon its immediate establishment.

In accordance with his ardent desire on this subject, the first distinguished
act of his administration was to come to Toronto, and lay the foundation—stone
of the contemplated building, on the 23rd of March, 1842.

This was done in the most solemn manner, with prayer and praise, for it
has been the practice of Christians in all ages, when undertaking any work of
importance, to seek fordivine light and assistance.

Although Sir Charles Bagot was not spared to witness the opening of King’s
College, which did not take place till the 8th June, 1843, yet during his lamented
illness, he never ceased to take the warmest interest in its welfare, and his
memory in connection with’s College will ever be kindly remembered.

From the day of its opening to that of its suppression, King’s College, not-
withstanding the political bearing which the injudicious alterations in its Charter
had greatly increased, proceeded vigorously in its academical career, and was
obtaining, through its scholars, who belonged to all denominations, an influence
_Whl0h WES rapidly increasing throughout the Province. Parents felt a confidence
in its religious character, and as none but students belonging to the Church of
Eflgland were expected to attend the chapel morning and evening, sober-minded
Dissenters were not oifended. On the contrary, the knowledge that prayer was




offered up twice every day pleased them, because it gave a solemn tone to the
labours of the day and sanctified the Institution. ‘

The students rapidly increased, and the strict impartiality of treatment
was universally acknowledged. But, instead of conciliating its enemies, these
proofs of prosperity and fair dealing increased their animosity. They became
alarmed lest King’s College, if left unmolested for a few years, would gain a
popularity among all the truly religious in the Province, and place itself in a
position of safety which they could not disturb. Hence they allowed it no peace.
Session after Session it was assailed, and, after defeating three successive
measures for its destruction, its friends became weary, and the fourth attempt
has, unfortunately, proved successful.

King’s College was opened for instruction in June, 1843, and in the follow-
ing November Mr. Attorncy—Gcneral Baldwin introduced a Bill, by the pro-
visions of which it would have been destroyed, and an University established
in its room, altogether political in its bearing, cumbersome and unwieldy in its
enactments, and from which religion was totally excluded. But, on examina-
tion, it was found so clumsy and impracticable in its details, and some of them
so puerile and silly, that the Bill, before it was half discussed, became a subject
of general merriment and ridicule, and its author was glad to permit it to sink
into oblivion. It is not, therefore, necessary to enter into the particulars of the
measure, of which its promoters are ashamed; but for its general character and
substance, reference is made to the Petition against it in the Appendix.

The party favourable to this measure lost the management of public affairs,
and their opponents, who professed to be Conservatives, became the adminis~
trators of the Government.

It was now hoped that King’s College would be left in peace, and be allowed
to win its way, as it was rapidly doing, in the affections of the people.

But, instead of permitting it to proceed in its onward course, the new
ministry, as they were called, yielded to the clamour of a most insignificant
faction, and introduced a measure, in 1845, respecting the Institution, little
better than that of their opponents. For its revolutionary character and
demerits, it is sufficient to refer to the Memorial of the Visitors of the College,
being also the Judges of the Supreme Court, in the Appendix.

It might have been hoped, that as each of the two parties had attempted to
remodel King’s College, and had signally failed, it would have been left in
future unrnolested. Butithis was not to be. The Conservatives made another
attempt in 1847, which, though in some respects better, because there are
degrees of evil, was, nevertheless, liable to the most serious objections; but,
having been introduced late in the Session, it was allowed to drop, and soon
after its authors were driven from power, and the Reforrners again held the
reins of Government.

This party, not discouraged by their former failure, introduced the measure
suppressing King’s College, of which, as it became law on the first of January,
1850, we now complain. It is by the same hand as the bill of 1843, though not
quite so unwieldy, being reduced from 102 to 82 clauses. It is, nevertheless,



equally blighting in its provisions, and hostile to religion, as will be seen from
the Petitions annexed, and remarks on its principal provisions here subjoined.

In the preamble it is said that a College is sought to be established for the
advancement of learning, and upon principles calculated to conciliate the con-
fidence and insure the support of all classes and denominations of Her Majesty’s
subjects, and which, under the blessing of Divine Providence, would encoruage
the pursuit of Literature, Science, and Art, and thereby tend to promote the
best interests, religious, moral, and intellectual, of the people at large. Now,
it must be admitted that these are in themselves noble and important objects.
But upon what principles does the statute promise their attainment? Could its
framer believe that confidence was to be conciliated, the support of the people
insured, and the blessing of Divine Providence obtained, and the best interests,
religious, moral, and intellectual, promoted by a College whose constitution
ordains, in its twenty-ninth section, and repeated in the sixty-fourth, “That
“there shall be in it no religious test or qualification whatsoever required of,
“or appointed for, any person admitted or matriculated, &c.; nor shall religious
“observances, according to the forms of any religious denominations, be im-
“posed upon the members or oflicers of the said University, or any of them.”——
To speak of the interests of religion being promoted by an Institution from
which every reference to it is, by law, excluded, is an unworthy mockery.

But on this point the people have already spoken. The four great denom-
inations, embracing almost two-thirds of the population, have resolved to have
no connexion with such an Institution: how far their example will be followed
by the smaller denominations has not yet been ascertained.

By the last census the population of Upper Canada was found to be. . 721,000
The Church of England, which cannot connect itself with the proposed

College, gives . . . . l . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . 171,751

The Church of Rome, do. . . 123,707

The Wesleyan Methodists, do. . . 90,363

The Kirk of Scotland, do . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . 67,900
Those who will not profit by the University of Toronto . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 453,721

Leaving to profit by this measure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..

But even this will, in all probability, be found too much in favour
of the Institution, for the Scottish Free Church and Congregationalists
disapprove of the principle of excluding religion from education, in
which case they will soon have Colleges of their own.

Scottish Free Church . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 64,729
Congregationalists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20,372
To be further deducted . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 85,101
Leaving to profit by the new College ……………………… .. 182,178




But even from this must be deducted many of the smaller denominations.
who disregard Universities, and such knowledge as they impart. Hence the
statute establishing the University of Toronto and destroying Kings College,
legislates for one-fourth of the population; and as one—half of these will not use
the privileges, the feelings and interests of the great majority of the inhabitants
of Upper Canada are sacrified to a small and clamorous fraction.

The preamble next quotes a Despatch of Lord Goclerich, dated 8th Novem-
ber, 1832, as the foundation of the statute, and which contains, it alleges, an
invitation from His late Majesty King William the Fourth to consider in what
manner “the said University could be best constituted for the general advantage
“of the whole society.”

Now, the Despatch thus referred to was not written for the purpose of
calling the attention of the Colonial Legislature to King’s College, or to legis-
late thereon but is an elaborate document on a very different subject, being
an answer to Mr. McKenzie’s huge volume of grievances. It consists of fifty-
six wearisomc paragraphs, and touches incidentally on the University of King’s
College, which constituted one of the grievances, in three different places.

Mr. McKenzie complained that the Provincial law of 1820 conferred on
the University, when established, the power of sending one representative to
the Legislature, and inferred that it would become a nomination borough, under
the special patronage of Church and State.

To this complaint Lord Goderich replies: “I should scarcely have antici-
“ pated that any man, and least of all a man devoted to literary pursuits, should
“ have denied the propriety of giving a representative to the principal seat of
“learning in the Province.—It would be superfluous to expatiate on the impor-
“tance of institutions for the education of youth in literature, science, and
“religion, especially in a newly settled country, and I am well assured, that,
“neither in the Council nor Assembly, could a single gentleman be found who
“ would not gladly receive as a colleague, a person representing the collective
“body of literary and scientific men in Upper Canada, and who would not
“gladly support, by that distinguished honour, the cause of sound learning.”

In the following paragraph Lord Goderich adds: “I do not here refer to an
“University constituted in the manner proposed by the original Charter of
“Incorporation: so far from any anxiety having been felt by the King’s Gov-
“ ernment to maintain that Charter against the wishes of the great majority of
“the people, every possible measure has been taken to refer to their representa-
“tives the decision of the question, in what form and on what principle the
“ College should be founded.”



After answering other complaints through twelve laborious paragraphs, the
subject of general education comes up, on which Lord Goderich observes, “that.
“there is not one thing connected with his extensive dominions which His
 » Majesty has more at heart than the general diffusion of sound knowledge, in
“the legitimate and more enlarged sense of the term. This is not merely the
“ first and highest interest of society, but is essential to the right use and peace-
“ able enjoyment of every other civil and social privilege. The Legislature of
“Upper Canada have already been invited to consider in what manner the
“University can be best constituted for the general advantage of the whole
“society: and His Majesty has studiously abstained from the exercise of his
“undoubted prerogative of founding and endowing literary or religious corpora-
“tions until he should obtain the advice of the representatives of the people for
“his guidance in that respect.”

These are all the passages in this extraordinary Despatch which touch
upon Kings College, and they arise incidentally from Lord G0derich’s anxiety
to answer the voluminous complaints of Mr. McKenzie, which were recklessly
made against every institution and man of character in the Province.

The Despatch, and the only one containing the invitation alluded to, is
dated the 2nd of November, 1831, but as it strongly recommends “ the perman-
“ ent establishment in the College, on a secure footing, of a Professor of Divinity
“ of the Church of England,” the promoter of the Act could not, with any
decency, in the face of such royal recommendation, enact as he has done in the
twelfth section of clause, “ That there shall be no faculties of Divinity in the
“ said University, nor shall there be any Professorship, Lectureship, or Teacher-
ship of-———————————:—1
to make them feel, from their first entrance into life, that they are born for
eternity. From this moral training they proceed to the University, where they
are placed under the same religious supervision and instruction till they take
their degrees and commence their different professions. Now if we refleot that
the world, its dangers its sad.2. . .

[Original MS]

Tonorrro. April 23. 1850-

I cannot help the Yankees saying that they have seen a despatch from
you to me in which the question of the navigation of the St Lawrence is treated-

1 C1_iDDing cut.
‘Clipping ends here.


as a purely Colonial one,1 nor can I help Sir H. Bulwer’s believing them when
they say so~— I am however totally unconscious of having seen such a Despatch,
or of having furnished M” Merritt when he went to Washington nearly a year
ago (he has not been there since) with the copy of any despatch upon the subject
at all. He does not himself know to what Sir H. BulWer’s informant refers— I
think it will turn out that he never showed anything except papers which had
been communicated either to the Imperial or Provincial Parliaments.

At the same time I have always considered M‘ Merritt, though an excellent
man in his way, overzealous for a negotiator, and accordingly, although Sir
Henry, acting on the report he recieved from M’ Crampton, intimated to me

‘ that he would be well pleased to have him at Washington, I declined to send

him there on this occasion— in lieu of him we dcspatched a M‘ Tiifany a much
more cautious sort of Gentleman with whom Sir H. appears to have been toler-
ably satisfied.

The last accounts from Washington of the prospects of the Reciprocity
Bill are favorable, and Sir H. B. appears to have handled the question of the
Navigation of the S‘ Lawrence with much tact. Whether the Bill will pass or
not it is of course impossible to say, for literally nothing is done in Congress»-
Whatever may be said of perpetual motion, American legislation seem to have
discovered the principle of perpetual Stand Still——- Meanwhile, although there is
still a great desire to obtain free commercial intercourse with the States among
Canadian farmers, the public mind in Canada is calmer and more reasonable
on the subject than it was some months ago.

I entirely agree with Sir H. B. in thinking that the question of admitting
Americans to the use of the S‘ Lawrence and Canals should be settled by negoti-
ation and that it should not be introduced into the Reciprocity Bill. At the
same time I do not see how anything which they put into their bills can make
us give more absolute rights to American citizens than we choose to concede.
Supposing M‘ Douglas’ bill with the clause about the navigation of the S‘
Lawrence wei’e to pass Congress. We should then intimate to the American
Govt that the use of the S‘ Lawrence & Canals was free to American citizens
under such limitations ct ‘rese7’ves as we saw fit to imposc.—The President would
either consider that the concession thus limited and restricted authorized him

1 On 2 March, 1850, Sir Henry Bulwcr wrote ii. despnteh in which he complained that
the addition to the Reciprocity Bill of the clause relating to free navigation of the St.
Lawrence, had been made inevitable by a circumstance which had taken place during the
previous year:—

“It; appears that M’ Dix, the Gentleman who brou ht forward the Reciprocity, Bill in
the Senate at that time, was lent D. Copy of 3. Des etch from the Colonial Oflice stating that
H Mia Governmen-t would be ready to grant the Iilavi ation of the River St_ Lawrence to
American Citizens whenever the Legislature of the two rovinces should so desire.

_M’ Dix showed the Copy of said despntch to 8. variety of Members of both Houses,
and it seems that a Minute of it was taken by the Committee on Commerce, 9. Member of
which lately wrote to me thereupon.

also understand that M’ Merritt the Gentleman sent by the Government of Canada
e rcssed pretty generally the conviction that the Legislature of Canada would without any
di culty grant the Navigation of the River S‘ Lawrence to the United States in virtue of the
permission it had thus received.

I have no doubt that what was said and done in the _n:ianner I have described was said
and done for very good reasons that could have been explained at the time and had the Bill
then passed_there would have been no cause for regret, but the Bill not having passed, the
facts to which 1 have alluded naturally led D, Member of the Senate to try to obtain the
credit of procuring ii, concession which he understood that the Cnn:idas_ could give and would
not refuse. Moreover-‘it would be next to impossible, such information having, been given
and such language having” been held last year, to obtain the pussiniiof the Reciprocity Bill
now without sometliing ieing regulated respecting the River St awrence.” (Buhoer to
Palmerston, 2 March, 1860, N0. 4:1, G. 186, 12. 820.)

-—-—-xqv- . i.


to issue his Proclamation establishing reciprocity~in which case we should have
gained what we want-or, he would not—— in which case we might again lock
the gates of the S‘ Lawrence and dam back the shipping of the Great West
which is anxiously seeking an outlet to the Ocoan—. If the matter were brought
to this point American interests would soon force a settlement.-

Owing to rather an unpleasant incident, not of a political character, I was
obliged to accept the resignation of M. Chabot lately appointed to the office
of Chief Commissioner of Public Works.—Good will I trust come out of this
misfortune—-M“ Merritt who has been for two years President of the Council
has agreed to take the Public Works instead of the Presidency although he
gains nothing by the change except an election and a salary of £750 for one of
£1,000. This appointment gives general satisfaction for M‘ M. is liked by all
parties and considered especially qualified for the department of Public Works.
I enclose a copy of his address to his Constituents—— I do not think that he will
be opposed-

M. Bourret a Legislative Councillor and formerly Mayor of Montreal is
appointed President of the Council and Assistant Commissioner of Public Works.
By this means a salary is saved and the Cabinet reduced to eight in number.—-

You will be pleased to learn that the Independent a newspaper Set up to
advocate annexation, the only one in U. Canada, died last week of inanition—-
This is I think a significant fact, and will I trust be duly noted by those who
were so prophetical at our expense a few months ago on y’ side the Water.
The annexationists, in U. Canada at least, are driven to the advocacy of
‘Independanoe’ or ‘elective Institutions’ as a sapping & mining process.~—Witness
the extract which I enclose from the dying confession of the Independant and
the ‘Petition’ of Col. Prince the M.P.P. to whom I alluded in a late letter.1

I mentioned in my last that with all my respect for the courage and
perseverance of the Bishop 1 could not conceal from myself that even in
the Church of England there is a large party opposed to his views. I enclose
a letter illustrative of this fact which is chiefly noticeable because it is one of
a series which appeared originally in a Tory paper the reputed organ of Sir
A. M°Nab.—

On the whole things look a little quieter for the moment. The Ultra
Tories are repenting of their junction with the extreme Radicals in the case
of the Halton election and thinking that they gained after all only a loss on
the occasion-—While the latter finding that the French will not support them
in their subversive measures are somewhat more moderate in their tone—~.I
recieve indeed from Lower Canada hints that if the Speech from the Throne
is read in French Toronto will rival Montreal in outrages. But I am disposed
to believe that the wish is father to the thought with my Informants.

THE Very sincerely yours

April 23/50
Lord Elgin
Rec“ May 14

1 See below 1). 66);.


No. 1


GENTLEMEN,—HlS Excellency the Governor General having been pleased
to ofier me the appointment of CHIEF COMMISSIONER or Puismc Worms, 1
have felt it my duty to accept it, which renders necessary a second appeal to
you for your approval.

As the duties of that Department will require immediate and almost
incessant attention, I shall be unable to meet my friends before the day of
election, when my views on the present state of public affairs will be fully

The views I entertained in 1846 on the policy of Canada, have undergone
no change since I became a member of the Government; on the contrary,
every succeeding public event has tended the more strongly to confirm them.

An opinion appears to prevail in some quarters that the present Adminis-
tration are opposed to ‘ret7’enchment. If that were the case, I would not venture
to appeal to you for a continuance of that confidence which I have so long
enjoyed. Having resigned an ollice of One Thousand Pounds per annum to
accept one of Seven Hundred and fifty, you will require no further practical
proof of my sincerity on that subject.

Gentlemen-there exists no reason why Canada should not become as
prosperous as any other country. Her natural advantages are fully equal to
those of the adjoining States——her resources greater. They must continue to
pay to their Federal or Second Government an enormous tax, viz., the full
amount of their customs duties, for these general services which Great Britain
performs without any additional expense to the Province, and we possess the
entire management and control of our own affairs.

These facts show that the means are in our own hands. If you consider
any other person than myself better qualified to aid in promoting the prosper-
ity of our common country, select him as your Representative; if not, you will
lay me under an additional obligation to devote my best energies to the attain-
ment of that object.

Your Friend and Servant,


No. 2

In his valedictory the Editor of the Independent is very severe, and no
doubt justly so, upon those who encouraged him to embark in a dangerous
enterprise, and then abandoned him as soon as he was fairly committed. An
extract in point may not he uninteresting:

“The paper was in fact designed to advocate “Canadian Independence,
leaving the question of Annexation as one for future discussion and settlement




when we had acquired the right to dispose of ourselves as we might think
best. From this position—which the Annexationists will yet be compelled
to fall back upon, as a preliminary stop, if ever they carry their point——~the
proprietor of the Independent was in a measure forced, by the action of the
people of Montreal. The editor of the Herald, which shortly after became the
organ of the Annexation party of Lower Canada, in his paper of the 5th
September, a little over a month previous to the appearance of the “ Manifesto,”
attacked our position, and asserted that he would prefer to remain as we are,
rather than have Independence without Annexation. He even went so far as
to say, that “ we are to-day as independent, in all practical respects, the Post
Oflice only excepted, as we should be if the Republic of Canada had been
proclaimed,” &c. We do not refer to this language of the Herald in order to
dispute the correctness of his assumption about the vast amount of independence
enjoyed by Canadians as Colonists, but merely to show the points upon which
we diifercd. Our cotemporary has probably by this time had cause to change
his mind, as to the independence of Canadians. Earl Grey’s Annexation
Despatch, as Well as his recent interference in matters of a. purely local nature
in the Lower Provinces, must have undeceived him on this subject, and proved
to him that we are just as much under Imperial influence now as we ever were,
only that a new mode of exercising it hasbeen adopted through the system
of « Responsible Government,” so called. Of one thing there can be no doubt,
and that is, that we are not sufficiently “independent” to annex ourselves to
the United States. Although we were induced to yield to the views and wishes
of our friends in Lower Canada, in hopes they might be realized, we never
felt sanguine of success; and the turn which things have taken in Upper
Canada, and the position that parties have assumed in this section of the
Province, have now thoroughly convinced us, that our original propositions
to agitate the question of Independence, without reference to Annexation was

No. 3
We have been requested by Colonel Prince to insert the following


To the Honorable the Legislative Council and The Commons House of Assembly
in Provincial Parliament Assembled.

The Humble Petition of the undersigned Freeholders and Inhabitants of
the United Counties of Essex, Kent, and Lambton, in Upper Canada,

SHEWETH.—— That your Petitioners are true, faithful, and loyal subjects
of Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen; and they earnestly desire to remain
30: until it shall be Her Majesty’s pleasure to release them from their
dependent state as Colonists.



That Canada has remained an appendage to the crown of England for

ninety years and upwards, and has gradually increased in population, in-
telligence, and wealth, to such an extent, as in the opinion of your petitioners,
entitles her to her freedom and self~government, uncontrolled by any earthly
That it has been heretofore the expressed opinions of eminent Statesman,
who have passed away, as well as of many now on the stage of public life,
(and among others of Her Majesty’s present Prime Mim’ster,) that Canada
is not to remain dependent always, but that the time will arrive when she must
be released, as one able to sustain herself without the parent’s control.

That your Petitioners honestly believe (as they most earnestly desire)
that that period is near at hand, and that Her Majesty will graciously wel-
come its arrival.

That the Policy of England towards Canada withdrawing that protection
to her a.g7~icultwr}e which she formerly enjoyed, and in divers other acts pre-
judicial to her welfare, operates most ruinously upon her best interests, par-
ticularly by depriving her of a good and ready market for her wheat, which
is her ehicfest staple; and your petitioners, conceiving that she is a mere
burthen to Great Britain, and that the interests of both are seriously affected
by the relationship now subsisting between them, and knowing, (as they un-
fortunately do from experience,) that this once flourishing part of Upper
Canada is not only not prosperous, but depressed, if not ruined through the
want of markets for her produce, and through other causes which the changed
policy of England has brought about, and believing her to be a heavy and

unnecessary burthen on the mother country.
Humbly pray your Honorable House to take the subject matter of this peti-

tion into your early consideration and to pass an address to Her Majesty, the
Queen, humbly beseeching Her Majesty to be graciously pleased to reeom~
mend the Imperial Parliament to adopt such measures as will, forthwith, re-
lease Canada from her dependent state, and allow her to become an indepen~
dent sovereignty within herself——a Sovereignty, nevertheless, allied to Great
Britain by the most lasting and affectionate ties of friendship, and on such
terms as your honorable House may, in your wisdom think proper, to suggest
»for Her Majesty’s gracious and tender considerationwand to adopt such other
measures for your Petitioners’ relief as to you shall seem meet in the premises.
And your Petitioners will ever pray, «to. &c. &c.

From the Hamilton Spectator.

No. 4

LONDON, April 8, 1850.

There are people who laugh at the idea of religion having anything to do
with politics. They have convinced themselves that every man has his price,



and therefore, it is evident, to them at least, that religion has no control over
the actions of public men. This is an erroneous opinion, and one which places
the virtues of a Wilberforce, and the patriotism of an Edmund Burke, on a
par with the venality of a Rochester, and the cupidity of a Sunderland. Public
virtue is a rare plant, and should therefore be the more highly estimated,
wherever and in whomsoever it may be found. The mischief arising from
belief in such a pernicious sentiment as this, that every man has his zm’c,e,
is, that it discourages and deters good men from entering into public life, and
that, if they do come forward, they are pushed aside by the crowd, each one
striving to obtain the highest price for his profession of patriotism.

i I stated in my last that the authorities in the Church and in the State

do not pay attention to the censures of their opponents, and that it devolves
upon their friends to point out their errors. Generally speaking, half the com-
plaints of opponents are groundless, and for this reason the whole are allowed
to pass unheeded. This remark will be duly appreciated by all who have paid
any attention either to religion or politics. This being the case, instead of evils
being remedied, they are confirmed. Everything a public man does, right or
wrong, must be defended by his party, until abuses grow to such a head that
they can no longer be tolerated by any party. In tracing the influence of
religion in politics, we shall find that mistaken zeal of this kind, both in religion
and in politics, is the cause of much dissension, and of most of the evils we
hear so much complaint about.

If a Tory administration displaces a Radical malfeisant, it is attributed
to partizanship, or vice versa; if the Radical party turn a Tory out of ofiice,
the merits of the case are not taken into consideration, but it is set down as
a fresh ease of prescription, and the individual, however unworthy, is added
to the long list of martyrs sacrificed to political revenge;——many political
olficers have been sacrificed to this fell spirit of party, merely because, perhaps,
they did not do their duty, or because they had made use of the public monies
entrusted to their charge: were it not for the alternations of party, delinquents
would feed on the public purse with impunity. Let a proper sense of religious
duty and moral obligation prevail, and the power of Radicalism will soon

The axiom that nothing human is perfect cannot be too often refleoted
upon, and it cannot be otherwise while the world lasts; but there is another
idea connected with this, that is equally deserving of attention, which is, that
the desire of arriving at perfection is inherent in the human mind, and stimulates
men to the noblest deeds, and to the most virtuous actions ;—~— it was a fine idea,
I think of Addison’s, that the human mind, freed from the infirmities of the
flesh, would still exist in different degrees of perfection to all eternity, and that
therefore, although men can never, by their own good works, arrive at Heaven,
they may be better fitted for its enjoyment, in proportion to the degrees of
virtue they may have attained to while on earth.

. I have before observed, that whenever the Radical party in Canada have
gained the ascendency, it has been on some question of a religious character,



by enlisting on their side the religious prejudices of the people. The Clergy
Reserves, the University, the Rectories, Free Church, all these questions have
at one time or other, turned the tide against the Conservative party; and it
is questionable whether on any .of these occasions the Radicals would have
succeeded, had the Church maintained that influence with her numerous flock
which she ought at all times to be able to exercise.

In the first place, the Church claimed the whole of the Clergy Reserves,
and when Scwmey——who never loses anything for want of looking after—came
forward and spiered whether he was not entitled to a share, he was told
stand off, I am holier than thou; but not having the fear of Jack by divine
right before his eyes, he spiered again, and persevered, till he led the dissenters
to consider that they had a right to share too. At length after many years’
ceaseless agitation, they obtained what they had contended for, a division of
the’Clergy Reserves. While this was going on, the Church had the battle of
Toryisrn to fight almost singlehanded; for, as she would allow no other religious
body to stand on equal ground, none could be expected to take sides with her
in politics. But the longer she contested the point the weaker she grew, not
numerically, but for want of unanimity among her members, many of whom,
as the contention progressed, were brought to consider that the interests of
religion would not be promoted by continuing such a deadly strife about things

Now the question is revived, and we see that it is to be one of the tests
of the clear grit party, a party which is very numerous, and is destined to
become powerful, for it will embrace in its ranks the discontented and the
disappointed of all parties and of all creeds. A party of this kind grows faster
and with less cultivation than any other, and will increase, like weeds in a
rich soil, the more they are neglected.

If we could not see it before, experience daily teaches us, that setting
aside public property for what is called the support of religion, is a great
fallacy. It should be more properly called for the support of human grandeur,
and for the encouragement of Radicalism and dissent. In all ages of the
world riches, lay or ecclesiastical, have engendered sloth and luxury, and their
faithful concomitant, corruption. The building up of religion by such means
is contrary to every precept of the Gospel; and I believe there is nothing
in the Word of God, from beginning to end, to show it was ever intended
that the predecessors or successors of the Apostles should be burthened with
riches, or recline in ease and afliuencc.

Under the Levitical Law, to which our Clergy are sometimes fond of
referring for the origin of tithes, it is true a competent maintenance was provided
for the Priesthood; but this was justly proportioned by the all—wise Creator
to the circumstances of the people, and in that primitive age, there being only
one Church or Priesthood among the Israelites, both the manner of paying
the tithe and the amount were wisely ordered. It is worthy of remark, however,
that God would allow the Priesthood to hold no property, as may be seen by
the 18th chap. Numbers, and other passages in the Books of the old Testament.


The Levites had Cities provided, for them to dwell in, and the tithe, out of
the abundance which God himself provided, but no inheritance. The case is
very different now, and had the Clergy Reserves remained entireto the Church,
from the use which has been made of the portion allotted to her, we can very
well imagine what magnificent livings they would have afforded, not to the
working Clergy, but to certain fat gentlemen, who cover the protuberance
which good living begets, with a silk apron, whose dignity is stamped with a

From the published account of the appropriation of the Clergy Reserve
Fund, we can see at a glance how little the interests of true religion would
have been advanced, had the whole of this vast property fallen into the hands
of our Church.

The portion of the Clergy Reserves allotted to the United Church of
England, up to the 1st July 1848, was £16,145 85. 2d.

Of this sum the Lord Bishop of Toronto received. . .. £ 9,322 3 0
Venerable Arch—Deacon . . . . . . . . . . . . . , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333 6 8
Rev. D. Blake, . . . . . . . . . . . . .. .., 298 1 8
9 Clergymen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 1,712 19 0
Certain Missionaries . . . , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 1,621 17 0

£13,288 7 4
Balance, probably spent, but not yet accounted for… . 2,857 0 10

£16,145 8 2

After seeing such a statement as the foregoing, what Churchman can
regret that the Clergy Reserves have been divided? or can say that some
reform in the government of the Church in Canada is not required?

Here is the Lord Bishop of Toronto, it would appear, not satisfied with
Benjamin’s mess, which was five times so much as that of his brethren, (his
Clergy,) but he takes ten times so much, and a portion of theirs besides; for
by the statement published in the Church, 5th last July, I understand that in
addition to the sum already named, £ 9,322 3 0
there should be added the difiercnce between what his
Lordship received as Rector of Toronto for two years, and
what he paid to his Curate 792 0 0

£10,114 3 0

This enormous sum, it may be said, was only his Lordship’s salary for a
number of years, £1520 16s. 8d. per annum, but this does not make the
matter a Whit better, or alter the position, and I mean to establish that the
interests of true religion or of the Church are not benefited or promoted by
such an appropriation of public property, or of the property of the Church
if you please.


[Enclosure] .

The venerable Society for the propagation of the Gospel in foreign parts,
it appears are administrators of the Clergy Reserve Fund, and certainly if
all their affairs are managed with as much prudence and equity, as they have
shewn in the distribution of this fund, the people of England must have more
money than wit. A Board of Commissioners for the distribution of prize
money, who award something like 16s. 8d. to the private soldier, and £833
to the General, or probably to the General in proportion to the number of
men in his army, could scarcely have made a more unequal distribution.

This is a true saying, if a man desircth the ofiice of a Bishop, he dcsireth
a good work. The Apostle here tells us that to desire the office of a Bishop
is commendable, but he nowhere instructs us that it is equally commendable
to seek after the mammon of unrighteousness. In fact it is one of the chief
causes of the declining influence of the Church, that her hierarchy is maintained
on a scale of magnificence, particularly the higher orders of the priesthood,
incompatible with their sacred calling. Retrenchment is required in the Church
as well as in the State; or rather, I should say, her funds should be more
equally divided. In England and Ireland the incomes of the Bishops and
many of the higher orders of the Clergy are preposterously high. The difference
of living between the bishop and the curate is almost as great as it was between
Dives and Lazarus.

Bishops, it may be said, require large incomes to support their rank, and
to answer the many calls made upon them for objects of charity. In reply,
I would remark that it is because they rank so much above the great mass of
the laity, that their influence and usefulness is less felt. Neither their Divine
Master nor his Apostles were elevated in worldly rank above the people whom
they taught, but the simplicity of their lives, and the fervor of their zeal,
drew the multitude after them; and although undoubtedly the power of perform-
ing miracles must have had a wonderful effect on their minds, the eflicacy of
those miracles has descended down to our own times. Let the bishops of the
Church be content with moderate incomes, and rely upon their learning and
piety to sustain their dignity; and let them extend their charities according
to their means, and they will find the beneficial effect it will have on the
whole Church.

In Canada, where the necessaries of life are cheap, £500 per annum is
ample for the support of any dignitary of the Church, and the revenue which
new is paid to one, might with more advantage serve for the maintenance

of three Bishops. .

[Duplicate MS copy]
Private CD.
May 14/50


I have received to day your letter of April 23 & as I have a few minutes
tm spare wh. I may not have later in the week I will begin at least to answer



it—« Upon the whole I think this the most favorable report of the state of
affairs you have sent me for a long time & tho’ today you are to begin a Session
wh. there seems reason to apprehend may be a stormy one, I hope like ours
it may prove less formidable in reality than in anticipation, hitherto ours has
been singularly quiet & successful on Colonial matters compared to what we
expected, tho’ I fear our great difliculties are still to come & will be found in
our Estimates for various Colonial ‘services.

As yet our only ‘serious check was that wh. we experienced on Friday in the
H. of Lords on Ryland’s case1— The little Duke? certainly made a very
clever speech & one particularly calculated to tell with his audience, still this
w‘ not have been enough to occasion our defeat had not Stanley with an heroic
disregard for consistency & decency thrown over his own recorded Despatch &
taken a strong line against us. I think you must have a very searching
Enquiry into the case & ascertain clearly why his Oflice as Registrar proved
so bad to him, if you 0‘ clearly establish the fact that if Well managed his
oflice as Registrar of Montreal w » have been as lucrative as c“ reasonably be
expected when Stanley sanctioned the with~drawing of his pension in 1845 I
think it w“ be a complete answer tm the attack wh. has been made upon us.
I am somewhat at a loss to know what to do respecting the resolutions of the
H. of Lords upon this subject— Upon the whole I am inclined to think I had
better not transmit them to you officially but this requires more consideration-
Bulwer understands now that the story about showing a Despatch is all non~
soi1se,3 he seems to be managing the negotiation very Well & with sanguine
hopes of success, but I wonder what people here w‘ say if our Parliament with
all its faults in the eyes of the radicals were half so dilatory in real business
as the houses of Congress——

I am very glad to hear of the death of the “Independent”. I have asked the
Bishop of Toronto to my official Birth day dinner tomor1’ow—

May 14/50
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

‘ See above 12. 630 note.

‘On May 10, 1850, The Duke of Argll moved the following resolutions:—

“That it is the O inion of this ouse, that the case o George Herman Ryland, late
Clerk of the Executive Bouncil of Canada, as set forth in a Petition presented to this House
on the 8th June, 1849, and as further set forth in Addresses voted to Her Majesty by the
Legislative Assembly and by the Legislative Council of Canada in 1846 (upon_ the report
of a Committee specially appointed to inquire into the Circunistances of the said Case), is
one pf great Hardship and Injustice: _ ,

‘That it appears from the Papers laid on the Table of this House, that this Eardship
and Inyustiee has been aeknowled ed, both directly and indirectly, by successive Governors
General of Canada, by both Brane es of the Legislature in that Province, as well as by the
Imperial Government:

That it is the Opinion of this House, that the Claims of the said George Herman
Ryland, which have heretofore been oflicially acknowledged, ought not to be avoided or over-
looked, and that he has a Right to expect that the Agreement entered into between him and
the Governor General, of which he has performed his Part, should be carried into effect
accord: _to its Terms; or, as that may now be impossible, that he should be compensated
for the ‘oniulfilment thereof.”

In spite of protest by Lord Grey, the resolutions were carried by a. vote of 22 to 19.
(I-Tanaards’, Parliamentary] Debate, Third Series, vol. OX, p. 1292.)
5See above pp. 329-630 and note.
‘See above 1:7 8:1.


[Original MS]
Tononro April 25. 1850.
My DEAR Loan,

I take the liberty of enclosing for your perusal the copy of a letter which
has been addressed to me by M‘ Jordan of Kingston Jamaica and of my reply
thereto. M’ Jordan was member for the city of Kingston while I administered
the Gov‘ of that Colony. His talents and position gave him considerable
influence which I always found him ready to exercise for the public advantage—

I am My dear Lord
Faithfully Your’




No. 1

Kmosron, JAMAICA,
1“ March 1850.

MY Loan,

Your Lordship’s uniform Kindness during Your Administration of the
Gov‘ of this Island emboldens me to address you on a subject of importance to

M‘ John Wilson the Deputy Post Master General of this Island has arrived
at that time of life, and is now in a state of health, which lead to the expecta-
tion of his early demise.

I have been urged by my friends to apply for the office upon its becoming
vacant, I feel however that I have no such claim upon Her Majesty’s Gov‘
as would Warrant my making the application without the aid of those who have
influence at the Colonial Office.

The object of the present communication is therefore to request, if from
Your Knowledge of me during the period of your government of this Island you
feel at liberty to do so, you will be so Kind as to take an early opportunity of
addressing to Earl Grey a few lines recommendatory of me for the Situation
mentioned upon its becoming vacant.

I am conscious that I am taking a liberty in making this request which I
am perhaps not justified in doing. But I trust your Lordship will excuse me,
particularly as I do not presume to urge it, and only venture to make it in the
event of your feeling Willing, and at liberty, to afiord me the aid I require.

I am 850
The Rt Hon“
The Emu, or ELGIN
& & &



No. 2
Tononro 24 April 1850 —


Your letter of the first March reached me a few days ago. My oflieial
connexion with Jamaica having ceased I do not think that I should be war-
ranted in obtruding on the Colonial Secretary any suggestions with respect to
the disposal of the patronage of Gov‘ in that Colony. It will give me much
pleasure however to represent to Earl Grey the high sense which, while I admin-
istered the Gov* of J amaiea, I entertained of your ability, and of the services
which in various capacities you rendered to the public.

I am &o


[Original MS]

Tonomro May 3. 1850.

I enclose the copy of a letter which a young Canadian has addressed to
M‘ Baldwin from San Francisco. It may interest you to observe that even
California with its golden sands and Mountains has worked the cure of his
republicanism ——

We have been a little anxious about the Gainbria which has made a very
long passage. Her arrival at Halifax has however been telegraphed,

I understand that at a meeting of the Convocation of the University held
yesterday M“ De Blaquiere was elected Chancellor. M’ De B. is a M.L.C. a
Tory & a Church of England man—— but he has put himself prominently forward
as an opponent of the system which gives such unlimited powers to the Bishop.
He is doubtless backed by many of the Clergy, though few dare shew them-
selves—~ I know little of him as he has maintained a kind of hufiy seclusion
for the last four years because Lord Metcalfe did not make him Speaker of the
Legislative Council—— but I think his nomination implies that the University
is to be allowed to Work——

I am told that the League have had some meetings preparatory to the
Parliamentary campaign—— they have resolved, I understand, to do as much
mischief as they can and to revive if possible the Rebellion Loss agitation. I
do not think however that they will be able to do much or to travel far in the
Path of agitation together. A considerable section of the body is pledged to go
beyond the ‘Clear Grits’ in the direction of economy and constitutional changes.
The regular old Tories will hardly be able to keep company with them as they



are in possession of almost all the offices in the Province-« Sir A M°Nab is not
very scrupulous and if he heads the band I have no doubt that they will be
factious enough~—- Meanwhile we heard yesterday of the issue of the Megantic
election caused by MW Daly’s appointment to office in England——a ministerial-
ist is returned. During the recess therefore the Tories have lost two seats,
London and Mega-ntic, and gained none, unless they consider the election of an
annexationist in Lower Canada & of two Ultra Radicals in UC.1 to be a gain
to them. I do not think that there will be any opposition to M’ Merritt.

I enclose the copy of 9. correspondence between Col. Bruce & Chief Justice
Robinson on the subject of the 0.13. which you authorized me to offer to him.
The Epistle of the latter is not remarkable for good taste or modesty. The
latter part of it however is by way of not intended for ym eye, & I still think
that if you are to give any C.B.s here Robinson ought to come first~ I am
of opinion that his getting it would do good——

I enclose a report of a recent scene in the most grave and dignified of
republican assemblies/~— and a letter on our affairs from a New York paper
which is chiefly remarkable as contrasting with the tone of these journals when
they were inspired from Montreal.

Very sincerely Your’s



May 3/50
Lord Elgin
Rec“ May 22

[Enclosures] .
No. 1


SAN FRANCISCO, 25 Feby 1850


Dem Sm,

I trust that you will not consider that I act unwarrant-ably in addressing
you the following lines upon a topic which to me is of the greatest importance.
I am emboldened to do so from the friendship that exists between my father
& yourself and the interest which I believe you were kind enough to take in
my welfare when in Canada. Your time will doubtless be engrossed with your
ofiicial & other duties, & I am satisfied the fewer preliminary remarks I make
the more agreeable it will be to you.

Since arriving at this place I have had a very fair opportunity of judging
how far the state of circumstances of this country, the mode its population
adopts of transacting business, & the opinions & conduct of the people both
in a social & political point of view, will likely prove congenial to my feelings,
habits and education.

1 See below 1) 6/18




I do not deny that when in Canada I was thorough Republican, both
from feeling & principle, but since leaving my native land and mixing some-
what extensively with my fellow subjects of British origin in other countries,
& Also having constant intercourse with Americans & gontrasting their prin-
ciples with those avowed & acted upon by Englishmen, I could not but remark
that in a social & moral point of view at least the latter had greatly the
advantage. Altho still firmly believing that it is necessary to the healthy
existence of every constitutional form of Government that there should be.
a large infusion of the popular or democratic element, yet if it be a necessary
incident of Republican institutions that all power should gradually be with-
drawn from the Executive and vested in the people at large, I am prepared
at this point to take my stand and say that I prefer the stability and restraints
of a firm constitutional Government to the unrestrained legislation of a pure
democracy——These few remarks I deem it necessary to make, to explain to
you why I am not satisfied either with the laws or people of this place. Every
thing here is done by the mob. The Bailiff is as important a person as the
Judge, and commands quite as much respect. As a matter of course great
allowances should be made for the extraordinary circumstances of this country,

‘but the truth is this state of affairs is encouraged by those who should

discountcnanee it. Everyone in and out of oflice, with some few honorable
exceptions, are greedy in the pursuit of money; they become avaricious, un-
principled & mean. I think you will give me credit when I say that such a
state of affairs is for very far from being agreeable to my feelings— Although
in practice, and doing very well, treble the amount I expect to make would not
induce me to remain. I now come to the principal topic of my letter. When
in Rio J aneiro I read in the “Times” newspaper the debate in the House of
Lords upon the Charter which the Imperial Governm” had granted to the
Hudson’s Bay Comp’ 1 gave them but a cursory reading and therefore recollect
very few of the provisions stated by Earl Grey. They were,—« one or two
however, impressed on my mind and these are the withdrawal of the jurisdiction
of the Courts of Canada from Oregon & Vancouver, & rendering it incumbent
on the C° to establish a Judiciary and found a Colony of a certain number
within a specific period. You will doubtless be quite familiar with its provisions,
but since leaving Rio I have had no opportunity of meeting in with anything
having reference to it. However since my arrival I have made it my particular
object to acquire upon this subject all the information I could. Fortunately
thro’ a letter of introduction from M’ Bidwell, I have formed the acquaintance
of Capt Bartlett of the U.S.N. He is attached to the ship of war Savannah &
unquestionably possesses a greater fund of information respecting that Island
& the shores of Puget’s Sound, than any one in California. He probably is
the only person, apart from the Commanders of British National Vessels who
has correct charts of the Coast North of this. He has also quite a collection
of publications respecting this Island and other sources of information possessed
by few. All these he was Kind enough to lay before me, and I am satisfied
that there is no place presenting greater advantages for a Young man of




British Allegiance to settle, than this Island. Capt Bartlett states that its
agricultural resources are unequalled by any land on the coast; that its timber
was of 9. quality equal to any in America, & that it abounds in an inexhaustible
Supply of Coal of the very best description, & easily excavated. Now neither
this Country nor Oregon have coal; & the wood of California, which is never
nearer the Coast than 20 Miles, consists almost chiefly of scrubby oak &

pine. The harbors of the Island are some of the finest on the Coast-Victoria,

particularly. A Young Gentleman of the name of N. Hammond, nephew of
the Hon »‘° M‘ Crane and myself, have formed a determination to proceed to
Vancouvers if we can but procure letters from Sir George Simpson. M‘ H.
indeed received from his uncle by the last mail, a letter making general
enquiries respecting the Island, & through an introduction 1 gave him to Cap‘
Bartlett was enabled to procure the information his uncle was seeking. M’
H. in his reply desired his uncle to request of M’ M°Pherson, who is on
friendly terms with Sir George, to procure for both of us letters of introduction
to the principal Ofliicers at Victoria Harbor, at the Same time, stating that you
could give him M’ Crane assurances of my character, &c. I shall always feel

myself greatly indebted to your Kindness if you will do me the favor of 1

communicating at your convenience, with M’ Crane——I suggest this course,
inasmuch as I am not aware whether you are on such terms personally with
Sir George as ‘would permit you to make the request I desire directly——I
should like to connect myself with the Gov‘ in some office of a political or
legal character; if this be impracticable then I should wish to commence the
practice of my profession.

I have another request to prefer which I fear you will consider very extra— ;

ordinary, but if you only understood the position that Canadians occupy in
this Country, you would not wonder at their anxiety to make a British
Colony again the place of their residence. Several Gentlemen besides M‘ H.
(in myself would be willing to proceed to Voncouvers and become permanent
Settlers could they but be furnished with a letter from a quarter that would

carry with it influence & consideration & which might have the elfect of procuring \

for them such advantages as the early Settlers of a new Colony like that of
Vancouvers should have extended to them. These Young Gentlemen’s friends
are well known in Canada in their different localities and some of them quite
well to you. Their names I will give-—M’ Joseph Tyson of Barrie, Brother
in Law of B. W. Smith Esq’“——’Ja.mes Beckwith, nephew of W“ Simpson Esq’ \
of Smithls Falls——M” Michael Morison brother of J. C. Morison Esq’—— ‘
M’ S. Cronk formerly of the firm of Skae & Cronk of Oshawa——and M’ J. .
Aldham Kyte, nephew of W“ Wilson of Kingston. Besides these, are several ‘
others who would willingly embark in the enterprise if we do. Under these
circumstances would you feel yourself at liberty to request of His Excelly
Lord Elgin a general letter of recommendation for the parties I have named, ,
to be addressed to the Chief Officers of H. B. C°—— With such a letter we would
feel very great confidence in proceeding to that Island and also the assurance
that it would procure for us whatever advantages the 0° have power to confer.




Should you feel that you could intereede with His Exey in our behalf we shall
be placed under the greatest obligations both to yourself and His Excellency.

I enclose for your acceptance :1. small specimen of the ore which was
picked up by a friend of mine. It will probably be only valuable as having
come directly from California ~It weighs near an ounce & ‘is worth about $14.

I have (to.
(Signed) A. GORHAM.

The Hon‘’‘‘‘ Ronnnr BALDWIN
&c &c &c

No. 2
Govnnummnr House

2″“ April 1850

You are probably aware of the fact that the statutes of the order of the
Bath have been lately modified with a view to the admission into the order
of persons who have distinguished themselves in the civil service of the Crown.

I am desired by the Governor General to inform you that he is authorized
by Earl Grey to state that it will give his Lordship much pleasure to recom-
mend you to Her Majesty for the dignity of a Companionship of the Bath if it
would be agreable to you to receive this mark of the Queen’s appreciation of
your long and eminent services.

I have the honor to be

Dear Sir

Faithfully yours

(Signed) R. BRUCE
Gov” sec»-

The Hon
Carer Jusrrcn RoB1NsoN

No. 3
Torzoxwro 3”“ of April 1850.

I received your kind note last evening and will thank you to say for me to
my Lord Elgin that it will oblige me if His Excellency, when he mentions to
Lord Grey his having done me the honor to send me the intended communica-
tion will assure his Lordship that I expressed a due sense of his kind recol~
Iection of my public service, which has in truth been neither very short nor
Very light.— In other words that I received the same very graciously.

It need not be added though I will venture to confess it frankly to yourself
that it is rather my hope than my expectation that matters will in this parti-
cular be always so carefully arranged in respect to the colonies as to enable me

to feel sincerely proud of his companionship; for I do apprehend that the neces-
sities and temptations of the new system will sooner or later in some of our
colonies, lead to dispensations that will sadly perplex our ideas of merit, and
make me a little afraid of the application of “noscitur a a sociis”—— But time
may shew this to be a vain fear.

Believe me, my dear Sir

to be Yours very faithfully


The Hon
Con Barren

No. 4


Mr. Foote was proceeding with some sarcastic and pungent remarks,
evidently in allusion to Mr. Benton, but had said nothing suliiciently open and
offensive to justify the Chair in calling him to order, when Mr. Benton rose,
much agitated, and throwing his chair from him, proceeded by the narrow
passage outside of the Bar towards Foote’s seat, which is on the outside tier
of seats, near the main entrance to the Senate. Mr. Dodge, of Iowa, Mr. Dodge,
of Wisconsin, and, others, apprehending a collision between Benton and Foote,
endeavoured to detain the former in his seat. Overcoming all resistance, he
continued towards Foote, who, leaving his place, stepped down the main aisle
and took position in the area, just in front of the sergeant-at-arm’s seat, at the
right of the Vice President, DRAWING A PISTOL FROM HIS BOSOM,

The scene which ensued is indescribable. Loud calls for the Sergeant at
Arms, were made, and cries of order resounded from all sides of the chamber.
Many persons rushing from the galleries and out of the chamber, in apprehen-
sion of a. general melee. Several Senators surrounded Mr. Foote, among whom
Was Mr. Dickinson, who, securing the pistol, locked it up in his desk.

Mr. Benton, in the meantime, was struggling in the hands of‘his friends,
who were endeavoring to prevent him from reaching Foote. While thus
pinioned, as it were, and yet almost successfully resisting the efforts of those
who held him, Mr. Benton bitterly denounced him as an assassin, who had
dared to bring a pistol in the Senate to murder him. He said, “I have no arms,
examine me, I carry nothing of the l.<ind——stand out of the way, and let the
scoundrel and assassin fire!”——In uttering this sentence, Mr. Benton threw off

from either side, those who held him tore open his vest, and invited the fire of

his antagonist.
Mr. Foote in the meantime was restrained from advancing towards Mr.

Benton .



The Vice President after repeated and vigorous eiforts, succeeded in
restoring a comparative state of quiet.

Messrs Benton and Foote having resumed their respective seats, Mr. F.
rose, and enquired if he could proceed in order.

Mr. Benton—in a loud tone and much excited———I demand that the Senate
take cognizance of the fact, that a pistol has been brought in here to assassinate

Mr. Foote explained—~he had no intention to attack anybody, his whole
course had been that of the defensive. He had been informed that an attack
upon him had been intended, and supposing when the Senator from Missouri
advanced towards him, that he was armed, and designed to attack him, he had
himself advanced to the centre of the chamber in order to be in a position where
he could meet Mr. Benton in the main aisle, and upon equal terms.

Mr. Benton protested against any intimation that he carried arms. He
never did so.

The Vice President requested Mr. Foote to take his seat, until it could be
ascertained what course was proper for the Chair to pursue.

Mr. Hale regretted the necessity which seemed to impose itself upon him,
one of the youngest members of the Senate, but if no one else moved in the
premises he should deem himself unworthy of his seat, if he could let such a
transaction as he just witnessed go out to the country without an investigation.
The senate owed such a course to itself.

Mr. Foote, in his seat—1 court it.

Mr. Borland said he apprehended no danger, and instead of the matter
being a serious affair to be investigated, he thought it one of which the Senate
should be ashamed, and should say as little about it as possible.

Mr. Foote expressed his assent to the proposition for investigation, but
solemnly protested that he had only armed himself in view of a premeditated
attack, against which he had been Warned.

Mr. Dodge, (of Wis.) thought a committee of investigation ought to be
appointed. He had known Mr. Benton 35 years and never knew him to carry

Mr. Benton—in his seat, still much agitated——Never, neverl

Mr. Dodge moved that a com. of 7 be appointed to investigate the subject.
It was due to the Senate and the country.

Mr. Clay expressed the hope that Messrs Benton and Foote would go
before a magistrate, or else in the presence of the Senate, pledge themselves not
to commit a breach of the peace, in the further prosecution of this affair.

Mr. Benton—I have done nothing to authorize a charge of intention to
commit a breach of the peace, and I will rot in jail, before I give a promise by
which I admit such a thing, even by implication. I carry no arms, sir, and it is
lying, and cowardly, to insinuate anything of the kind against me.

Mr. Clay said his suggestion had no reference to the past but to the future.

Mr. Foote said he Was a Constitution—loving and law—abiding man. He
only were arms when he had reason to believe he was in danger of being



attacked. He preferred another method of settling difiiculties, and had always
left the door open to avoid the necessity for any other mode of settlement than
he referred to. He declared that he had no design of proceeding further in the
immediate controversy which had occurred, but intimated that as a man of
honor, he felt bound to take proceedings elsewhere.

Mr. Benton greeted the last remark with a. contemptuous laugh, loud
enough to be heard throughout the chamber. ‘

After some further debate, the motion to appoint a Committee was agreed
to, and before any further action was had, the Senate adjourned.—Rochester
Democmt. ‘

No. 5
Correspondence of the Commercial Advertiser.
Tononro, April 23, 1850.

Our Parliamentary campaign, after nearly a year’s suspension, will recom-
mence on the 14th of next month. During that interval important changes have
taken place in our political relations. The seat of Government of the United
Province has been restored to Upper Canada, whence it was removed to Montreal.
New parties have sprung up; and instead of the good old party names of Radical
and Tory, we have now Reformers (the Government party) Tories, Clear Grits,
(ultra Radical and Retrenchment men) and Annexationists. Since last session
of Parliament the Clear Grits have secured two seats, and the Annexationists
one in the House of Assembly, viz: Peter Perry for the Third Riding of York,
Vice Wm. E. Blake, the late Solicitor General, who has been transferred to the
Chancellorship of Upper Canada; Caleb Hopkins, for the county of Halton,
who ousted the Assistant Commissioner of public works, on his presenting
himself for re—elcction after this acceptance of that office; and Mr. Sanborn, the
Annexationist, for the county of Shcrbrooke, vice Mr. Galt, who resigned.

Parties will be much more evenly balanced in the House this session than last,
so we may expect stirring times at its next sitting. The Reform Government,
against which, of course, each of the new parties will try their maiden strength,
is still pretty strong; and no doubt upon the exposition of their measures in
Parliament they will secure the support of the moderate portion of the

The most important recent changes in the Cabinet are popular. Mr.
Merritt, who has accepted the Chief Commissionership of public works, is Well
known as an indefatigable promoter of the Welland canal, and is a. man of
progress and of practical views. Mr. Bourret, who succeeds Mr. Merritt as
president of the Council, (Cabinet committees,) and who is also Mr. Merritt’s
coadjutor in the Department of Public Works, is a member of the upper house,
and was for two or three years Mayor of Montreal. By these changes in the
Cabinet, the number is restricted to eight instead of ten, as formerly. Mr.
Merritt’s revelection for the county of Lincoln, on his acceptance of office, is







ar. Jr —-.«- »


pretty certain. He is the most personally popular man of the Cabinet with the
two great parties.

The Governor General, Lord Elgin, has, since the occurrences of April, 1849,
recovered much of his personal popularity. He is rather an effective speaker,
and his attendance at several public gatherings since those events—such as
Mechanics’ Institutes, Educational Establishments, &c., has tended to remove
manyiprejudiccs, and to raise him in public estimation. Last week he attended
the examinations of our flourishing normal training school, and after an eloquent
speech, in reply to the remarks of the chief superintendent of education, the
Rev. Dr. Ryerson, in which he referred to “ the gallant soldier who presides over
the destinies of the neighboring Republic,” he distributed among the successful
students a number of prizes, which he himself had instituted in that establishment
last year, for the promotion of agricultural science. His Excellency has also
lately apprized the Mayor of Montreal of his intention to grant a prize of £100
sterling to the most successful Canadian competitor at the great industrial
congress of nations, to be held in London in May 1851.

The programme of the Ministerial measures has not yet appeared, but it is
pretty generally believed that assessment, education, retrenchment, public works,
finances, &c., 650., will form the prominent subjects of discussion during the
approaching session of Parliament. ,

The two houses of the Legislature will assemble in the old Upper Canada
Houses of Parliament, fronting the bay. They have been greatly renovated and
beautified, and will form an admirable and cominodious place to receive the
assembled wisdom of the united Province. The cornices and fittings of the
Legislative Council (or Senate) are truly magnificent, and the throne lately
erected therein would do no dishonor to a Senate graced by royalty itself.

His excellency the Governor Genera1’s prize of $200, for the best essay
“ On the influence of the St. Lawrence canals upon the Agriculture of Canada, »
has been awarded to Thos. C. Keefer, Esq., civil engineer; and the author of a
very clever little pamphlet lately published by Armour & Co., of this city,
entitled the “Philosophy of Railroads.” The prize essay will be published,
together with those of two or three of the most successful competitors.

The election of the heads of the University of Toronto has been deferred
for some time, owing to some factions proceedings, it is said, on the part of the
House of Convocation, which is composed chiefly of graduates of the institution.
This house has lately refused ad eundem degrees to several graduates of the
Scottish Universities from the same cause. The matter creates quite a stir here.

The Webster trial, and the proceedings of Congress, have excited much
interest. It is a pity that the dignity of the Senate should be so continually
outraged by the boisterous rudeness of Mr. Foote. We look for the passing of
the reciprocity bill with some anxiety, but fear it will be suffered to lie over.

Our bay and Wharves have again resumed all the activity of Summer.
Vessels from the various ports on both sides of the lakes are discharging and
receiving their cargoes. One called here a day or two ago from Oswego en route
for Toledo.



Our Canadian Punch, published Weekly, has some clever hits at the
politicians and topics of the day.

Col. John Prince, of Sandwich, has lately been stripped of his silk gown as
Queen’s counsel, for his indiscreet and impertinent letters to the Government

on the subject of annexation.



We observe with pleasure that the Home Government are about to give
the National expenditure of Great Britain the same stringent examination which
we have understood for some months past the Provincial Administration will
propose to Parliament at the approaching Session, in reference to our finances.
The formal mode of proceeding is we believe for the Government to ask for a
committee, and on the report brought in, the Ministry frame their Bill. Lord
John Russell has given notice that shortly after Easter, he would move for a
select committee to consider the salaries and emoluments of public officers,
members of that house, and the salaries and emoluments of the judges of the
united kingdom, and also the salaries of olficers on the diplomatic establish-

[Duplicate MS copy]


May 24/50

I am so much hurried today that I have only a moment to write you a line
to thank you for Your letter of the 3“ & to say that I will take an early
opportunity of recommending M‘ Robinson for the (3.13. tho’ his manner of
intlmating that he will condeseend tm take it is not a little offensive, there are
some other honors proposed & it may probably be expedient to defer them all
till toward the close of Session-

I do not understand whether you Wish me to apply to the H. Bay Cop’ for
letters of recommendation in favor of the writer of the letter from San Fran~
cisco? I can do so if you Wish itr—~ the scene in the senate is indeed a Curious
one. I had not before seen so full a report of it—

May 24/50
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin


our Av-4) Va;

‘3’ J‘)! *1.

I-11‘ M


[Original MS]

TORONTO May 10. 1850.

My DEAR Gnmr,

Since I last wrote two mails have reached us from y‘ side with your letters
of the 12”‘ & 16″‘ of April—-— Doubtless low prices and ill paid rents fall heavily
on those who have to hand over 3/4”‘ of their income to meet fixed charges
and yet more heavily on others who have to dispose of a still larger proportion
in the same way. It is but natural that the protectionists should draw their
moral from these facts.

I meet my Par“ next Tuesday. It is a very good thing in my opinion that
we meet so late. A brisk trade which we may I trust look for at this busy
season will serve to cheer the members and to keep them in good humor. I am
more over anxious that the Lower Canadians should see something of Upper
Canadian farming. It is just as well too I think under existing circumstances
that the Lower Provinces should have closed their Sessions before we commence
ours. If We commit any absurdities they will not affect them so injuriously as
they might have done had they been still in Session~— As it is, Head’s Assembly
men led on by his Attorney General seem to have shewn a disposition to play
some strange pranks towards the close of their legislative proceedings.

It is very difficult to anticipate what sort of course our Session is likely to
run. Some people threaten rows after the fashion of Montreal— If there be
anything of the kind it shall, I promise you, be promptly and vigorously met.
There is no fear of a collision between races here and nothing but that risk
Would, I well knew, have justified the course which I followed last year at
Montreal. I do not however, I confess, anticipate mischief of this description. I
attended five days ago a great agricultural meeting in this neighbourhood, and
a dinner at which about 600 of all sorts were present— tories, Gov” Men, &
clear Grits——~ The greatest harmony prevailed, and all that I said was well taken.
Next day I had a communication from the Cap‘ of a yeomanry Troop, a staunch
Orangeman offering to attend me with his troop when I go to open the House.
I do not know whether this was a consequence or a coincidence but at any rate
it is a sign of good feeling.—-— –

I enclose an extract from an annexation paper shewing the connexion be-
tween indepcndance Clear Gritism and annexation—~ An article from the Pilot
with some information W“ I believe to be correct about American Gov” Expendi-
ture. A manifesto from the League, innocent enough. You will observe that
this body which came into existence because I would not interfere with the
decision of the local Par‘, and you supported me is now the advocate of non
interference in the most unrestricted sense— An Article from the Spectator
M »Nab’s paper with the hopes of that section of the Party founded on the
English news.—— Baldwin You will observe is admitted to be a high Tory. The
finfipathy to Hincks arises I believe mainly from his being a clever man—— too
much for them. Nothing is more remarkable than the dead set which is made
in these communities against superior ability. As to M°Nab’s plan of a new


Governor, an Imperial Policy reversed, and a Dissolution, I trust that if it be
carried out y. Successor will send out mine with a good Garrison

Yours very sincerely


May 10/50
Lord Elgin
Rec“ May 27


N0. 1
We have often been asked, why not advocate Independence instead of

Annexation?~—and our reply has been——the one involves the other-«and we see
nothing to be gained by pretending to oppose annexation, or to keep it out of
sight, while asking for that which must inevitably make Canada one of the
U. States. We preferred honestly to put forth the real object desired; and we
believe that if only the half-way measure had been proposed, it would have
failed to secure a majority, even in the Townships. People would have looked
upon it as a ruse~—and the honest, straight forward ycomanry of this part of
the Province, would not have identified themselves with a. movement, which
must have borne the semblance of hypocrisy, or failed to have carried con-
viction of its utility and practicability. Honest annexationists while they will
not deny a desire to accomplish the ultimate object set forth in their manifestos,
will heartly co-operate with the Independents of Canada West, and the
Reformers throughout the Province, in obtaining the objects set forth in the
above extract.

Elective institutions and vote by ballot, are indispensable pre—requisites to
Independence, and without Independence, it is useless to think of negotiating
either with England or the U. States to be admitted into the Union.

No. 2


(From the Official Gazette.)

SEoRE’rA1<Y’s OFFICE, Toronto, April 27, 1850. His Excellency the Governor General has been pleased to make the follow ing appointment, viz:— John Cameron, Esquire, of Charlottenberg, to be Collector of Customs at the Port of Dundee, vice L. H. Masson, resigned. ELGI N —GRE Y PAPERS 553 [Enclosure] Snonn’rAaY’s Orrrcn, Toronto, April 27, 1850. His Excellency the Governor General in Council has been pleased to appoint the Port of Oakville, to be a Warehousing Port, under the provisions of the Act, 10 and 11 Viot. Chap. 31, sect. 23. MnoAN’.rIo ELEGTION.—We announce with pleasure the election of Dunbar Ross, Esq. He will prove a valuable accession to the Legislature. The ludicrous blunders——we wish to use the mildest terms—perpetrated by our contemporary the Herald, a few months since, when he undertook to demonstrate the extravagance of our Government in comparison with that of the United States, must be fresh in the recollection of our readers. The universal ridicule which his attempts to extricate himself out of his unfortunate predica- ment provoked, were too much even for him to encounter, and he was discreetly silent on the subject for a length of time. The fact stood proved irrefutably, that the people of Canada are subjected to a far lighter amount of taxation than our neighbours of the United States. Our contemporary has, however, now hit on a new line of argument: he no longer attempts to shew the inferiority, in point of economy, of our Government to that of our neighbours, but the advantage of what he calls the “Republican system in the United States” over the “ Monarchical system in Great Britain and her Colonies.” To show the alleged inferiority of the latter, he takes a comparison——drawn from Mr. Mackay’s work styled, “ The Western World ”-—-between the. eimenses of the United States and the Imperial Government, and invites to it his readers’ attention. Of course to the people of Canada it matters little—with reference to the hobby, which the Herald has ridden to death, Annexation—what is the relative amount of taxation borne by the people of the United States and Great Britain respectively; but, as the H erald has chosen to make the alleged dilference the ground of attack on Monarchical Institutions, we cannot but notice, that in this discussion the H erald has, as usual, furnished indisputable arguments against his own hypothesis. His author, Mr. Mackay, sets down the taxation of the people of Great Britain at “ 14s. 8d. sterling per head, to defray the expenses of the State, exclusive of the debt,” and he says, that the expenditure of the United States, for the cost of the General Government only, “for every thing but the debt, amounts to about 5s. sterling per head.” This statement of Mr. Mackay, however, is made up from the average expenditure of the United States “ for the four years ending Jan. 30, 1846,”—-«amounting to about 22 million dollars an.nually——had Mr. Mackay been aware of what has since occurred he would have had to tell a very difierent story. The annual expenditure in the United States, since that period, still exclusive of the interest of the debt, has more than doubled, being as follows:— Year ending 30 J an., 1847 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 355929093 “ “ 1848. . . 42811970 “ “ 1849. . 38179794 “ “ 1850 …………….. .: l: 1 41254141 654 ELGI N -GREY PAPERS [Enclosure] An average for four years of $44,543,749. So that in lieu of the taxation for the support of the General Government being only 55. sterling per head, as put by Mr. Mackay,—— and as it really was up to 1846—it is now actually 10s. sterling per head. Mr. Maekay, however, unlike our sapient and candid commentators here, admits that in drawing a comparison between the cost of the two Governments, the expense of both the General and State Government must be included, and he adds 1s. 301. sterling as the amount of the taxation per head for State purposes. It would be easy to shew that he grossly underrates this latter branch of taxation, but as we have no desire to pick holes in his argument, nor to make any assertion which it may be even possible to question, We shall take his figures as they stand and draw our deductions from them. The taxation then per head of the two populations according to Mr. Mackay -——the new oracle of the Herald—is now as fo1lows:— Great Britain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 14s. 8d. stg. United States General Government. . . 10s. 0d.z For State Government . . . . . . . . . . . .. ls. 3d.S 11s. 3d. stg. For Canada the Whole taxation for governmental pu1‘poses—ea;clusi7Je as in the other cases of the debt—is not more than 3s. 3d. stg. per hoad——little more than one-fifth the taxation to which the inhabitants of Great Britain are exposed, and not nearly one—third the amount to which the inhabitants of the United States are subjected. So much for the disadvantages under which the Colonies of Great Britain are said by the Herald to lie, under the Monarchieal System. The relative advantages of the two systems——Monarehical and Republican—— rather unfortunately for the IIerald’s argument put in juxtaposition; since he is obliged to admit, that under the former the expenses of the State are gradually diminish— ’ ing, whilst under the latter they are rapidly increasing. If a parallel be drawn four years hence, and the United States pursue their present course, there can be little doubt that the taxation in the United States for the support of the Govern~ ment will be far greater than that in Great Britain. No. 3 ADDRESS OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE BRITISH AMERICAN LEAGUE, TO THEIR. BRETEREN, COUNTRYMEN AND FELLOW COLONISTS The Convention of Delegates held at Kingston, in their address to the people of Canada, recommended three great practical measures~Pno’rno’r1oN T0 NATIVE INDUSTRY, RETRENCHMENT IN THE PUBLIC nxrnunrrunn, AND A UNION on THE BRITISH Nonrn AMERICAN 1>nov1Nons—as these best adapted to
remedy the evils under which our country was labouring. They prayed the
members of the several branches of the League to keep those subjects continually


before them in their assemblies, to procure for them the assent and advocacy
of their neighbours, and to vote at the hustings for those only who could pledge
themselves to give them their hearty concurrence and support in Parliament.
Other subjects engaged the attention of the convention at its second meeting,
but the delegates still adhered to the three great projects of protection, retrench-
ment and union, as those to which every Leaguer should cling, until they be
engrafted upon the commercial and political system of Canada.

Subsequent events have inspired the Central Committee with entire
confidence in the wisdom of the course thus recommended. Protection has
taken a deep and fast hold of the public mind. The cry for retrenchment has
been responded to from one end of the Province to the other; the echo of that
shout, from one body of our fellow subjects, has scarce dicol away, ere the same
sound has burst forth and loudly reverberates from another.

The debates in the Imperial Parliament, involving the principles of colonial
government, so strongly bear upon the other League measure, of a general
confederation of the British North American provinces, that the Central
Committee deem it their boundcn duty, at the present moment, to call anew
the attention of our countrymen and fellow colonists to the question of union,
urging them to adhere to it with energy and devotedness, until success shall
crown their eHorts——-until the principles announced in Parliament as the rule by
which Great Britain would for the future be governed in relation to her colonies,
shall be carried into practical operation as the law of the land.

Let us then briefly enunciate those principles thus recognized; That the
British colonial possessions are to be maintained; that British colonists carry
with them their native rights and privileges,‘ to which their descendents are
equally entitled with themselves: that while the imperial government represents
‘rhe cclcry in foreign concerns, in its domestic affairs the latter shall regulate
itself, without interference: that the Australian colonies may at pleasure alter
their own constitutions, and frame a federal constitution for their joint govern—
ance: that the Cape colony may apply the elective principle to the upper
branch of the legislature, as well as to the Assembly: and lastly, that the great
reason for tie proposed changes in those and other colonies, and the basis
upon which it was proposed to rear the whole superstructure of colonial policy,
was the declared wishes of the inhabitants of the colonies, and the express
desire to conform to those wishes.

_ From these declarations, it is manifest that the British government cannot
intend to confer a privilege on one colony that it proposes to withhold from
another. The rights and privileges of British subjects, carried with them from
their native land, must be everywhere alike, where British rule obtains. It
IS manifest We say, that the people of British North America have but to
express their wishes and ask for those changes they desire, in conformity with
the principles recapitulated, and their request will be granted. Yes, the British
parliament has at last discovered that the origin of the ills which afflict the
colonies, at the very root of the colonial system itself, and is to be traced to
the impracticable attempt of the colonial office to rule well a distant people,



with whose wants, circumstances and character, it can at best be but imperfectly
acquainted; and that evil is magnified by the abuse and inconsistency of the
power that enables its holders to say to one colony, today, you pay rebels if
you like for the money is your own; and to another colony, to—morrow, you
shall not pay bounties to your hemp-growers, though the money be your own.

British ministers and the imperial parliament are at last satisfied of the
folly of such interference and of the system that permits it. It is a great fact
that the present session has witnessed the solemn declaration of their conviction,
“that the true way to govern British subjects in the colonies is—~to allow
them to govern themselves; that the colonies form part of the empire; that it
is of the utmost importance that those supports of the imperial authority should
be retained, through which that commerce which penetrates every part of the
globe is maintained; that, foreign relations alone excepted, they were prepared
to concede to the colonies the full liberty of governing themselves,” particular-
izing, in the case of Australia, already alluded to, “the power of altering their
constitution and forming a confederation, for the purpose of adopting a uniform
tariff, and for the exercise of various other powers.” The British cabinet itself
invites us to action and points to self~reliance. What then is our duty as
Canadians? Clearly, to merge all political differences on questions of detail,
and occupy at once the position indicated by these declarations; to claim the
right thus conceded of framing a constitution for ourselves, in accordance
with the circumstances, the opinions, the feelings, and the wishes of the people
of Canada; to urge our legislature by petition, to pass an address to our gracious
Sovereign and both houses of parliament, praying them to authorise, by an Act,
the people to whom they profess to have already granted self—govcrnmcnt, do
hold a general convention of Delegates, for the purpose of considering a/nd
prepzming a Constitution for the government of this province, and with power to
act in concert with delegates from such of the other British provinces in North
America as may be desirous of forming a, federal Ocnodc. Such constitution to
be afterwards submitted to the people for ratification.

This accomplished, and we shall then have erected a tribunal competent
to decide upon the various political questions now agitating the public mind,
in conformity with public opinion. We shall then have opened an arena where
the advocates of every shade of conflicting opinion can assemble and contend
for their particular views.——« There the true and warm—hearted loyalist can pro-
duce his cause, and bring forth his strong reasons in favour of his long cherished
monarchical principles; there the sincere believer in our present system of
responsible government will have the opportunity of showing the suitableness
of that system to his country’s wants; there the advocate for elective institutions
can strive to advance his favourite theory; while those who would prefer a
federal union of the Canadas to the present nominal union, and those favouring
the proposed plan of the League~—the wisest and the best——a federal union of
all the British North American Provinces, will each be placed in a position
to discuss those deeply important measures with effect, each will have a fair
opportunity of advocating his own set of opinions, and of striving to the



utmost to convince his fellows « of their correctness. Then when the arguments
have been duly weighed, the vote taken, the decision had, each must submit to
the thus expressed opinion of the whole, and adopt it as the voice of his country;
then shall we have reduced the chaotic mass of political opinions to systematic
order; then shall we have laid the foundation of a Canadian patriotism.

The Committee firmly believe, that a federal union of the British North
American provinces, is the measure above all others calculated to advance
their interests and prosperity, and to build them up as a great and mighty
nation, in close connection with their brethren in the British isles, maintaining
their unity as a people—having a common interest, a common centre, and a
common mission. For the attainment of this al1—important object, in which the
whole of the British dependencies in North America are equally interested, a
simultaneous movement is most desirable, each province acting within its own
sphere, and through its own constituted authority, for the accomplishment of
the general plan. Each must act for itself. Let the people of Canada then
arouse themselves, and perform their own part in this great movement, earn~
estly trusting that their example will be followed by New Brunswick, Nova
Scotia, Newfoundland, and Prince Edward Island. Energetic action in Canada
will impart confidence elsewhere, and insure unity of purpose and a determined
perseverance in prosecution until the desired end he obtained.

A federal union will rid the country of an extravagant government, which
in its profligate expenditure sneers at the Very mention of economy as im-
practicable. It will rid us of a uselessly complicated and expensive system of
judicature, the machinery of which is preying upon the vitals of the country.
It will rid us of the imposition of laws on one section contrary to its wishes,
by the representatives of another section, and to which those very representatives
will not themselves submit in their own section. It will rid the country of
the rule of a democratic oligarchy, to whose imperious dictates the opinions, the
sentiments, and the wishes of the people are required to succumb. And lastly,
it will rid us, once and for ever, of the mischievous effects of the present colonial
system‘. These benefits may be ours, we repeat, for the asking, even though
Canada should stand alone; a federal union, instead of the present legislative
one, will secure them; but the committee would urge provincial politicians to
break through the narrow circle of local politics, and with enlarged views to
contemplate the exalted position and inexhaustible resources of British America
under a general confederation of all its provinces. While that measure would
insure local self-government to the fullest extent, place the entire controul of
the public afi‘airs into the hands of the people without restriction~—first in the
local legislature of each province, and then in the federal legislature representing
all the provinces, regulating their fiscal and other general conecrns—it would
conduce more than any other plan or system, to render available their boundless
natural resources now lying dormant. A uniform tariii would regulate their
foreign trade; inter-colonial intercourse would be free and unshackled. Instead
of being estranged from each other, they would be united by a common duty



and a common interestr—children of the same parent, bound together by the
ties of brotherhood. ‘

Such a union would raise us in the estimation of foreign countries; it would
promote social and commercial intercourse; it would give an impetus to domestic
manufactures, by extending the field of operation; it would create a home
market for the interchange of natural products and manufactures; it would
lead to the extension and improvement of internal communication, the invest-
ment of British and foreign capital, the encouragement of a Wholesome
emigration; it would place us in an independent position as regards trade, would
further the attainment of reasonable demands from other countries, and
facilitate a reciprocal commerce with the West Indies.

Let us observe the first attempt at a direct trade between Canada’s lakes
and those distant British possessions, and mark to what that effort, feeble as
it Was, points as an index! A single craft ventures from Lake Ontario to
Halifax, laden with Canada flour and meal; six months elapse and some ten
or twelve of our best vessels are engaged, with full freights for the same
destination, and at rates far below the cost of transportation to New York, to
return laden with the rich products of a tropical climate, the produce of the
finest fisheries, and most extensive coal fields in the world, and discharge their
cargoes at our very doors, for a freight charge little more than half that usually
paid for carriage from New York; look at this, and infer the inevitable results
-an entire change of the trade in those products; instead of drawing their
supplies from New York and the other Americaniports, West India produce,
and the fish of Newfoundland and Nova Scotia, will be introduced through
the St. Lawrence and lakes into the whole contiguous country westward. The
lower ports and West Indies will at once furnish Canada with a near and ready
market for three—fifths of her surplus breadstufis, while our commercial marine,
with full employment, will increase with a rapidity calling forth all the energies
of our ship builders to supply the increased demand for tonnage. Such are
some, and only some, of the advantages that must flow from a federal union
of the British North American Colonies; all, all of them may be ours, they
are within our reaeh——we have as it were but to stretch out our hand and
grasp them. The Central Committee of the League desires to place them
prominently before the people of the colonies—~it remains for them to make
those advantages their own.

The hour has come when all minor differences of opinion should be buried
for the time, and we should unite as one man for the accomplishment of one
great end—the liberty of our country. Such is the invetcracy of preconceived
opinions, when associated with our earliest habits of thought and such their
power when leagued with emolument and place, that no foundation less broad~
no combination less extensive——will suflice to effect our purposes. That end
once attained, peace and prosperity, contentment and happiness, will assume
the place hitherto usurped by discord, division and party strife; valuable
emigration, with capital, will flock to our shore; wealth will increase, knowledge
will become diffused, and rational, but. constitutional liberty, which the spirit


of freedom has originated, will be perpetuated by the intelligence of 9. well~
educated and a happy people. Thenceforth the dominion of Great Britain
will be one of affection instead of power: all causes of difference being thus
removed, nothing will disturb the free currents of our heart’s love towards the
land of our fo1\efathers—-its old associations, long cherished, will grow with our
growth and strengthen with our strength; the red—cross flag, still our country’s
symbol will uphold our national pride, and we shall still glory in the glory
of Britons.
President B. A. L.

CHAS. W. Coornn,
Sec: Central Committee,
B. A. League.
Toronto, 1st May, 1850.


The humble Petition of the undersigned Respectfully Sheweth:

That the political affairs of the Province have been for years past in a
most unsatisfactory state. That discontent and discord have prevailed to an
alarming extent among masses of the people. That the progress of Agriculture,
commerce, and the industrial arts, has been retarded by an ever changing policy,
the results of which have failed to give any lasting satisfaction to any one por-
tion of the community, or to effect any definite object of adequate importance.

That the expenses of the Government are extravagantly disproportionate
to the circumstances and requirements of the country, and burthensomc to the

That while the protection heretofore afforded by Great Britain to colonial
productions has been withdrawn; foreign markets have been closed against the
admission of our staple commodities.

That the Union of Upper and Lower Canada has proved no union, the legis—
lation of the Provinces being almost as distinct now, as it was before that measure
became the law, one set of laws being enacted for Lower Canada and another
for Upper Canada, while those affecting one section have been caused by the
votes of members belonging to the other section, to which the measures do not
extend or apply.

That your Petitioners attribute these evils in no slight degree to our present
colonial position, and the impracticable attempts by the Imperial power, even
with the best intentions to govern satisfactorily, by means of a Colonial Seere~
“TY, a people three thousand miles distant, with whose wants, circumstances,
and character, he must necessarily be imperfectly acquainted.

That your Petitioners have received with unfeigned satisfaction, the declar-
ation iu parliament of the Prime Minister of the British Empire. “That the




true way to govern British subjects in the colonies is to allow them to govern
themselves; that the colonies form part of the strength of the Empire; that it is
of the utmost importance that those supports of the imperial authority should
be retained, through which that commerce which penetrates every part of the
globe is maintained; that foreign relations alone excepted, they were prepared
to concede to the colonies the full liberty of governing themselves,” particular-
izing in the case of Australia “ the power of altering their constitution, and
forming a confederation for the purpose of adopting a uniform tariff, and for
the exercise of other powers.”

That your Petitioners sincerely believe that a state of peace, contentment
and prosperity can only be attained, by the concession of like privileges to the
inhabitants of the British North American Colonies.

That a Federal union of these provinces is the measure, above all others,
calculated to advance their interests and prosperity, and build them up as a
great and mighty nation, in close connection with their brethren in the British
Isles, maintaining their unity as a people, having a common interest, a com-
mon centre, and a common mission; that such a union would raise us in the
estimation of foreign countries; that it would develope the vast resources of
these important colonies, promote social and commercial intercourse, give an
impetus to agriculture and domestic manufacture, by extending the field for
operations, create a home market for_the intercourse of natural products and
manufactures, lead to the extension and improvement of internal communica-
tion, the investmcnt of capital from other countries, and the encouragement of
a wholesome immigration; that it would place us in a comparatively indepen-
dent position as regards trade, further the attainment of reasonable demands
from other countries, and lead to reciprocity in trade with the British West
Indies. Those are some, and only some, of the advantages that are anticipated
from the proposed union, if carried into efiect.

Your Petitioners, therefore, convinced that these and other great advant-
ages would be attained by such a union and consideration, most respectfully
pray your honorable House to address our gracious Sovereign and both Houses
of the Imperial Parliament, praying for the passing of an Act to authorise the
people of this province to hold a general convention of delegates, for the purpose
of considering and preparing a constitution, with power to act in concert with
delegates from such of the other British Colonies in North America as may be
desirous of forming a. federal union with the provinces of Canada, each con-
stitution to be afterwards submitted to the people for ratification.


No. 4


———“Hearts resolved, and hands prepared,
The blessings they enjoy to guard.”



As we predicted in our last, every fresh steamer brings tidings of the
defeats of the Whig Ministry, and of its approaching dissolution. Were it not
for the tenacity, amounting to absolute meanness, with which they cling to
oflice, we should have this week the deep satisfaction of announcing that they
had resigned. By the C’anada’s news, under our telegraphic head, it will. be
seen that they have received another most significant hint to give up the seals.
Yet still they cling to the spoils of office like grim death, and will only give
up, as they are wont, when ridicule will have done its work as well as numbers.

Among other significant signs of their dissolution, it will be seen that the
rats are already leaving the ship. The London fllivrtes, the first to fill the sails
of a successful party, no matter what the sacrifice of its consistency, and the
first to desert a waning cause, no matter how palpable may be its desertion of
truth and principle»——we see is the leading great rat on the occasion. Pope said
of Lord Bacon, that he was

« The wisest, brightest, meanest of mankind.”
Certainly the London Times is entitled to be called the wisest, brightest, meanest
of newspapers.

The European ’.l’t‘m,es, too, the organ of Mr. Cobden, and an American
democrat clothed in the skin of John Bull, it will be seen by our columns,
is also prominent among the rats. Without a single valid reason, or without
being able to charge the Whig Government with the desertion of a principle,
these wretched time-serving prints no sooner see the tide setting in against
their friends, than they mount it at its brink, and show in the first rank of
the enemy. Probably the Whigs know how to excuse such sins better than any
other party in England. Certainly it requires some innuring to the philosophy
of turncoatism to bear it with enquinimity.

The elfect of a change of Ministry in England will probably, if not
certainly, be a general election in Canada. It is impossible, with a change of
Governor, or rather after the change of the apology for one which we have
DOW: for a Statesman of character and firmness, that the present Canadian
executive can remain in power. Probably in the length and breadth of Canada
at this moment there is not a man known to the public, so utterly hated and
unpopular as is Mr. Hincks; and it is Well known that he is the very vitality
of the present Government. Mr. Baldwin, in feeble health, and with a refractory
and dissolving party around him, is wholly incapable of stemming the current
which is now fairly set in against him and his Ministry. He is, moreover, at



bottom an aristocrat. Probably-though he has labored all his life-time to
destroy it—there is not a man in Canada who is more strongly attached to the
Constitution of England, with its Kings, Lords and Commons. But now, having
sown to the hurricane—-wittingly or unwitting-;ly—~he is giving way, he is literally
prostrated by the violence of the storm; and he sees his own political disciples
ruthlessly tearing to pieces what he has spent his whole energies and his
whole life in gaining them the possession of. Beyond question, “ he is not the
man for \Galway.” Then there is Mr. Price——who, though an amicable man in
private life, we have no hesitation to say, it is a perfect wonder should ever
have been placed in a principal office in any Government—can he weather the
storm, and play his part in the play, with Mr. Hincks’ insolence, impudcnce,
and violence to make against him, as well as the « unadorned eloquence” of
democratic Perry, and the « sap7)ing and mining” hostility of Malcolm Cameron?
As well, as poor old Dunlop used to say, “might he attempt to stop the Falls
of Niagara with a pitch-fork.” Then there is Mr. Lafontaine, with the prestige
of the Chabot and other equally shabby appointments hanging about him—
with arrogance and indo1ence—with a reputation for doing every thing wrong
that he attempts, and a vanity to attempt every thing; will he weather the
storm‘? I-Ieaven help himl he will find his insolence and indolence in a rather
bad market in Toronto! Is it possible—-with a change of Governor~—with a
Statesman utterly opposed to the Rebellion Losses Bill, and utterly adverse
to the whole spirit and policy of the party now in power, that they ean—
tenacious and necessitous though such men as Mr. Hineks may be of ofliee—-
that they would even wish to remain in power, without taking the opinion of
the country upon their conduct. It seems to us impossible to suppose that they
should: it certainly is impossible to suppose that the people would allow them.
It is our opinion, from the whole circumstanccs~—from the utter breaking up
of the party which placed the present Ministry in power, and from the policy
and principles by which the men who must replace the present Ministry in
England will be guided, that the existing House of Assembly of Canada can
remain undissolved for twelve months.

[Original MS]
Private Toronto May 17. 1850.


I trust that there may be no difficulty in the way of acceding to the
enclosed request—— A refusal would very much hurt the originators of the
proposal which is prompted by the best motives. I should be sorry in these
times to damp Canadian loyalty—-

Yrs very sincerely


Earl Grey

May 17/ 50
Lord Elgin


[Original MS]
Toronto May 17. 1850.


I venture to solicit your kind aid to enable me to acquit myself of a
somewhat delicate Commission with which I have been charged. Some Cana-
dian Ladies are desirous of Working a set of Chairs with the view of their being
in the first place exhibited at the great Industrial Exhibition of 1851 as a speci-
men of Canadian Produce and Workmanship, and afterwards presented to Her
Majesty. It is proposed that the wood employed shall be of Canadian growth,
and one half of the embroidery executed by British the other by French Cana-
dian Ladies-—— If Her Majesty will graciously condescend to accept this token
of the loyalty and devotion of Her fair Canadian Subjects She will I know
bestow on them the highest gratification, and your Lordship will confer a great
obligation on me if you enable me to give a favorable reply to the request1
which they have proffered through me»-

I am My dear Lord
Yours’ very sincerely

Earl Grey


Rec“ June 4

[Original MS]

Toronto May 17 1850.

I opened Par” on Tuesday—— The day was fine, the crowd within and
Without the House large, the cortege imposing, and the reception very favorable.
Everything passed elf as I could have wished, and the Speech seems to have
given satisfaction-

It is not yet replied to, but it is the practice here, (a bad one indeed
inherited from the old system and not yet abandoned) to allow some days to
intervene between the delivery of the Speech and the Address in answer—— The
opposition occupy themselves during the interval in preparing their speeches &
marshalling their forces for the debate.

I have alluded, in what I trust you will consider to be fitting terms, to the
separatists— The language is mild, but read in the light of the removals from
office I hope sufliciently intelligible~— I have pointed to their own Par” as the
place towards which Canadians should look for redress of alleged grievances
and ameliorations——

By a form of the House of Assembly the question whether a Petition shall
be recieved or not is not discussed till two days after it has been laid on the
table. Col. Princes petition for Independancez will I apprehend when the

;See below pp. 664, 310.
See above 9. 6.31, and below 1). 664.


question comes up tomorrow be declared inadmissable by a very large vote
George arrived here yesterday, looking rather thin but otherwise well &
much improved since we saw him three years ago.

Yours very si.ncere1y—-


May 17/50
Lord Elgin
Rec“ June 4

[Duplicate MS copy]
0. 0.

June 7/50

My Dmsn Encm

I have luckily little to say to you beyond thanking you for your letter wh.
I received by the last mail, for as usual at this period of the Session when
business comes up to the H. of Lords I have really not a moment to write-

I enclose a more formal letter accepting the chairs offered to H. M5’ by the
Canadian Ladies} ‘
Your speech was I think a very good one & I am very glad to find by the later
telegraphic accounts in the newspaper that the Session had begun well by so
good a division against the annexationists


June 7/50
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

[Original MS]

TORONTO, May 23, 1850.

I have reason to be very well satisfied with the way in which our affairs. are
progressing. After the last mail left I sent through the States a Newspaper to
your Address which, I hope, reached you, with a report of the summary expulsion
from the H. of Assembly of Col. Prinoe’s petition for Independence by 9. majority
of 57 to 7-” The address in answer to the Speech passed the Legislative Council
without a division only one member spoke in a hostile spirit and he could not
obtain a seconder for his amendment. On the following day the Council voted
unanimously 21 very loyal address to the Queen which you will recieve by this

‘ See above 1». 66:; below 12. 610.
‘See above 9. 681.


mail and which I trust you will reply to as soon as you conveniently can. In the
lower House Papineau and M°Nab (a funny pair) have been outrageously violent,
and the Tories generally have cheered on Clear Grit obstructives, and Annexa-
tionists even, as far as talking goes— There are symptoms however of 9. better
spirit in some quarters. Col. Gugy for instance who is a very clever man, and
took a lead among the most violent last year has now come out in an opposite
sense, denouncing M°Nab and the whole system of agitation, and formally avow-
ing his belief that the present Administration is the only possible one in the
existing circumstances of the Country. The Torontonians, partly from interest,
and partly from a sense of dignity, do not wish to have their city disgraced by
rows, and I should not be surprised if M°Nab persevercs in his violence to see
him deserted by all that is respectable in his party. That section of the liberal
Party which is hostile to the Clergy reserves is also becoming more moderate in
its tone. The letter (1) which I enclose from the Brantford Herald (a pretty
advanced journal) is written in a good spirit, though the article (2) which I have
taken from Toronto Clear Grit paper shews that they consider that the endow-
ments of the English Church are supported mainly by the French Canadians. I
wonder what the pious Gentlemen who dropped the prayer for the Governor
General last Summer say to thisl

Meanwhile Ministers have had large majorities on all questions which have
come to a vote« Perhaps before this letter goes I may Know the result of the
division on the Address.

We had a great ceremony today on the installation of the new Chancellor of
the University. I took part as Visitor— I had a very favorable opportunity for
doing some good as many of the most Ultra M.PP’s from difierent parts of the
Province were present. I hope that I succeeded in my endeavor to take advantage
of it—

Tomorrow is the Queen’s Birthday— Great honor is to be done to the day, the

national Societies, English, Scotch, & Irish having agreed to celebrate it in lieu of
their several anniversaries— We had appointed a Levee and Drawing Room for
the occasion, but unfortunately Mary’s Doctor has positively forbidden her
doing any thing of the kind. We have therefore been obliged to adjourn this part
of the ceremoney which I regret.~—-
May 24. I find that the House adjourned again last night without passing the
Address— The game is delay and obstruction, and I think if it be long continued
it will sicken the Country and damage both Clear Grits and Tories— I send a
copy of last nights votes and proceedings— As the Tories supported the Clear
Grits on M’ Boulton’s amendments the divisions are not formidable

Very sincerely Yours

May 23/50
Lord Elgin
Rec‘ June 11



No. 1

To the Editor of the Bmntford H emld.

DEAR Sm.—The Speech of His Excellency the Governor General at the
opening of the present session of the Provincial Parliament is one that may well
cause all lovers of liberty and of their country to rejoice. If proof had been
hitherto wanting of Lord Elgin’s desire to govern constitutionally and to advance
the best interests of Canada, the speech would have furnished it. I trust your
readers will mark the wide difference between this speech and that of former
Governors in the good old days of Toryism. Here is no stern interposition of the
prerogative to deprive the people of what they are justly entitled to, namely the
fullest measure of improvement, of which their condition is capable. Here is no
mean shulfling off of examination into the public abuses. But on the contrary
here is the highest personage in the Province, lending the utmost aid his high
oifice can afiord to the cause of progress. A bright day is indeed dawning for us
and it will be our own fault if in the course of a few years we have not one of the
best Governments on the face of the earth. Free we are, now, entirely, absolutely
free, but we have yet much to do in putting the administration of affairs on a
better footing, in educating and elevating the masses, in freeing trade from
restrictions, in adopting a fair and equitable system of taxation. Calm, judicious
and dignified, His Excellency invites our Representatives to enter with him on the
pleasing task of promoting the public good while he rebukes the reckless inno-
vators, the base traitors, who would barter truth, honor and patriotism, for vision-
ary prospects of gain. Legislative proceedings will in future assume, in a great
measure, a new character. Having won the grand victory of constitutional free-
dom, our business now is to improve i’rr—to legislate so as to “come home to the
businesses and bosoms of men.” Cheap postage, extended representation, an
improved system of treating criminals, reform of the judicial system, loudly
called for and long needed~—a better mode of appointing juries than that hitherto
adopted, and the long deferred improvement of the Assessment law——form a
programme of measures which show how earnestly and anxiously His Excellency
and the Ministry have been laboring for the public benefit. Surely, my dear sir,
we ought to be glad, that we have at the head of affairs men who are so much in
earnest in forwarding the real interests of the Province. Many no doubt regret not
seeing the Clergy Reserve question mentioned in the speech, but I think it must
appear clear to all candid persons, that the Ministry have adopted the only prudent
course open to them. No reformer should wish to see opinion otherwise than free.
We have no right to dictate to the French, who may view this matter in a different
light from what we do, and since they do not entertain the same opinions as our-
selves on this great question, the Ministry could do nothing else than make it an
open one. I trust that this will produce no ill will towards our brethren of the
eastern section of the Province, that reformers will still entertain towards them
the same lzindly feelings they have hitherto always shown, and that the two races
may long be united in an earnest struggle for the common good. It remains only


for the people to second the efforts of Ministers by a generous confidence, by a
mild forbearance, and a vigorous support, to reject the selfish counsels of captions,
noisy and interested politicians, and stand by those who long labored for their
benefit-who have on a former occasion resigned oliicc, with all the sweets of
wealth and power, rather than abate a jot of the people’s rights.

I am dear sir, your’s very truly,


It would appear from the Toronto papers, that the Ministry were not willing
to receive a deputation on the Reserve and Rectory Questions, simply because
it was known that a majority of the deputation who were appointed to lay
before the Government the resolutions passed at the public meeting on the
Reserve question, mentioned in our last, were anxious to urge the Ministry to
make the subject a cabinet question. The conduct of the Ministry in this case,
appears to us, to be a direct insult to all the anti-church and state men in the
Province, and the course afterwards taken by a majority of the committee, shows
a lamentable want of principle and self respect—if the real facts of the case
are stated in the public prints which we have always looked as good authority
—which we could not have looked for from men of principle. We fear that
there is a golden wedge already hid in the tents of certain clergymcn, who have
been playing fast and loose on the Reserve and Rectory question for several
weeks past. They have been “running with the hare and holding with the
hound,” and will most likely continue to do so until the Government can shirk
the question, which We believe is intended to be done.

The true state of the case all real friends of the country should now fully
understand. Are we as Upper Canadians to be ruled by the dictation of the
Catholic Priests of Lower Canada, and the church and state clergy of Upper
Canada before whom our present Ministry crouch down in terror, or are not
sincere in their professions? I-Ias Mr. Baldwin given all control into the hands
of Mr. Lafontaine? Is he to be dictator of Canada? Are the people prepared
to quietly submit to such a state of things? Will they support men who will
forsake the people upon a. great principle? We trust not.

Since the above was written we learn from the debates in the House on
Thursday evening, that the Hon. F. Hincks is with the Lower Canadians and
high churchmen. And we fear that he will be found altogether on the wrong
side, with regard to the Reserves and Rectories.



No. 3

[Attested Extract]


THURSDAY 23″] May 1850.

M’ Polette obtained leave of absence for fifteen days, upon urgent business.

On motion of the Hon. M’ Baldwin, it was Resolved, that to-morrow being
the day appointed for the celebration of Her Majesty’s Birth-day, this House
when it adjourns this day, do stand adjourned to Monday next.

The House resumed the adjourned debate upon the Amendment which was
yesterday proposed by the Hon. M’ Boulton, to M‘ Fergusson’s motion for an
Address in answer to His Excelleney’s Speech; which amendment Was, that all
the words after “ elfecting”, in the 9”’ paragraph, be left out; and the words
“ a gradual increase in the Parliamentary Representation of the Province,
“ according to population, and upon a more extended franchise, shall not fail
“to engage their attention, as well as the extension of the elective principle
 » to the Legislative Council, which this House observes with great satisfaction,
“ has lately been recommended by Her Majesty’s Government to the Imperial
“Parliament, while framing a new constitution for one of the Sister Colonies,”
added instead thereof.

And the said Amendment being again read; and the question put thereon;
the House divided. Yeas 13.—Nays 51.

M‘ Malloeh moved, That the further consideration of the main Question
be postponed till Monday next:—negatived upon a division.

Hon. M’ Boulton moved in amendment to the proposed Address, That the
words  » whenever they shall be transmitted to them by His Excellency” in the
15″‘ paragraph, be left out, and the words “ which they earnestly desire may be
“forthwith laid before them, to the end that ample time may be afforded in the
“early part of the Session to give them that attentive consideration which a
“later period seldom enables the House to bestow.” inserted instead thereof.
Yeas 20. Nays 44.

Hon. M‘ Boulton again moved in amendment to the proposed Address, That
all the words after “ will not fail to ” in the 16”‘ paragraph, be left out, and the
words “ affect such large and extensive reductions in the overgrown expenditure
 » of the Government, as will satisfy the country of earnestness with which Par-
“ liament has entered upon this highest duty to their constituents, without at
“all impairing the efliciency of the Public Service,” added instead thereof.
Yeas 20 Nays 38.

And the House having continued to sit till after twelve of the Clock on
Friday morning:

FRIDAY 24”‘ May 1850.

On motion of Sir Allan N. MaeNab, it was resolved, That the further con-
sideration of the Motion for an Address in amswer to His Excellency’s~Speech,
be postponed till Monday, this day being the Anniversary of the birth day of

, __


Our most gracious Sovereign, which Her Majesty’s faithful subjects, the Com-
mons of Canada, are desirous of commemorating with becoming demonstrations
of attachment to Her Majesty’s person and government.

The remaining Orders of the day were postponed till Monday next.

The House then adjourned till Monday next at ten of the clock in the fore-

Clk Assy

[Original MS]

Tonomro May 31. 1850

Nothing very remarkable has occurred since I despatched my last letter
to you. The fete on the Queen’s Birthday went off with great éclat. There
were fireworks in the Evening in the College grounds at W” some ten thousand
spectators assisted. When the V.R. made its appearance a deafening shout
arose from the Multitude. I walked about among the crowd till 10 P.M.

The Address passed the Legislative Assembly on Monday 44 to 14. You
will I trust observe that in responding to the financial part of the Speech the
House goes out of its way to express in emphatic language its determination to
support the public credit and We sense of the importance of dispelling “illusory
expectations” respecting reduction of expenditure1— I hope that you will
bring these facts home to the apprehensions of those who denounce us as
republicans and rogues.

M°Nab & Papineau have made some more violent speeches, but they
recieve little support. The most unfavorable division ministers have yet had
was 38 to 20.

You probably remember that when we determined to bring Par‘ to Toronto
We were told by the London Daily News and other such authorities, on the
faith of the most uniinpeacheable testimony from Canada, that we should lose
the support of the French. I beg to observe that hitherto not one single French
Canadian has deserted the Ministry—- Such letters as the two which I have
cut out of the French papers and enclose shew how favorable is the impression
made on the minds of the writers by their reception at Toronto.

1 On this subject the Assembly said:—

“ We receive with peculiar satisfaction the recommendation of Your Excellency to direct
our attention to an enquiry into the Revenue and Expenditure of the Province, and trust that
consideration of this important sub ect thus introduced under the highest sanction, will not fail

be attended with beneficial ‘results, as well in dispelling illusory expectations, as in _ieo.tlinfi
15)::-big ‘adoption of every practicable retrenchment that the efficiency of the public service wi

We assure Your Excellency that you may fully rely on the readiness of this House to grant
the necessary Supplies for the public service, and for the maintenance of the Provincial credit,

th in‘ n r l ‘ h ‘ h – ‘ –
ga;i.lnedw »ic(J\;I’fm9a‘3z87;‘} 91‘::§’:g1z5;1’Gg2;,(ila:zV;fi;8i750e) czl)i.sc95:.i)i‘ge of our legislative functions to be more


Bringing the French Canadian Members to this fine progressive well
farmed Country, and placing them for a time in the midst of a British popula-
tion who though they may have some John Bullish prejudices, do not cherish
towards them the jealous antipathies of Montreal, gives in my opinion a chance
to the Province & to the Union which nothing else could have given—— I find
in this result a compensation for many annoyances.

I enclose an extract from a Halifax paper with the account of the arrival
at that port of a Steam propeller from this place. The experiment was very
successful & will probably inaugurate a great trade.

It is so very important that we should get the University to work that at
the risk of appearing to pufi“ myself I send the comments of the organs of the
three pa.rties—~ the League— Clear Grits & Ministeralists on my speech at
Mm De Blaquiers instal1ation— Ministers are going to bring in a bill to
carry out some suggestions which I made in this speech. I have sanguine hope
that we may succeed in neutralizing opposition on this subject~ Unless indeed
the Bp. returns with a. great deal of money from England in WV” case he will
be irresistible The Colonist has been hitherto more bitter against me personally
than any paper in Toronto.

May 31/50
Lord Elgin
Rec“ June 17


No. 1
LE’1’l.‘RE I.
TORONTO, 14 mai 1850.
M. le Rédaeteur,

Aujourd’hui, a trois heures, le gouverneur-g\énéral est venu ouvrir la troisieme
session de ce parlement. On avait annoncé des émeubes, des incendies,
enfin les mille et une geutillesses de l’aristocratie des ruisseaux; mais, heureu-
sement pour tout le mondo et pour l’honneur du pays, ricn de semblable n’a cu
lieu: au contraire, le gouverneur, précédé du maire, accompagné de son état-
major et ayant pour garde d’honneur un corps de cavalerie volontaire formée
par les eitoyens de Toronto, a été reg-u par des applaudissements, les uns disent
frénétiques, Ies autres afiirment bien faibles, moi je dis satisfaisants.

Le discours du trone que vous allez recevoir ct que vous pourrez appréoier,
fut prononcé en anglais, puis en frangais, sans que nulle marque de désappro-
bation ne se [it voir. On dit avoir entendu certains mots, dits it l’o1’eil1e, et
peu flatteurs, cela est probable; mais il est hors de cloute que la partie intelli-
gente de la population sans distinction est bien disposée, et fera son possible
pour empécher que leur ville no soit déshonorée par des actes de vandalisme
semhlables A eeux dont s’est rendue coupable une partie de la population de
Montreal, l’a.n demier.


TORONTO, 27 mai 1850.
M. le Rédacteur,

Rien do nouvcau depuis ma derniere correspondance, en fait ole travaux
législatifs. Vendredi soir, en consequence de la fete de la Reine, ce jour étant
Yanniversaire de sa naissance, nous avons eu une illumination dans ce qu’on
appelle l’avenue du College; c’est une magnifique allée bordée de pins et qui
conduit du centre de la cite a l’Université ou Kings College. On avait dispose,
de distance en distance, des arcs illuminés par le gaz, et a Yentrée de llavenue,
la couronne anglaisc et les lettres V et R étaient tracées en caractéres de feu,
Au bord de Pavenue on a offert au public le plaisir d’un spectacle pyrotech-
nique qui a duré pres dc deux heures et dont tous les details ont été bien con-
duits. La. leande musicals du 71eme regiment, arrivé le matin, a joué tout le
temps. A onze heures a—peu—prés, la foule s’est retirée. Il est digne de remar-
que que dans toute la foule immense qui s’était agglomérée dans cet endroit, il
ne s’est élevé aucun bruit, aucune chose désagréable, et pourtant il n’y. avait
pas de police; et ce qui mo fait croire qu’il en est ordinairement ainsi, o’est que
j’ai vu la foule de femmes seules avec dc jeunes enfants dans les bras, et des
péres et des meres conduisant a travers la foule toute leur famille, enfants de
tous les ages.

No. 2

Wednesday Mmwing, May 15, 1850.
Tim Gnmu or A Gun/rr TRADE
ARRIVAL or ran wnsrnan MILLER

THE Steam Propeller Western MiI,ler,—Purdy, Master, arrived yesterday
morning from Toronto, Canada West, via intermediate ports on the River and
Gulf of St. Lawrence. The Western Miller is essentially a River boat, and
contrasts, by no means advantageously to herself, with the graceful proportions,
and symmetrical models of either the side wheel steamers or the Screw propellers
we have grown accustomed to in our harbour. She is 400 tons burden, and
has two engines of 40 horse power each. Her cargo consists of 2,500 barrels of
flour, 156 boxes starch, and 10 barrels porter. With a full cargo she draws
about 8 feet 4 inches, and under full steam burns about eight chaldrons of
9093 per day. Her speed on Lake Ontario, in moderate weather, averages ten
miles the hour; but in the rougher waters of the Gulf, or contending with
the waves of the Atlantic, considerably 1ess.—The Western Millet‘ is two years
old, and this is the first time her keel has laved the waters of old ocean. Her
average speed from Quebec to P. E. Island was eight miles per hour throughout
the Whole distance. We have much pleasure to announce, on the authority of



a gentleman who came down in the vessel‘ from Toronto, that the voyage
from that interesting and promising locality to our magnificent harbour, is as
free from difficulty as an ordinary trip on one of the great inland seas of
Canada: there is scarcely twenty miles of coast throughout the entire route
that has not a safe and convenient harbour in which a vessel of the Western
Miller’s class could not, if necessary, take refuge. The favorable report of this

‘gentleman, who came expressly for the purpose of testing the practicability

of the route, is of vast importance. It would be diflicult to estimate the value
of the trade which the successful issue of this trial trip is destined to open up
between Western Canada and Nova Scotia. The Western Miller, during the
past year, made 10 trips from Toronto to Montreal, and carried in the aggregate
nearly 40,000 barrels of flour between Canadian ports. The freight received
for carrying a barrel of flour six hundred miles was 1s. 9d. currency.

No‘ 3 Colonist – League

The Installation of the Chancellor of the University of Toronto took place
yesterday afternoon, in the City Hall, the use of which was granted for the
purpose. The Hall was fittingly arranged and furnished for the occasion.
The Governor General, attended by his stafi, was present in his capacity of
visitor of the University. There was a large attendance of members of Convo-
cation. Many members of the Legislature were present; as also the members
of the Corporation of the City, and a numerous body of citizens including a
number of ladies. The Large Hall was filled, below and in the gallery, and
presented an imposing appearance.

The Chancellor elect, the Honourable P. B. DeBlaquiere, was introduced
by Dr. Bovell, on whose motion he was elected, at the previous meeting of
Convocation. I-Ie tool: the usual declarations, and having then retired, be soon
returned to the Hall, attired in the Chancellor’s robes. He was introduced
by the President to His Excellency the Visitor. The President addressed His
Excellency with great fluency in latin, to which His Excellency replied in the
same language with equal fluency. The Chancellor was then conducted to his
seat, and complimented in appropriate terms by Mr. 1’ro—Vice Chancellor Smith.
The Chancellor then addressed the Convocation in rather a long speech in
which he touched on many topics connected with the University, in its past
and present condition, and future prospects. His Excellency the Visitor, then
made a most eloquent oration,—probably the most beautiful specimen of
oratory, that we have ever listened to. We need scarcely say, that His Excell-
ency was very much applauded, by the numerous and highly respectable audi-
tory. After his Excellenoy had finished his truly eloquent address, the members
of Convocation were severally introduced, to His Excellency, and to the

From the very crowded state of our columns to day, we are under the
necessity of confining our notice of the installation, to the foregoing brief
summary of the particulars, but we will endeavour to make amends, and supply
defects in our next Tuesday’s publication.

North American — Clear Grit

This ceremony took place yesterday afternoon, in the City Hall. The

matter of our paper being already up, we can but just notice it. When our
reporter entered the building, the students of the present “ godless ” university,
(as the godly term it,) but Whose training was under the former godly regime,
were making most unbecoming, il1—bred, and ungodly noises, on the right of
the inner door. All the oflicers of the University were in attendance, dressed in
their semi-barbarous robes of office. The Chancellor, the Hon. Mr. DeBlaquiere,
having taken the usual oath, was presented after a few moments to the Gover-
nor General, by the President of the University, Dr. McCaul, who addressed
his Excellency in Latin, to which his Excellency replied, with much ease and
fluency, in the same language. This over the Pro Vice Chancellor addressed
the Chancellor in English. The latter delivered a rather long address, in which
he declared his views pretty fully on the subject of University education, and
on the present law of the Institution. He is opposed to dividing the funds,
and though admitting to the full that a religious education is necessary, the
present circumstances of the country, where all churches ought to have equal
rights, seemed to point out the course adopted by the Government as the best

Upon an invitation from Dr. McCaul, His Excellency addressed the audience
for about half an hour. We have heard many speeches delivered on both sides
of the Atlantic, and we speak advisedly in saying, that for felicity of expression,
grace of utterance, clearness and profundity of thought, we have never heard
that speech surpassed-—-if even equaled. There are those who say that Lord
Elgin is a nonentity in the Executive Council; we simply tell them they know
neither the man nor what they talk about. We have not room even for an
abridgement of the speech, nor do we wish to give a part. We hope it will be
published entire.


The ceremony of installing the Hon. M. deBlacquiere into the oflice of
Chancellor of the University, took place on Thursday afternoon last. The new
City Hall had been granted for the occasion, by the Corporation, and the area
of the room, with the large gallery, was crowded at the appointed time, with a
highly respectable assemblage, including a Very large number of ladies. Many
of the members of both houses of Parliament, the highest legal functionaries,
and the members of the Corporation, were in attendance.

His Excellency the Gov.—General, attended by his staff, arrived at half~
past two o’clock and shortly afterwards, Mr. deBlacquiere was conducted by
the oflicers of the University into the room. After the oaths had been




administered, he returned, attired in the Chancellor’s robes of purple and gold.
He was presented to the Governor—General by Dr. McCaul, with an address
in Latin, to which His Excellency made a suitable reply in the same language,
delivered in his usual graceful and emphatic manner. Mr. deBlacquicre then
took his seat in the Chancellor-’s chair, after which Mr. Pro Vice Chancellor
Smith congratulated the Chancellor upon the honour conferred him, and the
members of the University on the choice they had made; he concluded. by expres~
sing a fervent hope, that in future, all parties would unite in supporting the
University, by which alone it could prosper.

The Chancellor then addressed the assemblage at considerable length, with
great good feeling and ability, and his Excellency followed him. We have very
full notes of these speeches, but the pressure of Parliamentary matter compels
us to defer them till Tuesday. The speech of his Excellency, we have heard
universally pronounced the greatest effort of eloquence in matter and in manner,
which ever was delivered in Canada. His Excellency was loudly applauded in
the course of his address, and when he sat down, the cheering was deafening.

The Professors, graduates, and under-graduates of the University, were
then successively presented to the Governor General and to the Chancellor,
and the assemblage broke up, his Excellency being enthusiastically cheered
on entering his carriage.

[Duplicate MS copy]

June 21/50


I was not able to write to you by the last mail & we are all so full of the
present crisis at this moment that it is not easy to turn one thoughts from our
home to Canadian affairs, I will therefore only say that I have received your two
last letters, with great pleasure & that I rejoice much to see so manifest an
improvement in the tone & temper of the proceedings of your Provincial Parl‘
I trust that this may continue & that your Session will go on as well as it has

I am in correspondence with the Bishop of Toronto but in answer to his
application for a charter for his university I have informed him that I cannot
advise the Queen tm grant it without a previous reference to the Provincial


The newspapers will sulficiently explain to You the position we stand in

here— it is in my opinion highly doubtful what may be the result of the division


on Roebuck’s motion on Monday1 & of course if we have not a good majority
there is nothing left for us but to make our bow & retire.

Even if we win the effect of our past defeat will be very bad & it will Encourage
the H. of Lords tm be very troublesome during the remainder of the Sessionw

[Endorsed] 5″ GREY
June 21/50
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin
[Duplicate MS copy]
June 28/50


You will see by the newspapers that our “ Crisis ” is not yet over, & that it
continues to be in the highest degree uncertain Whether we shall remain in oflice
or not. if our Majority sh“ be less than between 30 & 40 I think we are all of
opinion that it will be impossible to go on, & no one can yet say at all whether
it will be so or not, you will probably learn the result by telegraph as there
seems no doubt that the division will take place to night—-— All the world agree
in saying that Palmerstons was one of the very finest speeches ever made in
Parl‘ & it has had a great eifect in keeping together those of our friends who
were rather shaken in their determination to Support us.

In this state of things I have little tm say tm you about Canadian affairs but
I will call your attention privately instead of oflicially to the omission to send
home a “blue book” —— none I find has been sent from Canada since 1847 &
the want of it for reference is inconvenient, The clerks of the N. American
division ought to have mentioned this to me sooner but I only heard of it
yesterday-— It W“ be well that you sh“ take some pains with the report wh.
according to the regulations sh“ be sent with it on the general state of the
Colony for the purpose of being laid before Parl‘—- Such a report Wd afford a
gooldin opportunity of bringing before the public the progress that Canada is
ma. g.

A 1On1’7June1860,the(}overnmenl:hadbeende& td‘ th B.’ fLods th ill –
mg resolution which hnd_been. moved by Lord Stanle‘;v6:’£- in e owe 0 r on e O ow
To resolveflthat while Home recognnsa the right and duty of ‘the Government to
arlzouresttgtfient azestfs sub ects residing 111 foreign state; the full protection of the laws of
MOE? , 93; 1 r rein to _ , by the con-_sspo ence recently laid upon the table by Her
jmgllgfig cgmmarn gedflat varmgs fitaumg «sang the Greek Government, doubtful m point of
commerce 9a:<(i§85 3 16 :1? 8éfi<;eué1e; gfvie een etedorgd by -coercive measures directed against the
relation‘ with optig Powemru ) 81 endanger the continuance of our friendly
On 24 June 1850, Roebuck moved 8. resolution of confidence in the foreign policy of the
2;:-<a§:1~rne’nt. This resolution was sustained by the House of Commons. It is in. the following
“’I’ba(: the principle on whidx ‘lire Foreign Policy of Her Majesty’s Government has been
igfiu-li-e§Ia,, Dgéveaf been such 10:! were calculated to maintain the honour and difnllzfiy of this country;
natibns of the Wl.)nI§x’]LmpH d‘ ty’ 130 preserve Peace between Epg & and the ‘whom
70,. UXIL 1’ “Fr . ( «war a Parlaamewfavv Debatec, Tlnrd smes, Val. 0X1, 1;. 15:»,-


I have written to you by this mail officially on the Question of the Bound-
ary with N. Brunswick;1 the suggestion that Sir E. Head sh“ go to Toronto to
confer with you upon it comes from himself & I think it W“ be of use that he
slid do so.

I am much pleased with the intelligence & good sense he has shewn in his
Gov“ & I think you wd find him a very satisfactory person to communicate with.

I think you had better write tm him & tell him whether you think he had
better go to Toronto & if so when it W‘ be most convenient for you to see him—

We were very glad tm see George arrive looking so well after his illness
& all his travels by land & water— (S4) GREY

I send you a set of blue book reports wh. has just been laid before Perl‘ wh. may
be useful to you in framing your own——


June 28/50

Lord Grey to Lord Elgln

[Original MS]
TORONTO June 6 1850.

My Dnan Gnny,

I beg y. acceptance of 9. pamphlet herewith enclosed written for a prize
offered by me—~ It contains a good deal of useful information respecting our
very wonderful western Country’

I start at 6 tomorrow morning with both my other legislative branches on an
expedition to visit the Welland Canal—— I shall not get back till Saturday
Evening~— This looks rather sociable does it not—— I send a debate on a motion
of M‘ Boulton formerly Chief Justice of Newfoundland & now a Clear Grit
because he could not get a. J udgeship from us last winter, with a good speech of

Very sincerely Yours

M°Neb’s attempts to kick up o. row meet with no success here

1On 27 June, 1850, Lord Grey wrote a reply to Lord Elgiifa despiitch, No. 159, of 9 March,
(see above 1). 606 cc note). _In transmitting his decision Lord Grey took the ground that if no
solution of this vexed question cov.l ment would be obliged to arrange the matter, “unless the decision of 2). Court of Justice could be
obtained.” Lord Grey pointed out that a legal interpretation could only “turn on the words of
the Quebec Act of 1774,” which would exclude all possibility of a compromise that would be
advantageous to both parties. It therefore appeared that an Act of Parliament would be
required and as it would be impossible to secure such a measure during the present session he
on gestcd an attempt should he made to reach a mutual arrangement. He su gested that an
a.r itrstor should be appointed by each Province, and that these arbitrators s ould name an
umpire. The _report oil this body could then be used as the basis of an Act of Parliiiinent.—-
« But, if, within a specified time, the parties could not agree, then. Her Ma.jesl.y’s Governuicnl:
would take on themselves the decision of the question by introducin a Bill based on the terms
of the conventional arrangeineiits recommended in the Report of t e Commission of 20 July.
1848:” Lord Grey concluded:-——“I have instructed Sir Edmund Head (to whom I have com-
municated a copy of this despirtch) to corrrsponid directly with yourself on the subject of it,
and to arrange with you {any further points of detail which may present themselves, unless
matters should arise rendering a further reference to myself necessary, which, if my proposal is
adopted, I hope may be avoided, and I have further authorized him to proceed to ‘loronto for
the purpose of pers011o,lly_con:ferring with your Lordship on this subject if that course should
sppesr to yourself and him likely to lead. to an adjustment of the question between the two
?rovinces.” (Grey to Elam, 27 June, 1850, No. 507, 00209, G. 1:52 p. 109.) See below 1:. 703.

‘Keefer. T. 0., The Canals of Ocmada. A copy of this pa.mplilet_ is not in the collection.





In answer to a question from Mr. HOLMES,

Mr. HINCKS said that he had much pleasure in informing the House,
that he had that day received a letter from a commercial house in Hamilton,
stating that they had received a telegraphic despatch from Halifax, informing
them that the duty on Canadian flour had been taken off, in consequence of
the representations of this Government. He [Mr. H.] had no doubt that the
information was correct.


Mr. BOULTON (Norfolk) moved the resolution on the subject of which
he had given notice. “Resol-z)ed-That an humble Address be presented to
“Her Majesty and both Houses of the Imperial Parliament praying that an
“Act may be passed providing that the Legislative Council of this Province
“shall consist of thirty Members, who shall be British subjects, not less than
« thirty years of age, and possessed of real estate within the Province of the
“ value of not less than pounds of lawful money of Canada,
 » free from all incumbrances, and to be elected for six years, by persons posses-
“ sed of real estate, to their own use, of the annual value of
“pounds, or who shall pay an annual rent of pounds, for
“real estate occupied by such voter; the Province being divided into thirty
“Electoral Districts, composed respectively of such Counties or Unions of
“adjacent Counties as shall respectively dccennially be found to contain, as
“ nearly as such Unions will permit, an equal thirtieth part of the population of
‘.‘ the Province, and that Her Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of
“ the Legislative Council and Assembly thus constituted, shall have power to
“make laws for the peace, Welfare, and good government of the Province of
“Canada, with power at any time to call a Convention, elected by the people
“ entitled to vote for Members of the Legislative Assembly, to establish such a
“ Constitution for this Province as they shall think proper; such constitution
“also receiving the assent of Her Majesty, Her Heirs or Successors in Her
“ Privy Council, before it shall take effect:~—-Provided, that any act passed by
“ the so newly constituted Parliament may be disallowed by Her Majesty,
“ within after it shall have been assented to by Her Majesty’s
“Representative in Canada, upon an Address of both Houses of Her Majesty’s
“ Imperial Parliament, praying Her Majesty to disallow such Act, and expres-
« sing therein the reasons inducing the same—aud that after the election of
“ such Legislative Council shall have taken place, and one Session of Parliament
“ so composed have been held, then that an Act passed in the thirty-first year
“of the reign of His late Majesty King George the Third, intituled ‘An Act to
“repeal so much of an Act passed in the fourteenth year of His Majesty’s
 » Reign, intituled ‘ An Act for making more effectual provision for the govern-
“ment of the Province of Quebec, in North America,’ and to make further



“provision for the government of the said Province; And also an Act passed
“in the fourth year of Her Majesty’s- Reign, intituled ‘ An Act to re-unite the
“Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, and for the government of Canada,’
“ as well as all other Acts and parts of Acts of the Imperial Parliament relating,
“in terms, either general or particular, to any subject of a Colonial or local
“nature, affecting this Province, shall cease, determine and have no further
“eifect within this Province——cxcept such Acts as relate to the discipline and
“employment of Her Majesty’s Land and Sea Forces, abroad.” He said that
if that part of the resolution was passed which enacted that the home govern-
ment should not disallow any bill passing our Legislature, except in consequence
of an address from that Legislature, there would be no more dread of Imperial
interference; there would be no possibility of a colonial Administration sup-
porting a bill in their own Legislature, and then recommending that it should
be refused the Imperial sanction. It had been said that they could not touch
the question of the Clergy Reserves, that the British Legislature stood in the
Way; if members opposite were in favour of the passage of that measure, they
would not hesitate to support this. At present, not a measure passed that
House, which was not liable to the interference of the Colonial Secretary. He
did not think that that oificer meant to do wrong, but he was ignorant of our
afiairs; he possessed less information on the subject than many members of
that house, although he was a man of abilities and of great experience. He
(Mr. B.) did not fear that he would follow now the exampleset them in 1833.
But if they did not interfere with us, what was the use of their having the
power. It was very desirable that it should be taken away on the Colonial
minister’s own account, as he was now made a mark to be shot at on the floor of
that House. It had been said that his propositions were chimerical and im-
practicable, only fit to be ridiculed and laughed at. He could tell honourable
members that these remarks passed him by like the rushing winds, he did not
heed them. The honourable member then proceeded to read the opinions of
Mr. Fox, of the London Standard and of Mr. Gladstone, in favour of their
being two branches of the Legislature. The inhabitants of the Cape of Good
Hope had acted with a spirit and a determination, which had called forth the
approbation of the civilized world. They had resisted the landing of convicts
upon their shores‘, and the result had been, that the Minister of the Crown had
come down, and in his place in Parliament, proposed that they should have
two Elective Chambers. The Constitution that had been proposed for Austra-
lia was notapplicable to this Province, and could never be introduced here.
Mr. Gladstone, at one time Secretary of State, had been favourable to the
continuous interference of the Imperial Government in the afiairs of the
colonies, but had altered his views, and now held that they should, not only
have the right to judge of the Constitution under which they were to live, but
that the responsibility devolved upon them of exercising that right. With
respect to the veto upon the Acts of Colonial Legislatures, of which he was at
one time in favour, he confessed he had been misled in thinking it essential;
and he now considered his former opinions as erroneous; as it was at present
impossible to say whether laws which had been passed by the Colonies were



in force or not. Hence it was with reference to the Bill for the remuneration of
Rebels, that the Imperial Government, by having the power to interfere and
prevent its going into operation, had mixed itself up with the afiair. Then,
again, the members of the Legislative Council were absolutely dependent upon
the Executive; they were mere slaves, and had no will or consciences of their
own. Better far were it, that the colonists should take a defective Constitution
and work it out, than that they should have a good Constitution given them.
Such were the sentiments, he said, of men who held seats in the Imperial
Parliament, and who had the best opportunities of judging. He [Mr. Boulton]
could quote the opinions of others equally well entitled to deference, but which
he deemed unnecessary. As Mr. Home was considered by some hon. gentlemen
as entitled to respect, he (Mr. B.) would quote what he had said-—that he
considered the colonial oflice had been an incubus; and if it continued in the
old track, the nation would lose the hold it had upon the colonies. He (Mr. B.)
considered the time had arrived for the Assembly to act; as he considered that
if responsible government were left where it is, it would not work well, without
those checks and restraints, which he had endeavoured to put on those who
conduct it; and which has degenerated into an entirely unbridled elective
oligarchy, which must continue in power for four years. What did the press
and the community, and even members of the house say? It might be told
him, that in proposing the measures of which he was then the advocate, he had
become reereant. [Heart] He knew where that cry arose, but he despised it—
it did not touch him; and he would act in favour of what he believed to be the
substantial interests of the country: and would support such measures as he
believed were conducive to. that end; he had supported and would continue to
support such measures, let them originate in what quarter they may. With
reference to the government as at present constituted, he said, any member who
did not do as it pleased, he could not get his sentiments fairly before the
country; but was put down and obstructed by those who compose i’rr—he could
not get a fair hearing. But it was not the representative merely, that was thus
put down; but that portion of the people who spoke through his mouth; and
who, however small their numbers, were entitled to the consideration of the
Hcuse,—even the few clear grits were entitled to be heard. But if measures of
reform were propounded, which went farther than the government wished, those
who proposed them were obstructed and prevented from proceeding, by a body
of men who, like the sea—shore said to the approaching waves, thus far shalt
though go, and no farther; and who pursue a course which is an interference
with the freedom of Parliament. He (Mr. B.) had tried during several sessions,
and was still bent upon the accomplishment of his object, to have the members
of responsible government stript of irresponsible power. Were it not for that,
the Legislature would not be convened at a period that is inconvenient to the
people; the members of which could form no idea of the time when they would
be required to assemble; and therefore could not go abroad, with any certainty
of knowing when they must return. He contended that the public monies should
be specifically appropriated, so far as is consistent with the exigencies of the
country. As it was probable other gentlemen would speak on the subject, and


he would have an opportunity of replying, he said, he would not detain the
House any longer.

Mr. PAPINEAU, who seconded the Resolution, said that the studied reserve
of the members of the Government, when a question of so much importance was
under consideration, and which alone could produce peace, showed that they did
not understand the intentions and interests of the people: and who he considered
were the rankest Tories. In conversation they had admitted that the present
constitution is unwise and unsound, and that the Legislative Council is improperly
constructed; but in the House they would not give their attention to a resolution
which was the echo of the popular voice. Persons who were at one time in favour
of the present system of Government, now see that it ought to be remodelled.
Hon. gentlemen say, that the people should not be clothed with power to meet in
convention, there to decide upon what alterations are required; they were setting
their faces against the Resolution which had been proposed; and would not allow
the people to say whether the union of the Provinces ought to remain or not.
They did not speak, however, so disrespectfully at the hustings, where they pre-
tended to participate in the feelings of the people; and expressed a desire to
comply with their wishes, and to conduce to their well—being. The situation of this
Province, he said was peculiar and unfortunate. In other colonies, the people,
previous to emigrating, made contracts and received charters; after which they
determined to go abroad and settle; and having done so under an expressed pledge,
would not consent to the trial of experiments by the Parent State. Through the
iniquitous conduct of Parliament, one Constitution had been destroyed and
another substituted without the consent of the people; and yet, when they asked
to be restored to a higher degree of freedom, the obstructives trampled on the
necks of their fellow citizens. The propositions that had been made, were con-
sonant with reason and justice, and from which no evil could possibly flow,
which means that the people should meet in convention, and deliberate as
to what would be conducive to their well-being; and it was evident the
members of the government were opposed to this, when they would not allow
petitions to reach the throne, or both Houses of the Imperial Parliament.
The necessity for the second branch of the Legislature was generally admitted,
and was far more beneficial in the United States than in the mother country.
In England, under the Stuarts, kingly interests predominated, and it was this
which brought one Sovereign to the scaffold, and compelled the other to
abdicate the throne. The reigns of the first three of their successors formed the
brightest periods of English history. Since that time England has declined. At
present, he said, the House of Lords made royalty a show, and its power a nullity,
and it was the foolish attempt of Louis Philippe to govern, which brought him to
what he is now; he is a man of uncommon talent and has been tried during an
eventful life, by the extremes of good and bad fortune. The fallacy of monarch-
ical institutions was evident, from the circumstance of three queens reigning in
Europe; one of whom was an admirer of Louis Philippe and his policy; but
whose fate must have taught her a lesson. He was desirous of grasping power,
and merited his fate. In the United States, he said, two chambers exist, who are



formed upon the elective principle, in which the working classes exercise a proper
influence; and with whose wishes the second chamber would act in accordance;
but in the other there was a counterpoise; and, such a body so chosen would be
useful here. But there was a higher gratification required than money, which
would not bear a compromise with talent. Every attempt at reform in the
Province, he said, was opposed by a ministry, who brought forward precedents
from the time of Lord J eiiries ; and in their legislative capacities repudiate that,
which elsewhere they pretend they are desirous of granting. It was a sound
principle, he said, which is contained in the resolution, that the new chamber
should be based on population. Even the members of the league, he continued
had been denounced as tories, which consisted of practical men, who were willing
to forego preconceived notions, where they find the present system, not Working
for the wel1—being of society. Then again, it was not desirable that the British
Parliament should interfere with the trade of the Province, or the civil rights of
it inhabitants. All this had been submitted to because it was the desire of the
King of England, by whom monies were expended and lavished under error. Mr.
Ellice, whose connexions are of ancient family, had been too much committed;
to him were to be attributed all the misfortunes of this country and owing to
whose advice being taken, his property near Sorel had been greatly increased in

Mr. SHERWOOD (Toronto) said, that this was a question of great im-
portance, and great changes of opinion had taken place upon it in the minds of
many members of the house. Some time ago they would hardly listen to a propo-
sition of the kind; but now, when place and power Were wanted, they were more
disposed to favor it. He thought that the hon. member for St. Maurice, instead
of making attacks upon the administration which he had made many times before,
would have done better to have discussed the measures apart from any reference
to present arrangements. He [Mr. S.] had always been in favor of a federal union
of the North American Colonies; in 1830 he was chairman of a committee of the
Upper Canada Legislature, in favor of that confederation. If a union were effected
on the terms he would desire he believed they would take a position among the
nations of the earth second to few of the States of Europe, and they would com—
mind the respect of the whole world; their public men would acquire a name
throughout the World; they would occupy a high position among a people of
millions instead of a million and a half. He believed that it would perpetuate
British rule on this Continent for many years to come. The Governor or Viceroy
of this Union he would have a statesman of talent, who would be the only con-
necting link with Great Britain; he would have the two Chambers elective, and
to the government thus formed would be intrusted the regulations of commerce,
the post oflice, and public Works which affected the interests of all. Each Prov-
ince would alsohave its Governor and two Houses to manage their own local
affairs, like our Municipal Councils or the States of the Union. If these views,
however, were not acceptable to the country, he should endeavour to improve the
present system as much as possible. Many persons were in favour of the measure
proposed in former days who were not so at present. The hon. Attorney General



East had supported it formerly in the Lower Canadian House, and so had many
gentlemen supported it in Upper‘Canada who now opposed it. He (Mr. S.) had
formerly opposed the principle, he had believed that if it were once introduced it
could not be stopped, that people would then call for a elective Governor also,
and that it would lead to a separation from Great Britain, which it was a
paramount duty to maintain. But when he saw a member of that Council move
that it should be abolished, and when he saw the course of that body last Session,
in passing Bills without giving them any consideration, to suit the course of the
men in pcwer—when he saw the House packed to carry the most extraordinary
measures ever introduced into any Legislature, he came to the conclusion that a
change ought to be made.—The effect of the system is, that persons are put in
by every Administration, in order to support their particular views; so that in a
very short time every man in Canada will be made 9. Legislative Councillor. In
England, the working of the system is very different. It is true, that the Crown
has there the right of calling to the House of Lords any person whom the
Sovereign pleases to honour with that distinction, but the right of a seat descends
to the child of the newly~made peer, and to his children after him. \ The conse-
quence is, that although a tool many have been nominated, in 2. few years a
generation springs up, who stand perfectly independent. Here, on the contrary,
a tool is nominated to the Counci1—he acts as a tool, and remains a tool to the
day of his death. There was no opposing influence, as his seat did not descend to
his children, and therefore he was surrounded by men in the same position as he
occupied himself. Being convinced then of the necessity of some change, and
being satisfied that the proposition for an Elective Council was the most likely to
establish a respectable and independent branch of the Legislature, he was pre-
pared to look on it favourably; at the same time he was of opinion that the Hon.
member’s motion should be postponed for the present, in order that hon. members
might have an opportunity of looking over it, for he believed that it could be
amended considerably. Nevertheless, he believed the principle was good, and
from a speech delivered by Mr. Hawes in the Imperial Parliament, he believed
that no opposition could be expected from the Home Government, if the majority
of the people of this colony desired it. He did not mean to assert that they were
favourable to this proposition; perhaps he might even safely say the contrary,
but he desired to express his individual opinions in order that the people out of
doors might understand and condemn them if they deserved condemnation.

Mr. CAMERON [Cornwall] requested the hon. member for Norfolk to
postpone his motion for the present, in order to give members an opportunity of
reflecting on the subject. For himself he would say, that he could not understand
from the motion What arrangement was to be made respecting many vital points.
It did not show how antagonisms between the two houses were to be avoided; nor
which was to be the governing power; nor which house was to be dissolved by the
Governor, if his policy were opposed. Now these might be considered matters of
detail, and of minor importance; but he was of a very difierent opinion, and could
not believe that the system established in the United States could be introduced
here partially, and must be satisfied that those arrangements which he looked on


as being absolutely essential, should be completed, before he would vote for the

Col. GUGY hated all tinkers and tinkering heartily, and felt the utmost
contempt and disgust for the crude attempts at constitution-making which certain
Hon. gentlemen were constantly perpetrating. What, in the name of Heaven,
was to be done with that motion for an Elective Council, without any attempts
to show by what machinery it was to be put in operation. It was an article
of faith with him, that, whatever was best administered, was best; and it was
his firm opinion that, if the hon. members for Norfolk and St. Maurice would
devote their talents and their energies to carrying out the principles of the
Government, in the best spirit, instead of compounding disagreeable nostrums
which no one was willing to accept, they would find that we could enjoy as
great a share of happiness and freedom as any people on the face of the earth.
That being his impression, he thought it would be much better for the House to
give this motion a decided negative at once, instead of postponing it and thus
giving hon. members an opportunity of repeating their “bunkum speeches,”
not merely for the sedative effect it might have for the moment, but also to
prevent others from sinning in that way any more; for there was an outcry from
one end of the Province to the other, and very justly, against the manner in
which the legislation in that house was conducted; and he wished that some one
with the strength of character possessed by Wellington were among them, to
repeat his advice to the Council, “speak less and work more.” The hon. gentle-
man then referring to the constant and reiterated attacks made by the hon.
member for St. Maurice, said that they reminded him of the famous fiddler
Paganini, who fiddled and fiddled constantly; but he fiddled all the time on the
one string. So it was with the hon. member for St. Maurice, as soon as he [Col.
Ct] heard the premonitory notes, he knew all that was to follow, and made up his
mind to bear with it. Reverting to the original question, he said that those who
would vote for this motion, ought to be whole hoggers, fully prepared to swallow
the animal, bristles, and all. An Elective Council necessarily, brought into full
play the whole of the Elective Institutions, and they must have also an Elective
Governor, and was consequently an object of the greatest alarm to all those who
wished to preserve the connection with the Mother Country.

Mr. BALDVVIN confessed that he still retained exactly the same opinions
he held at the beginning of the Session, in spite of all he had heard from the
hon. gentleman who proposed this motion, and he had no doubt had been set
down as impracticable, both by that hon. member, and the hon. member for St.
Maurice. However that might be, be fully concurred with the hon. member for
Sherbrooke, that it was exceedingly inconvenient to make frequent organic
changes in the constitution. At one time it was supposed that all that was
necessary to secure peace and good order, was to have the English principle of
Government applied to this colony. That had been done; and although it was
true that it had not been found to work quite so well as some persons anticipated,
yet the great majority acknowledged that the Government was conducted on
true British principles, and that they enjoyed the right of legislating on their



domestic affairs. No one in fact would pretend to say that they had not that

right; and in spite of all the tirades of those Hon. Members, no one could pretend

to say that the English Government had any wish to interfere with their exer-

cise of it. And was it now, within a short time of a declaration by the Imperial

Ministry, echoed by both Houses of Parliament, that they would leave all internal

affairs to management of the Colonists themselves, that the hon. members

opposite should raise their voices, and however the hon. member for Norfolk

might disguise it, endeavor to destroy the connection between this Province

and the mother country. The hon. member for St. Maurice at least had the

manliness——aye, the cffrontry and boldness——to make this avowal, and at once
confess that he was a wretch who could not feel the slightest gratitude for the
greatest benefits conferred; and that he was determined, if possible, to break
down the power of the flag under which he was born. He conceived this time to

be extremely unfit for such a: proposition, and he knew well that there were many
persons of high respectability who were favourably disposed to the establish-
ment of an Elective Council, who would certainly oppose the motion of the
hon. member for Norfolk, subversive as it was of the entire constitution. For
his part he concurred fully with Col. Gugy, that it would be far better if hon.
members turned their attention to practical objects instead of constitution
tinkering; and if they found that the present Government was not capable
either from want of talent or industry to carry out those views which the House
considered to be more advantageous for the interests of the country, let them
at once choose such men as did possess their confidence; he would willingly
resign his seat to the hon’ble member for Norfolk, or the hon. member for St.
Maurice, if the House looked to them with confidence, had more faith in their
industry and talent than in his, and he would give them his support in carrying
out those plans, as he had done when he was in opposition before. For he
could appeal with confidence to his conduct as well when he was in opposition
as when he was in ofiice. He had never made a facticus opposition. He had
never attempted to upset the institutions of the country, because there hap-
pened tc be a majority of one in favor of some popular cry. He had never
attempted to force himself into oflice, but he waited his time, and when the
country declared it required his services, it was only then that he ventured to
come forward to carry out the views which he always advocated. And as he
never shrunk from avowing his opinions, he would not now shrink from opposing
this motion for an Elective Council, to which he had always been opposed.
At an early period of his political life, it had been prominently before the public,
and it was not to be supposed therefore that this was the first time that he
had been called on to give his opinion respecting it. It was a principle adopted
by men for whom he entertained the highest respect, and by many of the party
with whom he had always acted, and always wished to act. There were cir-
cumstances which caused them naturally to bend their regards in that direction,
and to consider it as the only means by which a direct influence could be brought
to bear on the Executive, for the Legislative Council had been truly an obstructive
body; and in reply to their just complaints, they had been told that the institu-
tions for which their fathers had bled, and to obtain which one king had lost


his head, and another had been driven from his throne, were not applicable to

them. When such language was held, he thought they were justified in looking

to elective institutions as the only means by which they could be put in

possession of the boon they sought.-But they had obtained what they had

demanded, and a living principle had been instilled into the body politic, which

could not fail to work most beneficially. and leave us nothing to envy in the

boasted institutions of Mr. Papineau over the way: and in his opposition to those

institutions he could confidently say that he acted with perfect consistency.

Not that he would be ashamed to change his mind if it were proved to him there

existed a gross evil, which might be remedied by Elective Institutionsmaftcr all

other means had failed, for he did not pretend to infallibility. But he would

call hon. gentlemen to mark his words that this motion was but one end of the
wedge, and the time might come when it would subvert all our institutions, and

effect a complete separation from the mother country. He could only say that
he was prepared to stand or fall on the event, and so far as lay in his power
resist the introduction of Republicanism. Between the two systems-Monarehical
and Republican, he believed, there was not a mere formal difference; there existed,
in reality, an essential difference that was altogether in our favour; and here
he would remark that it was the fashion, to charge hon. members on his side of
the house with succumbing to the Administration. He need scarcely remark
how unfounded such a charge Was. Nothing was more common than for the
party in opposition to charge its opponents with yielding-to the Administration.
His reply to such a charge was, that hon. gentlemen were themselves best
acquainted with the motives which induced them to support the Administration,
and that if they were influenced by such a confidence in it as to induce them
to give it an enlightened support, they could laugh such charges to scorn; but
if they did not feel that confidence, let them withdraw their support at once,
for he did not Wish to remain in ofiice a single hour, if his conduct did not give
entire satisfaction. The ministry were appointed by the representatives of the
people as watchers on the towers, to resist every attempt to interfere improperly
with public institutions, and to introduce these measures which they conceived
to be requisite. On the other hand what is the system in the U. States. The fact
is they have no regular government there at all. In consequence of the bad
system of government established in the old colonies they became so suspicious
that they excluded every member of the Cabinet from their legislature; and
consequently no member of the Cabinet can be held responsible for his conduct,
nor could enter into those explanations of the conduct of the Cabinet, or urge
on its measures, as a minister is expected to do here. In any point of view,
he thought the comparison Was decidedly unfavorable to the American system of
government; and he must say, that he hoped he would never see his native
country cursed by its adoption. There was one remark closely connected with
this question of the Legislative Council which he wished to make. Hon, gentle-
men on both sides of the House were too frequently in the habit of speaking
in disparaging phrase of that body, and the result was that it was lessened in
public esteem more than could be conceived from its position or its organiza-
tion. And he was only surprised that it had been able to sustain itself so long



against the attacks directed against it. It was true that it would never command
the same influence as the House of Lords, but instead of honourable gentlemen
using every means in their power to destroy that influence entirely, they ought
to have united in assisting to maintain its dignity. One very common com-
plaint was, that the Bills were hurried through that House very expeditiously.
If hon. gentlemen knew anything about the practice of the English House of
Lords, they would know that the same complaint was made there, and with
as little justice. The fact was that, the great bulk of the business originated
with the Lower House, and as it was frequently several weeks before the public,
before it reached the other branch of the Legislature, there was seldom occasion
for them to take as long to consider it, as would be found necessary where it was
first introduced. Hon. gentlemen were well acquainted with that, but yet few
ever remembered it, or had the fairness to explain it when they heard that House
charged with hasty legislation. Another accusation was brought against some
of the members of that hon. House, that they had been given their seats on the
express condition that they should support a certain Bill introduced by the
Government. Now he gave that a flat denial~—it was not true. It was true that
it was found necessary by the present Government to increase the number of
Councillors, and they appointed, very naturally, men of their own party to those
seats, but not a single man was called to sit in it, on the understanding that he
would support any particular measure.~—Hc should always be ready to con-
demn the summoning by wholesale of members to the Council, for the purpose
of carrying any measure. He believed that it was not now an obstructive body
»—that it was so acted upon by public opinion, that it would not oppose the
popular will; it might not be prepared to pass every measure immediately—it
might be necessary that the people should discuss some subjects more fully, and
express their views more decidedly, before they would move——but these measures
would be better so carried than by filling the Council to accomplish it. The hon.
member had complained of the Home Government because of the reservation of
Bills; it was not right to blame the Imperial ‘ authority—it was them [the
Ministry] they ought to b1ame—and they would be prepared to meet him. Some
bills were, to be sure, reserved by statute; but he should not attack the Home
Government as if it interfered with our local affairs—for no such attempt had
been made. The hon. member had said, that if the power of rejection were not
exercised, it ought to be abolished. So he supposed he would—say of the
Crown’s prerogative of the veto.

Mr. BOULTON—Yes, I would.

Mr. BALDW1N—Yes, he would sweep away the Queen from her throne,
and establish a republic in England, and that was the object which he con-
templated here. But he was satisfied that the people of Canada would stand by
their connection with the mother country and the constitution established
amongst them, and would not be led away by the open opposition of the hon.
member for St. Maurice, or the sapping and mining of the member for Norfolk.
His course was plain; he began public life attached to the British Constitution——
he saw that the hon. member for St. Maurice laughed, and he rejoiced to see it,

»,~————s- .—-—\’p—..

[Enclosure ]

he desired not his friendship; the hon. members had said the other day, in this
Christian country, that he hated the Ministry with a perfect hatred——he always
had desired to sustain that constitution, and he hoped that he would continue
to do so; he desired no change in it, least of all such changes as the hon. mem-

ber fcr Norfolk contemplated.

[Duplicate MS copy]
CARLTON Innuncn July 12/50


I was prevented from writing to you by the last mail by a variety of
interruptions, I must therefore now thank you for your letter of June 14 with
so satisfactory an account of the state of affairs
Your removal of the seat of Gov“ seems to have answered marvellously
assisted no doubt a good deal by the return of better thnes—the revival of
trade & the improved prospects of all the industrious classes must be great
soothers of ::liscontent——

I am glad your expedition to the Welland Canal went off so well dz I
wrote to M’ Lawrence as you suggested expressing your regret that you had
not been able to accomplish your visit to Bufialo-I am sorry to see by the
last newspaper that the question of the Clergy Reserves has been brought
forward by some of the members of your Gov“ not that I can deny the
existing arrangement to be one with wh. great fault may be found by the
Canadians (for when it was adopted in 1840 I only abstained from opposing
it because I knew that my doing so w“ be useless & I wrote to L‘ John express-

ing my strong objections to it) but however defective it may be considering A

how impossible it w‘ be in this country to carry any change I think it w“ have
been much wiser on the part of M“ Prince & MW Hincks to have allowed the
subject to remain undisturbed, I suppose however they were driven to this
course by a popular feeling too strong to be resisted—- —I suppose I shall from
[sic] you by the next mail on the resolutions carried against us in the H. of
Lords on the Ryland case? I hope you will take some pains to investigate it
formally & ascertain what is the truth as to the sufliciency of the places given
to him to redeem the pledge made by Sydenham~—— If it can be proved that his
places if the duties had been properly executed by him in person & that they
might have been so, w“ have yielded him the income he was promised this
w‘ be a complete answer to the Duke, of Argyll who will no doubt return to the
subject next Session——I see by the newspapers that the subject of secondary
punishment is attracting attention in Canada I therefore send you § doz.
copies of corrected reports of 2 speeches I made in the H. of Lords wh. will
explain to you the plan we are now proceeding upon & also the draft of some
Despatches wh. I am about to send tm Sir W Denison with instructions for

‘ See above 1). 550 note.


some improvements in the details of the system1—I will likewise send you
officially the report of this Year upon Portland Prison.” -1 am convinced our
plan is the best hitherto tried in any country & it deserves I think your consid-
eration whether its essentials might not with advanagc be adopted in Canadaw
It is true you cannot transport your Criminals to a distance, but you might
perfectly place them under the regulations to wh our Convicts when they have
tickets of leave are subjected in the remoter districts where by their labor
you might make roads opening new lands for settlement—-

I have little to say tm you of home afiairs after the exciting Events of the
last month things are becoming Quiet again & the Session promises to end a
good deal later than I ed. have wished but without further disturbance-


Our newspapers have been of late too much occupied with our domestic concerns
to attend to Canada but a quieter time is I hope coming, in wh. it may be
possible to get some notice taken in the Times of the improved prospects of
Canada——— Could you not make Hincks write a letter by each mail, or every
other mail, to Hawes of such a kind as to be fit for publication of course not
giving the name of the writer or of the person to whom addressed?— Good
letters of this kind not too long we c“ I think get put in in large type— but
as I have some distrust of the discretion of the writer clever tho’ he is I think
you sh“ if possible see & correct his letters before they are sent & you c‘
point out to him the sort of accounts of Canadian affairs wh. W“ be likely to

interest English readcrs——

July 12/50
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin.

[Original MS]
Tonorrro June 28, 1850


I have little to trouble you with but I do not like to allow a second mail
to go without a letter from me, although I dare say you could excuse the
omission. We have had a debate on the Clergy Reserve question——that
regular old cheval do bataille of the Upper Canada Legislature. Annoying
however as this question is two circumstances of, in my judgement, a. very
favorable and promising character came out in the debate.—- Firstly, the sub-
ject has been discussed with great calmness.—thcre has been no excitement
either within or without the walls of Parliament.. And, secondly, LaFontaine’s

1These apers are not in the collection.
20): 28 eptember, 1850, Lord Grey transmitted a circular despatch on the question of

secondary punishment. (G, 137, p. 185.)


speech is admitted on all hands to have been one of the most able and states-
manlike ever made in the Canadian Par*—~ He spoke in English——took high
ground in respect to vested rights, without however admitting that the act
of 1840 could be regarded as a final settlement—— declared that he considered
that his coreligionists the R. Catholics had no claim to the proceeds of the
Reserves— and having thus placed himself in 3. neutral and commanding
position produced a great eflfect on both sides of the House. The Tories more
especially praise his speech——I sent an article from one of their Papers by the
last mail and I send more in the same sense today. Nothing could more
powerfully contribute to the furtherance of the Work of fratcrnization between
H.M’s British and French Canadian subjects in which I am so earnestly engaged
than that Lafontaine should give proof of great ability and moderation in
dealing with this particular question——

As the Bishop is giving it out that the Wesleyan body is against me and
my Govt especially on the University question, I beg your attention to the copy
which I enclose of the annual address of the Canadian to the English Wesleyan
conference. It is only fair however to the Bishop to say that the sentiments
of this body as touching the University have undergone a considerable change
since my speech at M‘ De Blaquicres installation‘ and the introduction of M‘
Baldwin’s declaratory act.

Yours very sincerely



June 28/50
Lord Elgin

No. 1
Tonontro, Friday, June 21, 1850.

I have little time to give you any of the opinions which are expressed
here, relative to the prolonged three nights’ debate on the Clergy Reserves.
You will probably know the result before this reaches you, as I have little
doubt there will be a division to~night. The subject is in fact exhausted, and
the house fatigued. I may, perhaps, write you at greater length, when the
debate is concluded. In the meantime, I may remark that, so far, the discussion
has been conducted with a degree of dignity, moderation, and mutual forbear-
ance among members, which is unfortunately rarely met with in their deliber-
ations.— Three speeches stand out in broad relief the faciles principes of those
which have been made on the subject—those of Mr. Papineau, Mr. Cameron,

‘ See above pp. 070, 6784374.



and Mr. LaFontaine. Of course, the judgment that men form upon each of
these, is very much influenced by their passions and their judgment on the
subject in hand; but the admiration for all three is universal. Mr. LaFontaine’s,
especially, appears, so far as I can judge, to have been the most satisfactory
as a piece of clear, logical reasoning. It must, I think, convince every one
who looks at the question from his side-«that is to say, who regards state
endowments, whether for churches or other corporations, as sacred things. Mr.
Viger spoke with similar honesty of purpose and soundness of argument.

No. 2

Mr. Lafontaine and some of the Lower Canadian members took the same
view as Mr. Morrison as to what they should demand, but he wished it, in
order to take a different course. Mr. Morrison wishes to take away the endow-
ment immediately, or after a short time. Mr. Lafontaine thinks the Imperial
Act of 1791 binding and in full force, and that the endowment cannot be taken
away from the Protestant Clergy; but he thinks that we ought to have the
settlement of the question ourselves, and that the division should be equal
among all bodies of Protestants. His speech on the question was one of the
most logical, and ably reasoned, ever delivered in the House.— Mr. Lafontaine,
it is said has greatly improved in speaking the English language in public. He
is fluent, rather too much so, and his idiom is better than any French Canadian
member in the House, Mr. Cartier, perhaps, exccpted.——— He was listened to with
the greatest delight, and every one here is loud in praise of the great ability
he displayed; this, of course without committing them all to his view of the
case, in which very few of the liberals of Upper Canada agree with him; they
do not consider the Reserves to have been vested irrevocably in the Churches;
they do not consider that even if it had been done, it cannot be disturbed.
They hold that the sanctity of a gift conferred may be disturbed in exceptional
cases, where flagrant injustice has been done and great evils inflicted on the
country. Mr. Lafontaine holds differently, and may be right. Mr. Drummond
took the same view as the Liberals of Upper Canada, and made a capital
speech. Mr. Price, Mr. Baldwin, and Mr. Hincks, each spoke on the subject
with their usual ability. Mr. Papineau had a good speech, a very good one,
supporting the resolutions out and out, though, with his usual inconsistency, he
voted for Mr. Cameron’s Bill. Mr. Sanborn had a very sensible speech, and
voted for the resolutions.

The resolutions were ultimately carried by a vote of 45 to 23, only three
who are not in the regular opposition voting against them. Malcolm Cameron,
Hopkins, and Laterriere.



No. 3


Tomonro, June 21, 1850.

Another night’s debate on the Clergy Reserves, and no division. Mr.
Lafontaine’s opinions were looked for with great interest; for no one seemed
to have any idea of the line of argument he would pursue. He re—opened the
debate in a speech of great force and ability, which was delivered with every
mark of sincerity, and listened to with most profound attention. As the question
is one of deep importance in Lower as well as in Upper Canada, I send you
a. condensed report of Mr. Lafontaine’s speech. V

Mr. Lafontaine commenced by remarking, that the question had been
discussed as if it were exclusively an Upper Canada question. This was not
the case; and he should treat the question on its merits, without regard to any
sectional considerations. It had been spoken of as a question that might affect
Lower Canada indirectly; and an appeal had been made to the fears of the
members from that section. It had frequently been said in that House, that
Upper Canada questions were being settled by Lower Canada votes. He was
aware that in the last Parliament many Lower Canada questions had been
determined by what was called Upper Canada votes. His constituents having
reposed confidence in him, he felt that it was his duty both to give his opinions
and his vote on the question. The terms Protestant Clergy in the Constitu-
tional Act, in his opinion, included all Protestant denominations. He Was not
of those who think that an Act of Parliament is final; but he held, that rights
had been acquired under the Act making this endowment, and these rights must
be preserved; otherwise the very bonds of society would be cut asunder. He
thought it was an unwise Act to set apart these Reserves; but there was no
question that the Imperial Government had the power to set them apart, and
the question was not now, whether the Act was judicious or not; it had been
done, and rights had been acquired under that Act. The Constitutional Act
gave power to the Provincial Legislature to legislate in respect to these lands;
that power had never been formally and legally withdrawn, and he was, there-
fore, of opinion that the present Act can be disturbed. He agreed with his
colleague for Upper Canada, (Mr. Baldwin,) that there is no dominant Church
in this Province, and that there can be none. In referring to the history of the
question, Mr. Lafontaine said, that the opinion of the legal advisers of the
Crown in England, that the term Protestant Clergy in the Constitutional Act
included all denominations of Protestants, had long been kept secret in this Pro—
Vince. The same opinion had been given by ten of the twelve Judges in England.
Holding that the Crown had a right to set apart those lands, he contended,
that they must be held sacred, if the wish of the donor could be carried out;
and he was of opinion that it could. If he thought otherwise, he might agree
with his colleague, the Commissioner of the Crown Lands. He then came to




the history of the question in Upper Canada. It was impossible to read the
proceedings of Parliament in Upper Canada on the question, without coming
to the conclusion that, at that time, the people of Upper Canada, of all political
parties, were opposed to these Reserves. He believed that the Commissioner of
Public Works held that we were not bound by the Constitutional Act on this
question; yet he found that, in the Parliament of Upper Canada members had
proposed to divide these endowments into four parts, giving three to three
Churches, and the fourth part to Education. He (Mr. L.) regarded this as
proof, that at that time the member for Lincoln admitted that the three deno-
minations had acquired rights under that Act. In 1832, a Despatch was sent
from the Colonial Office to the Governments of both Upper and Lower Canada.
It reached the Provinces in January of that year.—-That Despatoh recommended
a re-investment of these Reserves in the Crown, and the Colonial Governments
were directed to bring the question before the respective Legislatures. These
Despatches showed the opinion of the then Colonial Secretary, that the Provin-
cial Parliament had the right to dispose of the question as they thought proper.
In accordance with those instructions, the then Attorney General for Lower
Canada introduced a Bill into the Legislature of that Province for re—invosting
these lands in the Crown. The Bill passed its second reading, and on the
question of engrossing it being moved, an influential member of the Church
of Scotland moved in amendment that the Bill be not engrossed, but that it be
referred to a Select Committee to report thereon. That amendment carried,
and the Committee reported, recommending that the further consideration
of the question be postponed till next Session. The question was dropped, and
never again taken up in the Parliament of Lower Canada. The reason why
he did not look upon the Imperial Act as final, was that, to have rendered
it so, it must be considered as the opinion of the people of Upper Canada, and
have been passed at their request. When the question was referred to England
for settlement, by the Parliament of Upper Canada, the answer of the Colonial
Secretary (Lord John Russell) was, that it would be unconstitutional for the
Imperial Parliament to interfere in the matter; that the question was a local
question, and ought to be settled by the Canadian Legislature. A Bill was then
passed by the three branches of the Canadian Legislature for disposing of
these revenues; but for some reason or another, he knew not What, the Advisers
of the Crown in England did not think proper to advise the Crown to sanction
it. The Imperial Government then introduced into the Imperial Legislature——
which it had declared had no right to deal with the questionwa Bill for disposing
of the revenues; thus taking from us those rights which they themselves had
declared were exclusively ours.—(Hear, hear.)-This Bill must be considered
as unjust to a portion of the people of United Canada. He did not understand
how the Member for Cornwall could say that this Bill had been sanctioned by
the people of Canada. Even if it could’ be said to embody the opinions of
the people of Upper Canada, by the Legislature having previously referred
the question to England for settlement,» it could not be said so of the people
of Lower Canada, who had had no opportunity of expressing their opinion



on the subject; and the Bill must, therefore, be considered unjust to them. He
thought there was no good reason that it was unjust for the Imperial Legislature
to interfere in a question, with which they themselves had declared they had no
right to interfere, depriving this Legislature of its admitted rights. He wished
to resume the power that had been thus taken from us.-—(Hear.) He believed
the object of the Constitutional Act ought to be carried out, and that the
property should be divided amongst all Protestant denominations. He could
not be accused of desiring to get any portion of these lands for his own Church,
for the opinion of the Law Oliicers of the Crown stood recorded in opposition
to any such claim. A division amongst all Protestant denominations meant an
equal division. If the view he had taken was correct, the endowment must be
held sacred. The present division of the Revenues was unequal, unjust, and
not in accordance with the opinion of the Law Oflicers of the Crown; therefore
the demand for a ne—distribution was not unjust. In the Parliament of Upper
Canada, it was found impossible, from the state of parties, to make an equal
division of these revenues; but, finally, an Act was passed, providing for their
distribution. Although, according to his interpretation of the Constitutional
Act, his Church was excluded from all participation in these funds, he had
advocated the rights of all denominations of Protestants, not confining himself
merely to the Churches of England and Scotland. With respect to the appeals
that had been made to the fears of Lower Canada Members, that this movement
would be made a reason for interfering with property devoted to religious
purposes in Lower Canada, he could only say, that they (the Members for
Lower Canada) would act according to their opinions of what was right, and
their consciences. They might do wrong, but they would not do so knowingly.
It had been said, that the Rectory Patents were procured by fraud, and signed
in blank. He knew nothing of the matter; but the question should be tried by
the proper tribunal; (hear, hear) if some of the denominations should refuse
to receive any share of these revenues; their portion ought to be reserved and
be allowed to accumulate till they might consent to employ it for some purpose,
in Lower Canada, the Seminaries of Montreal and Quebec, and other Corpor~
ations that had been referred to, had had their property granted for purpose
of education and for the poor. The Hon. gentleman then read from the Articles
of Capitulation to show that the property of the Corporations, and also of
the Jesuits, had been guaranteed to them, and that they were left to dispose of
it as they thought proper. If, continued Mr. L., the gentlemen opposite, who
had intimated a threat that this property would be interfered with, should go
to England with the view of bringing about that object, they would he laughed
at. The honour and the good faith of England were pledged to preserve that
property inviolate. England entered into this contract not in 1759, when France
was vanquished, but in 1763, when France was in a position to have fought
again. Mr. Lafontaine concluded by saying that he could not vote for the
Resolutions as they stood; his objection being, as we understood, that they did



not state as the object of the desired reinvestment of these lands in the Crown,
that they might be more equitably distributed amongst the difierent denomin-
ations of Protestants, and not diverted from the purpose for which they were
originally given. X.

No. 4

To the Conference of the Wesleyan‘

Rnvnnuno FAcrE:ons AND BRETHREN2

We have received and listened to your parental“ instructive address
with peculiar satisfaction; and wh* we deeply sympathise with you in the trials
through which you have been called to pass in the maintenance of principles
sacred to the vitality and very existence of a scriptural fraternity, we rejoice to
learn that your firmness and fidelity have been so generously and nohly seconded
and sustained by the subjects of your pastoral care—that their ranks have, to
so great an extent, remained unbroken, and that your institutions and missionary
interests have been supported with such unwonted liberality and zeal. We
believe the principles assailedin your persons involve the essential glory of
Methodism; and the sacreclness and importance of those principles have been
more strongly impressed upon our minds by the lucid exposition given of them
by our late honoured Representative to your Body, and your Co~De1egate, the
Reverend John Ryerson, whose comprehensive and admirable report of his mis-
sion to England has affected and delighted us. We heartily thank you for your
respectful and aflectionate attentions to him, and for the merited distinction
which you have conferred upon him, and the benefit which you have bestowed
upon this Connexion, by his appointment to the important oflice of Co-Delegate.

We have again to bear testimony to the ability, devotion and eflficiency
with which our esteemed and beloved President, the Rev. Dr. Richey, has, (as
far as strength permitted) fulfilled the duties of his oflice during the year. We
lament the alarming accident which has suspended his valuable labours during
a part of the year, and which now compels him into retirement and seclusion
for a season from the burthen of official cares and duties. We truly sympathise
with him in his affliction, and earnestly pray that he may be graciously sustained
and comforted in his hours of trial, and that he may soon be restored to health
and strength for those duties for which he is so eminently qualified.

We cordially concur in the request made by the Board of Management of
Victoria College, that they may have the valuable assistance of Dr. Richey at
the head of that Institution, so important in its bearings upon the Wesleyan
youth of the Province and the prosperity of our Church, especially so, as we
contemplate a more enlarged and systematic design for the theological training

‘ Clipping torn.


of candidates for our ministry, in connexion with its operations. It will be
our joy to receive him at any time in any relationship to which our Fathers
and Brethren may appoint him.

The experience of another year has fully justified our application and your
decision for the continuance of the Reverend Enoch Wood as Superintendent of
Missions in Upper Canada. His ministrations, counsels, and appeals, have
largely and widely contributed to sustain the Missionary cause in various parts
of the Province, while his visits to, and care over the Missions, have done much
to promote their efficiency and success. We hope he may long be enabled to
continue in his present career of labour and usefulness.

We are sure you will rejoice with us in the fact, that there has been a
numerical increase of several hundred in our Church members during the year,
and a financial advance in all our connexional funds, and in every department
of our work. The fruits of the blessed Union are becoming more and more
developed; unruflied peace prevails throughout all our societies, and congrega-
tions; a spirit of prayer, of benevolence, and of labour, has been Widely poured
upon them; there is an universal and hearty attachment to the great principles
of our Wesleyan economy, and a grateful appreciation of its privileges; at no
former period have we ever had more promising indications of external advance-
ment in our work, While returning civil, quiet and reviving prosperity brighten
the prospects of our country at large, as an attached and prosperous portion of
the British Empire. We anticipate with you the period as not distant when the
British North American Provinces shall constitute one great Wesleyan Union in
connexion with the Parent Body—when the pulsations of a vital and practical
unity shall vibrate throughout every member of our British North American
Methodism, ever deriving increasingly impulsive energy from the Wesleyan
heart of the Mother Church of the British Isles.

On no part of our work can We look with more grateful pleasure than on
our Missions to the new settlements and Indian tribes—two fields of labour,
each of which must be clear to every British and Christian heart ;—the former
embracing so many thousands of emigrants from Great Britain and Ireland—the
latter comprehending the noble but impoverished aboriginal proprietors of the
country. The self-supporting advancement of these Missions generally is in full
keeping with the religious and material prosperity of the subjects of them.
Many places which were recently missionary ground, new sustain their own min-
istrations, and contribute to add new domains to the territories of our Mis-
sionary Church. These transitions from domestic Missions to regular Circuits
and from moral wildernesses to Missionary fields, are largely witnessed in our
thirty—seven Missions to the White settlements in Upper Canada; and a cor-
responding improvement is observable in nearly all of our eleven Missions
among the Indian tribes. A number of conversions from heathenism to Chris~
tianity has taken place in the course of the year; and the poor Indian converts
are not less characterized by liberality than by devotion, in contributing of
their penury to support schools and spread the gospel amonst their countrymen.
With the approval of the Government, they have set apart several hundred
pounds per annum of their annuities for the establishment and support of


Industrial Schools for their children, from the operations of which we have reason
to anticipate the most beneficial and permanent results.

It is gratifying to be able to observe, that while the Government is evincing
a disposition to place our elementary and university system of public education
upon a Christian basis, such as we can cordially approve and support, His
Excellency, Lord Elgin, has evinced the most lively interest in our Missions among
the Indians, and shown the utmost readiness to co-operate with us and further
our exertions for their improvement in every way in his power.

Our present Conferential Session has been marked by a more than ordinary
unction of the Holy Spirit; so much so, that with scarcely an exception, our
successive daily sittings have proved means of spiritual grace, as well as means
for transacting ecclesiastical business. The Lord God is indeed among us; we
are one in heart and in aim, one in faith, in prayer and in labour; and we verily
believe the Lord and his Spirit will go forth with us, qualifying us for, and giving
us great prosperity in, our work.

The interest of our proceedings has been greatly increased by the presence
of the Representative of the Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States,
the Rev. Dr. BANGs—~the historian of Methodism in America, and the founder
of some of its most important lnstitutions——a man who nearly fifty years since
was converted and called into the Methodist Ministry in this Province~Who
laboured several years here with great self—sacriflce and success, and who now,
in the evcntide of his long ministerial career, returns to us, finding us multiplied
from six to nearly two hundred Ministers, and unimpaired himself in mental
power and mature in the perfection of Christian love—thrilling our hearts with
details of early itineraney in Canada, cheering us with the statements of the
spread of the work in the United States, and edifying us in the ministrations of
the Word. It has also been our privilege, during our present Session, to set apart
no less than fifteen young men to the full work of the ministry——young men who
have fulfilled their four years’ probation in a manner the most satisfactory
and honourable, and who, from their health, qualifications, and fervent devoted-
mess to their glorious work, give delightful promise of exclusive usefulness. We
magnify the Lord that the workmen are multiplying amongst us, as the work
is spreading; and it is our earnest prayer and firm purpose, by Divine aid, that
both the one and the other may be distinguished by those elements of character
and that spirit of simplicity, love, joy, holiness, activity, and power, which
marked the developments of primitive Methodism and Apostolic Christianity,
and which alone will enable us to perform our vows and accomplish our heavenly

We have unanimously appointed the Rev. Dr. Ryerson as our Representative
to you; and to him We refer you for information on all matters of interest apper-
taining to our work.

,,…._ ____



[Original MS]

Tononro. July 5 1850.
My Dnsn Gnnr,

Two addresses to the Queen were voted by the Assembly a few days ago
and brought up by the House to me for transmission. The one an address very
loyal in its tone deprecating all revolutionary changes— This address was
elicited by a set of resolutions proposed by M’ Boulton of Toronto recommending
changes in the Constitution of a Republican ohara-cter.1 This M‘ Boulton is
one of the old Tory clique, but he has got into pecuniary difiiculties——has mis~
conducted himself,——and has made himself conspicuous this Session by bringing
on motion after motion in favor of organic changes in a republican sense. He
is a person of no influence and has not a chance of being again returned for the
city—— The counter-resolutions on which the address is founded were proposed
by M’ Robinson brother of the Chief Justice and supported by a large majority
of both political sections

The other address is not so satisfactory a one. It prays Her Majesty to
obtain the repeal of the Imperial Act on the Clergy Reserves passed in 1840 and
to hand these over to the Canadian Parliament to deal with them as it may see
fit/—~—2 guaranteeing however the life interests of incumbents. The resolutions on
which this address was founded were introduced by a member of the Gov‘
——whlch has treated the question as an open one—-

I do not think that I shall forward this address by the present opportunity
as I suppose I must accompany it with a dcspatch and I hardly know what to
write on the subject. You are sufliciently acquainted with Canadian history to
be aware of the fact that these unfortunate Clergy Reserves have been a bone
of contention ever since they were set apart. I know how very inconvenient it
is to repeal the Imperial Act which was intended to be a. final settlement of the
question— but I must candidly say I very much doubt whether you will be able
to preserve this Colony if you retain it on the Statute Book. Even La Fontaine
and others who recognize certain vested rights of the Protestant Churches under
the Constitutional Act advocate the repeal of the Imperial Act of 1840, firstly
because Lower Canada was not consulted at all when it was passed~— and
secondly because the distribution made under that Act is an unfair one and
inconsistent with the views of the Upper Canadian Legislature expressed at the
time but set aside in deference, as it is alleged, to the remonstrances of the
English Bishops. Among the Anglo Saxon liberals (and some of the Orange
Tories, I suspect, share these views) a considerable section is for app1‘0p1‘ia’tiug
the proceeds of the Reserves at once and applying them to education without any
regard to the rights either of individuals or of Churches—— These persons are
furious with the supporters of the Address for proposing to preserve the life
interests of incumbents. The sentiments of the remainder are pretty accurately
conveyed by the terms of the Address.

Our finance committee continues its labors: if the term can be applied to
the trifling in which it is engaged. In fact it is nothing more than an arena in

‘ See above 677; below 1). 698.

Appendix XXII.
3 See below 17. 698-700. Appendim XXIII.


which 9. certain number of annexationists and disappointed otfice seekers display
their spite against the Government. The Gentlemen who are most zealous in
attacking the civil list and especially the Gov‘ General’s salary are the ex
Ministers who only four years ago introduced and carried through Par‘ the bill
fixing their salaries at the existing rate for the Queen’s life time. They found
themselves to a great extent on the declarations made in Parliament by yourself
Sir R. Peel Sir W. Molesworth and others in favor of the payment of Governors
from the Imperial Treasury These declarations are rather a tough morsel for
the supporters of the Status quo.

I have not sent a copy of M’ Bou1ton’s resolutions with the address to the
Queen because they have been already forwarded with the printed Minutes and
I do not wish to give unnecessary importance to proceedings which originate
solely in a very contemptible Gentlemen’s love of notoriety

Very sincerely Yours


July 5/50
Lord Elgin
Rec“ July 22

[Duplicate MS copy]
Private 0.0.

July 26/50

I received on Monday your letter of the 5″‘— I have answered in a manner
wh. I hope may suit your views the loyal address you have transmitted, in doing
so I thought it expedient to abstain from any notice of M” Boulton’s resolutions
for the same reasons wh. induced you not to send them again‘—— The Clergy
reserve question is a most embarassing one because I do not hesitate to say that
in my opinion the Assembly is quite right with regard to what they ask & yet I
doubt exceedingly whether any bill for repealing the existing law 0° be carried
thro’ Parl°—- When it was passed in 1840, I had intended to oppose it (being then
out of ofiice but supporting in general L“ Melbourne’s Gov“) but finding that it
was an arrangement agreed upon between L“ J. Russell (then Sec’ of State) &
Peel & that therefore my opposition c“ not be successful but might diminish any
chance there might be of the measure’s answering I abstained from saying any-«
thing about it in the H. of Commons & contented myself with Writing a private
letter to L‘ John stating my conviction that sooner or later the plan he con-
templated w° lead to great difiiculties-—-— I am very sorry indeed to find that after
10 Years my anticipations have come true-— I hope in sending the Address you
will in your public Despatch state pretty strongly your views as to what ought
to be done2—— if a. Bill is to be brought in this W‘ help us much.

1See below A pemiiaz XXII.
”See below, ppemiiar XXIII.


Your finance Comm“ can hardly I think act as wildly as ours on salaries,
the recommendations of wh. if adopted by the H, of Commons will I think do
infinite 1nischief—« With regard to the Governor’s Salary those who rely on
declarations of opinion made by myself & others as to the propriety of these
salaries being generally paid by this Country sh‘ remember that these declarations
have always been made on the understanding that the Colonies ought on the
other hand to contribute much more largely to their Military expenditure— If
Canada will undertake the charge of providing Barracks for the Troops I am
sure that the H. of Commons will gladly vote in return the Gov“ salary.—

A hope is held out to us that Paul‘ may possibly be prcrogued on the 15“-


July 26/50
Lord Grey to’Lord Elgin

[Original MS]

TORONTO July 19, 1850.

The America is making a very long passage we have not yet even a ‘ tele-
graphic ’ report of her arrival. As we learnt however by the last mail that the
House of Commons had given you a majority of 46‘ I suppose that I may con-
gratulate you on being still in ol:fice— if indeed that be 9. subject for congratula-
tion in these times.

I send home the Address on the Clergy Reserves?-—~ I fear that You may
think that my despatch contains little to enable you to come to a decision on its
prayer-— I confess I do not see my way clearly through the matter—— The Arch-
deacons in the absence of the Bishop are setting to work to get up an agitation
and addresses a task in which they are much more successful than they prove
themselves to be in returning members to Par‘ It is very diflicult to say whether
at present the body of the Orangemen will support them or not——- I mean by
support not the signing of addresses for which they are of course always ready——
but by votes at the Polls. Their organs are professing at present a great deal
of ultra—radicalism and very conditional loya.lty—— indeed they say that they
have altered the terms of their oath— which I think not improbable seeing what
has been going on lately both here & in Ireland:-— If it came to an election I
think a great many of them would support ultra radical rather than pro Clergy
Reserve candidates— Meanwhile the Clear Grit organs which have absorbed a
large portion of the annexationists talk very big about what they will do if
England steps in to preserve the Clergy Reserves—- That Party would be only
too glad to get up a quarrel with England on such a point— It is of course

‘ See above 1:. 697.
« ’See below Appeudiw XXIII.


impossible for you to do anything with the Imperial Act till next Session. A
little delay may perhaps enable us to see our way more clearly with respect to
this most perplexing subject—~

Lord Sydenhams despateh No 36. of Jan. 22. 18401 is a curious and instruc-
tive one. It accompanies the Act on the Clergy Reserve question which be
induced the Par‘ of U0. to pass.—— but which was not adopted at home— for
the H. of Lords concocted one more favorable to the established Churches— He
clearly admits that the Act is against the sense of the country and that nothing
but his own great personal influence got it through~ and yet he looks upon it
as a settlement of the question. I confess I see few of the conditions of finality
in measures which are passed under such circumstances

Yours very sincerely



July 19/50
Lord Elgin
Rec‘ August 5

[Duplicate MS copy]
August 2/50


In my letter of the 14”‘ of May I mentioned to you our defeat in the Lords
on the D. of Argyll’s motion respecting 1 ’ Rylandg & I expressed my opinion
that you sh“ cause a strict enquiry into the case. You have never told me
whether you have done anything upon it, the subject however is one wh. you
ought not I think to neglect as this trumpeiy business may May still give us
much trouble & annoyance——

I am inclined to think that the enquiry I suggested to you sh“ be conducted
in a very formal manner by a Commission, & that one of its principal objects
sh“ be to ascertain why it is that the emoluments of the two oflices of Registrar
wh. he has successively held have proved so much less in his hands than in those
of other persons~—

I have transmitted to you officially a correspondence I have had with the Bishop
of Toronto with respect to his application for a. Charter for a University3-—- You
must be cautious how you deal with this subject, & I hope you will be able to
abstain from objecting to the issue of a Charter ;—~ as the Church party propose
to do this entirely at their own cost, asking nothing whatever from the public,

1See below Appendix XXIII.
2 See above 17. 580 note.
9 See ‘below Appendix XXIV.



I do not well see how upon the principles of religious liberty their application
can be rejected however undesirable it may be that such a University sh“ be

1 have not yet been able to write to you on the subject of Barracks but I
hope to do so by the next mail— the subjectis full of difficulty, but it is quite
clear that it Wd be useless to ask money for new Barracks in Canada as the H.
of Commons w“ certainly resist the vote, & I am bound tm say I think they W“
be right in doing so-—— In a very little time indeed it will be absolutely necessary
to call upon Canada to undertake the charge of keeping up the Barracks as we
have already done with regard to Australia, if the Province is not prepared to
encur even this burden for the sake of maintaining the connection with this
Country tho’ it w“ start with a large amount of Barrack accommodation & I
believe the pecuniary advantage it gets from the expenditure of our Troops
(independently of the benefit of being defended for nothing) W“ be more than
a compensation for the charge of keeping up the Barracks, it seems to me that
this will prove the inhabitants of Canada to set so little value on the connec-
tion that it will be impossible long to maintain it, since I am sure it cannot last
unless there is a pretty strong feeling in its famfl on both sides. I think I once
before mentioned to you that in Belgium the whole charge of providing Barracks
for the Troops is borne by the Towns in wh. they are quartered & not by the
General Revenue, the Towns being very glad indeed to obtain on these terms
the advantage of the expenditure of as large a force as they Can get.—— I am
convinced that when you consider what is the expenditure of British Oificers
from their private means in addition to the large amount of pay &c drawn from
this Country on account of the Troops, the pecuniary advantage to Canada from
the presence of the Garrison is much greater than the people there seem to
remember— But I also think that more benefit might be derived from the
presence of this large force than has hitherto been done»« The labor of the Sol-
diers I am persuaded might be turned to very good account—-« In N. Zealand
the Gov‘ has succeeded in accomplishing objects of the greatest importance to
the Colony entirely by military labor & the labor of the natives, the first being
the least expensive. He has (tho’ there are only 2 Regiments there) made a
very considerable length of excellent roads thro’ a diflicult Country & I need
hardly say that both for Military purposes & for the improvement of the Colony
such roads are invaluable.

Considering the nature of the danger against wh. you require Troops to be
in readiness in Canada, it appears to me quite unnecessary that in ordinary
quiet times they sh“ be kept upon the frontier.-—— If the Gov“ of the U. States
is one wh. makes it impossible to have any assurance that if a feeling of excite-
ment is created Justice <3: right will be respected by their abstaining from
aggression on their neighbours, & if we must therefore always have the means
of repelling unauthorized attacks by bands of sympathizers; on the other hand
this same circumstance makes it quite impossible for them to plot in Secrecy
any attack upon us, & we may feel quite certain that no such attack will be
made without pretty clear prernonitory symptoms that it is coming from the
tone of the newspapers &c. Also when no attack is meditated, the Yankees are


too commercial at people to encourage petty predatory disturbance wh. W“ hurt
their trade as well as our own.

The conclusion I draw from all this is that the Troops in Garrison in
Canada may with perfect safety be withdrawn (to a distance wh. W“ not prevent
their returning in a few days) from the posts wh. it is important to occupy in
case of hostilities & that it is mere military pedantry to keep up all the parade
of guards & sentries as if we were in momentary expectation of attack even on
the Frontier- But if the Troops can be safely moved in this manner is it not
obvious that much might be done at a very trifling cost by their labor in opening
new districts for settlements‘?—— The Province, or the District Councils at the
very low rate of working pay wh. soldiers receive in addition to their Military

– pay when employed in labor, might construct roads of the greatest value &

render available large tracts of good land wh. W“ not then fail to attract Settlers.
I am persuaded that this occupation & the power of earning a little money w“
be popular with the men & help to stop dessrtion, & tho’ I fear the officers (at
least the superior Oflicers) w“ be opposed to the policy I think that by proceed-
ing cautiously, & holding out some advantage to them they might be reconciled
to it.

It Wd probably be of use if this plan were adopted that we sh‘ extend to Canada
the regulation now adopted in Australia by wh. Soldiers serving there are to
have the option of obtaining their discharge with Certain advantages when their
Regiments are ordered home—- But this is too long a subject for me to go
further into at present-— ‘

There is another charge upon the home Gov“ for the discontinuance of wh.
you must be prepared— —-I allude to Indian presents-« I understand that the
feeling shown in the H. of commons against this Grant was very strong indeed,‘
& that it is quite impossible it sh“ be maintained. It is argued & I think not
unreasonably that the presents to the Indians are in fact the price paid to them
for the land & that as the Revenue derived from the sale of land has been handed
over to the Legislature it ought with the Revenue take what is fairly a charge

101:: 12 July, 1850, the following discussion took place in the House of Commons‘:-

« 1-1,1025. Indian Department, Canada.

Mr. HUME said, fourteen years a o, Lord Glenelg advocated the discontinuance of this vote;
and it was proved then before the ommittee that the resents to the Indians caused much
drunkenness and immorality. If the House would support im, he would divide against this vote.

Mr. Conner: said, he remembered the late Mr. Charles Buller spoke on this subject more
than once. He was in Canada, and saw the evil effects of it‘ He, himself, had seen some of the
remnants of these tribes in Canada, and certainly they had a most degrading appearance.

Mr. Mnocuuwon did not think it would be advisable to reject this vote to-night, because the
purchases were already made which this vote was intended to cover. But he would oppose the
zvote nag: year, lilfmitdaivtpeureél if-htlife eitigaatesr He believed that these present: of calico, &c.,

erco 11 pure e_ a. .one— en 0 w a ey cost.

Mr. HAWE8 believed that many of the annuities to the Indians comtnined in this vote were
devoted by them to the establishment of schools. The Governor General of Canada thought it
;nJex1:ted‘i;ent to discontinue this vote at present, and he therefore hoped the House would not

e cc 1 .
Mr. BRIGHT said, that there were 2,8005. of the vote paid in salaries, which was a most
extravagant amount on account of management, and showed that something was in the back-
ound of which they were not informed. There were ordinary contingencies amounting to
)200£’) Wllich made very pearly 30 per cent of the whole vote. Then there were items for
oflieers’ widows, for provisions and gunpowder. The answer which had been given by the Gov-


upon it— There w“ be no difliculty about continuing pensions now payable to
persons who have been employed in the Indian Departm‘, but the presents to the
Indians it is strongly insisted ought in future to be provided by the Province.
Pray look into this & let me know your opinion, I am much inclined to believe
that not only on the score of expense, but on higher grounds the whole subject
of the management of the Indians requires careful examination. It seems to me
that less has been accomplished towards the civilization & improvement of the
Indians in Canada in proportion to the expense incurred than has been done for
the native Tribes in any of our other Colonies.

(s“) GREY
August 2/50
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

[Original MS]

Tononro July 26, 1850.


Sir Robert Peels death is indeed a great calamity— It fell upon us herelike
a thunderbolt-—

I enclose a copy of an act for declaring the meaning of the University Act
passed last year wl‘ has been introduced by M’ Baldwin and will I have no doubt
pass—— It will I think put an end to agitation on this subject——

I am glad that you have suggested a plan for settling the boundary question
with N. Brunswick, I shall put myself immediately in communication with Sir

E. Head.1

Sir H. Bulwer seems to be very much perplexed about our reciprocity
ineasure~—I do not wonder at it— for it must be almost impossible to negotiate
with the Yankees on such a subject. I have sent a new man to aid him from

ernment was of a very unsatisfactory nature; and unless the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor
of the Exchequer gave a promise that this vote should not appear in the estimates next year, he
would advise his hon. Friend to divide the House.

Mr. Aomomzy said, that although it had been stated that the sums were devoted to schools,
El)lflIt not appear on the face of the vote, for it was put down under the head of “Presents

n ions.

The CHANoiu.Loiz of the EXGBEQUEII said, that a portion of this vote was paid in annuities,
nnd a portion in presents. No doubt a great deal might be said against this vote; but the
House ought not to expect him to give a promise that it should not be taken next yc_ai_’. These
Dreserits were distributed to certain semi-barbarous tribes as compensation for retiring from
the hunting grounds from which their subsistence was derived. What he would undertake to
say _was, that he would communicate with the Governor Genieral of Canada, and urge the dis-
continuance of the vote,‘ or, if that were not possible, its limitation within the narrowest limits,
consistently with a due regard to the preservation of public faith with these tribes. A large
aigtiontof the superintendence of this vote was, he understood, given: to the missionaries on

spo .

Mr. ZBizIoH »r hoped that the right hon. Gentleman would also communicate with the Governor
General to get the Canadian Parliament to pay the grant to the native tribes, seeing that Canada
P08€®8ed the hunting grounds for which this compensation was aid. .

Sir E. BUXTON ‘hocped that if the native Indians were not to a paid in the manner originally
“greed upon, they would be paid in some other form. r
Insyote agreed to. (H<mxurd’a Parliamentary Debates, Tlulnl iS’e1~z‘es, Vol. OXII, pp. 1.3.95-

‘ See above 1). 603 note.


here as he did not seem to like our former emissary. He wants one of our
ministers to be sent—— Hincks is the only one whom I could entrust with so
delicate a duty, & it is quite impossible for me to part with him till our Session

I am glad however to say that this event does not appear to be very remote.
Among other circumstances which promise to hasten it a nice little quarrel has
been set up between the H of Assembly & the press, and the latter refuse to send
any reporters to the House. A vast deal ofbusiness has been done ever since
the fourth estate came to this brave determination & if they adhere to it We shall
soon I hope prorogue

Your’s very sincerely



July 26/50
Lord Elgin
Rec‘ August 13


The Governor General gave the Royal assent to a number of Bills, on
Wednesday last. The list is given in another part of this day’s paper. The
Estimates have been brought forward by the Inspector General, which, with
the Governor’s assenting to measures, may be regarded as an indication of the
session being drawing to a close. The public proceedings of what has been
done in the House, since our last publication, convey every necessary information,
with respect to the “doings” of the “people’s representatives,” in a more
agreeable form to many than if they were accompanied by the “sayings” of
the said representatives. The exclusion of the Reporters from the House, as
explained in our last Tuesday’s paper, has had a good effect in advancing
public business, by putting a stop to much unnecessary talking. The session
will probably be shortened several weeks by the operation, and a considerable
saving of public money elfected. Those members who are in the habit of

« indulging in long speeches, for the efifect out of doors, without reference to

their efi’ect on the question properly before the House, see little use in carrying
on the game, when there is no chance of their speeches being conveyed on the
wings of the Press to any part of the Province.

[The Montreal Transcript, of July 23, 1850, gives the following account
of the quarrel with the Press] :—


The Globe of Saturday gives the following account of a serious misunder-
standing between the House and the reporters representing the different journals
at present at Toronto 1–

On Thursday evening while the Legislative Assembly was in the midst
of a debate on a series of resolutions introduced by the hon. member for East


York, and while Mr. Attorney General Baldwin was addressing the House, the
member for Gaspe left his seat and placing himself beside some ladies who
were sitting in the strangers’ gallery immediately in front of the reporters’
gallery, commenced talking and laughing so loud that the reporters could not
hear half the debate. One of the reporters of the Globe after a continuance
of the interruption for some time, addressed the hon. member in the following
words:—“ Will you be kind enough to allow me to hear the spealrer.” The
member seemed annoyed, and asked the Sergeant-at-Arms to take the reporter
into custody, but his order not being obeyed, he continued to talk as if nothing
had happened. In about an hour afterwards, the member for Gaspe met the
reporter in the lobby, as he was leaving the House, and asked him if he was the
person who had insulted him. The gentleman replied:~“I only asked you
to allow me to perform my duty, and I do not conceive that to be an insult.”
Mr. Christie then asked an apology, which the reporter declined to give, on
the ground that he had intended no oflence, and that the hon. member was not
at the time in his placc.— The member for Gaspe took Mr. Prince to witness,
that instead of an apology, the reporter had said that he [the member] was
out of his place; which ended the interview.”

On Friday morning, the Reporter learning that Mr. Christie intended to
bring the matter before the House, and being unwilling to have an unpleasant
discussion on the alfair, resolved to address a note to Mr. Christie, which would
take from him all ground of complaint.

It appears that this apology did not satisfy Mr. Christie, and that he
brought the matter under the notice of the House on Friday afternoon. The
Reporter was summoned to the Bar of the House, and having had Mr. Christie’s
charge against him read, without denying or admitting the truth or falsehood
thereof, he stated to the House that if he had in any way committed a breach
of the rules of the House he was sorry for it, and apologized in the fullest

Thereupon on motion of the Hon. Mr. Baldwin, it was then Resolved,—-
That George Ure, having used indecorous and oflensive language, and other-
wise conducted himself in an offensive manner towards Robert Christie, Esq.,
a member of this House, in the discharge of his duty in this House, is guilty
of a breach of the privileges of this House; and Ordered,— That the said
George Ure be called to the bar, there reprimanded by Mr. Speaker, for the
said breach of privilege.

On the carrying of this motion every gentleman of the Press at the time
in the Reporter’s box, immediately rose and left the House.

Mr. Ure was accordingly called to the Bar and reprimanded, and the next
day a meeting of the reporters was held to consider what steps they should
take, when it was unanimously decided that they should withdraw from the
House, which they have accordingly done.

Thus the Assembly is left without any one to report their proceedings ! l



[Duplicate MS copy]
AUG. 15/50


I have so much to do on the eve of leaving London that I can only thank
you for your letter of July 26 & call your attention to the enclosed draft 1 of a
Treasury Minute wh. Wood proposes to Make in order that it may be officially
communicated to you— The H. of Commons is bent on stopping this vote & I
must say not without reason, but I have suggested to Wood that it will be better
to know what you have to say on the subject before the Minute is officially

I also enclose some papers wh. the Bishop of Toronto is circulating very
active1y——2 You may depend upon it refusing their Charter W“ make these
Churchmen more formidable——

You will easily believe how delighted we are by the prospect of leaving
London—— We hope to get off on Saturday—

(s“) GREY




Aug. 10/50

Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

[Original MS]

TORONTO Aug. 2. 1850.

I am much obliged to you for writing to M’ LaWrence3 on the subject of
our non appearance at Buffalo on the occasion of our expedition through the
Welland canal. Your letter has been published in the Buffalo papers and
arrived at the nick of time as a deputation from the Canadian Legislature and
Corporation of Toronto were actually at Buffalo inviting the Buffalonians to pay
us a return visit when it made its appearance. Some 150 citizens are to come
over next week when they will be magnificently feted by all of us. I trust that I
may be able among other amusements to gratify them by the spectacle of the
prorogation of our Par‘-

our Session has gone off thus far much more satisfactorily than could at one
time have been expected— The Ministry supported by the French (whose ten-
dencies when they feel that they are treated fairly, not as aliens but as genuine
subjects of the Queen are, as I always assured you-, decidedly antirevolutionary)
have been able to resist the destructives. Nevertheless symptoms of a disposi-

‘This draft is not in the collection.
2These papers are not in the collection.
‘This letter is not in the collection.


tion to dive very far into the depths of radicalism have manifested themselves
in certain quarters among dissatisfied Upper Canadian members both of the Tory
and liberal school— It is exceedingly diflicult to determine whether these
exhibitions indicate the direction which public opinion is taking in this section
of the Province, or whether they are to be set down altogether to the account of
personal spite and selfishness.

Candor compels me to state that in these respects the conduct of the Anglo-
saxon portion of our M.P.Ps, contrasts most unfavorably with that of the
Gallica.n~— Nothing can be more honorable than the course which has been fol-
lowed during this Session by those of the French liberal Members who have had
differences with the GoV‘—-—but it is too much the habit with the former whenever
they have any personal cause of disagreement with the administration to plunge
at once into the most reckless opposition“

For the present things look tolerably Well—- The result of the policy which I
have pursued with y. concurrence and support has been briefly this— The French
have been rescued from the false position into which they had been driven, and
in which they must perforce have remained so long as they believed that it was
the object of the British Gov‘ as avowed by Lord Sydenham and others to break
them down and to ensure to the British race, not by trusting to the natural course
of events but by dint of management and statecraft, predominance in the Province
— To eradicate from the mind of a people naturally prone to suspicion a. belief
of this kind when deeply engrained was no easy task, but the startling events of
last year and above all the furious assaults directed by the mob and Press of the
so called British Party against the Queen’s Representative have accomplished
the object. The French are restored to their normal condition and are therefore
essentially a conservative element in the Canadian compound. Accident, or
rather I believe I should say the artifices of Imperial Policy have connected them
politically with the liberals of Upper Canada— They are unwilling to break this
connexion and they will adhere to it so long as a moderate liberal Party exists in
this section of the Province-~ If clear Gritism absorbs all hues of Upper Canadian
liberalism the French, unless some interference from without checks the natural
current of events, will fall off from them and form an alliance with the Upper
Canadian Tories.

Everything therefore which could have been done to give stability to the
Institutions of the Province and to British connexion has been done. A heavy
perhaps the heaviest among our political weights has been transferred into this
scale from the opposite.

At the same time I must not decicve you— If the anti state Church Party can
connect the subject of their particular agitation with a constitutional question,——
if they can make it appear that they are suffering under what they profess to
consider the greatest of all grievances to please the English House of Lords,——
if they can on this plea appeal to the sympathies of the 22 millions of very active
and enterprising Gentlemen who dwell across the border,— we have stormy
weather, I calculate ahead. ,

As touching lesser matters I have got Hincks to do several things towards
effectually relieving Comznissariat & Military supplies from duties &c which I



never could get the Tory Ministry to take up. I have succeeded among other
points in procuring the free admission of wine for the officers messes. It is gratify-
ing to reflect that henceforward the Gentlemen of H.M.’s army will be able to
drink confusion to the Govt” Gen1 and his administration in untaxed liquor

Yours very sincerely


August 2/50

Lord Elgin

Rec“ August 20

[Duplicate MS copy]
August 21/50


Your letter of the 2″“ which I received yesterday gratified me very much as I
think it contains an excellent vindication of our Canadian policy & proves that the
line which we have followed & for which we have both been so much abused
has been the only one by which there is even a chance of maintaining the con-
nection between Canada & this country. —— Our policy may fail in doing this
any other clearly must have done so. — Unfortunately to follow up consistently
what We have hitherto done we ought now to get Parliament to repeal the Clergy
Reserves Act & how this is to be accomplished I do not know—— it is a most
diflicult & embarassing question,—— & as such I must leave it for the present,
when we all meet in London some two months hence it must be very seriously
I am very glad you have got through the Session & upon the whole so well, I
hope its termination is a greater relief to you from your labours than the end
of ours is‘to me——- ‘
I have the painful feeling now I have got down here & am longing to be out all
day that there are so many dilficult & urgent questions to be dealt with that I
ought by rights to work harder than ever, though I cannot prevail upon myself

to do so.-—
Yours very truly

THE EARL on ELGIN & Knvcnnnmn K.T~—
Aug. 21/50

Lord Grey to
Lord Elgin


[Original MS]

Aug‘ 16. 1850.


Our Session has closed with great éclat——— on Thursday week our Buffalo
friends with other persons of distinction from different parts of the Union arrived
here to the number of about 200. They were entertained that evening at a ball
in the city Hall which did great credit to the good taste and hospitality of the
hosts. Next day there was a review in the forenoon, and e. fete at my House
which lasted from 4 1/2 to 12—— I suceeded in enabling a party of 500 to sit down
together to dinner, and what with a few speeches, fireworks, and dances, I believe
I may say the citizens Went away thoroughly pleased—— On Saturday at noon
many of the party assisted at the prorogation—

These matters may seem trivial to you among the graver concerns of state.
Nevertheless I am sanguine enough to hope that the courtesies which have passed
this year between the Buffalonions and us will not be without their fruit— The
bulk ofithose who came here from Buffalo, including the Mayor a very able man
and powerful speaker, are of the democratic party, and held some years ago very
diiferent views from those which they expressed on this visit—— They found here
the warmest and most cordial welcome from all—— H.M’s representative not
excepted“ but they saw, I venture to say almost with certainty, nothing to lead
them to suppose that the Canadians desire to change their political condition—
on the contrary the mention of H.M.s name evoked on all occasions the most
unbounded enthusiasrn——and there was every appearance of a kindly feeling
towards the Gov’ Gen‘. which the Americans seemed not disinclined to share.

Buffalo is now one of the greatest cities of the States, lying between the sober
East and the Impetuous West, and partaking of the spirit of both—— Knowing the
extent to which the sentiment of ‘ solidarité ’ obtains among the citizens of the
Union I think that this event will be felt all over it.

“ To render annexation by violence impossible, and by any other means as
improbable as may be ” is, as I have often ventured to repeat, the polar star of my
policy‘ In these matters small as they may appear I think we have been steering
by its light.

Again as respects ourselves. I trust that the effect of this Bufialonian visit
will be very beneficial— I took occasion in my speeches in 2. joking way which
provoked nothing but laughter and good humor, to hint at some of the unreason-
able traits in the conduct of my Canadian friends. I am sure that the Americans
go home with very correct views as touching our politics and with the best
sentiments towards myself—It is of very great importance to me to have the aid
of a sound public opinion from without to help me through my difliculties here:——
and, as I utterly despair of recieving any such assistance from England (I allude
not the Gov‘— but to the public which never looks at us except when roused by
fear ignorantly to condemn) it is of incalculable importance that I should obtain
this support from America-

On the lam day of the Session M°Nab called here and left his name. He had
been looking this way for some weeks.—- letting me hear that he had an esteem for


me—— that his only reason for holding back was that he did not like to call after
the part he had taken last year &o. Of course I let him understand through third
parties that I had no recollection of past oocurrenees—- that whenever he called
he would be treated exactly as other Gentlemen of the Legislature. Finally he
did call— and all his family— though he was kept away by indisposition——«
were at my great féte—~ I regard this & some other incidents of a like character
which occurred at about the same time as an event— the closing of one act of our
drama— Of course there are plenty of diflicultics in store for those who may be
charged with the responsibility of governing Canada. But it is pleasant at least
for the present, to ‘ observe the extent, I believe I may say the unprecedented
extent, to which kindly feelings now prevail between the British and Frenoh
populations in the Provinoe— the attachment of both to Britain and British
Institutions— and the improved sentiments of the citizens of the U.S.—— It is
doubly pleasant when one is able (though this is a pleasure of which I enjoy
I take it pretty nearly a monopoly) to trace these results to their causes.

Yours very sincerely



I enclosed some memoranda from our agent at Washington W“ may interest



August 16/50

Lord Elgin

Rec‘ Sept’ 3



M” Dunscomb presents her very respectful Compliments to Lord Elgin and
sends some Memoranda, which she copies from two letters received from M’
Dunscomb dated Washington August the 7”‘ & 3″‘ though both only reached
M » Dunscomb this day

3″‘ August

“ Sir Henry Bulwer has returned not much improved in health, but most
earnestly desirous to move the measure for reciprocity, as soon as M’ Grinnell
& M‘ M°Lean return, which will be in 9. weck—— both Gentlemen offered to move
in the matter whenever I wished

“ The publication of Lord Grey’s pretty letter to M’ Lawrence has had an
excellent effect, in fact if Mess“ Grinnell and M°Lean were here now to move
in the matter I should have no doubt of a favourable result—” M‘ Dunscomb
“ carefully abstztins from holding out hopes which may not be realized, as in
popular Assemblies what is plain today may be impossible tomorrow” The




advocates for an increase of the Tariii‘ indulge in hopes to effect their object by
an arrangement with the South to settle the Slave policy. This, or a similar
arrangement seems ditficult of accomplishment now. Should it be consummated
it will be fatal to Canada Expectati0ns— M‘ Clay and M’ Morse (a personal
friend of M” Dunscon1b’s) exercising great influence in the South, leave next
week for the sea Coast, and their absence will he a great loss to the cause.”

In the letter dated 7”‘ August M‘ Dunscomb mentions for His Excellency’s
information that “President Fillmore’s Message to Congress yesterday, and the
accompanying Correspondence with Governor Bell of Texas, has exploded like
a shell amongst the Southern Members of both Houses—- and will form rich
matter for discussion for at least a week, to the prejudice of all other business
whatever. The Post Office appropriations are not yet completed. The California
and Texas Bills will certainly occupy another Week, which several periods will
dispose pretty well of this present Month of August/~—

M‘ Duuscomb “cannot but think that there is a very good feeling for
reciprocity with a large number in both Houses, but thinks it right to add that
the manufacturers, particularly the Iron Masters are making great eiforts to
modify the Tarit‘f—~— in fact if the South will meet their views on this head, they
are willing to pocket their abolition sympathies; and shape their views for future
slavery in California, New Mexico and Texas, palatably for the South.”

M’ Grinnell (for whom M‘ Dunscomb appears to have formed a friendship)
told M’ Dunscomb that he was willing to bring up the measure for reciprocity
any day, & do his best to advance it- but it seemed idle to expect that the
House would entertain it in the present state of the business of the Country,
and before the appropriations had passed, he thought the doing so would pre-
judice the measure, and was of opinion it had better remain over a Session—~ it
will then come up with the business of a past Session, and take precedence of
new business, and start from its present advanced stage.”

M’ Dunscomb continues to receive the most marked attention from Sir H.
L. Bulwcr at whose table he is a constant guest. Sir H. & Lady Bulwcr have
given up their intention of going to Staten Island, & intend visiting the Falls,
the end of this month»-

Monday Aug‘ 12″‘
Wasnmsrron Aug‘ 8”’

“ I have been again speaking with Sir Henry L. Bulwcr on the possibility
of an arrangement being made in any commercial Treaty between England and
Spain for facilitating the Commercial Intercourse between the Colonies of
either Country— a reciprocity for instance in certain products between Cuba &
Porto Rico——— and Canada—- Cuba requires twice as much Flour as Canada has to
give—— The duty on Flour in Spanish Vessels from a. Spanish Country is 10/~
Sterling per barrel-—— The duty from Foreign Countries is £2.0.6 Sterling per
barrel. Now if Canada Flour can be put on the same terms as Spanish,—— and
provisions and Lumber with other products put on as advantageous terms,” we
could then well aiford to admit their Coffee, Sugar and Molasses free, or at a



very moderate duty. Sir Henry told me he was much pleased with the idea, and
thought it might be accomplished» He (Sir Henry) considers any arrangement
with Spain, as preferable to the United States, and has written Lord Grey a note
on the subject, but Sir Henry expressed his fears that his Lordship’s numerous
duties might not afford him an opportunity of taking up the subject. Sir Hemy
said these matters all require the personal attention of some one from the

M” Dunscomb writes that he thinks “ he sees a vast difference in an arrange-
ment with the two Countries. Spain and England would be entering into an
arrangement to aid and perpetuate their Colonies, a plain natural and most
proper object, but what ” M‘ Dunscomb adds “ can be thought of a measure of
similar feature with the United States when a Member of Congress bawls out
at a table of 200 persons “Dunscomb, you are an excellent fellow, we want
“you all over here to join us, and for that reason I will not vote for the recz’pro—
“ city BilL—~” Another one interrupts him by crying out “You are right, they
“ are right good fellows, and We must annex them, and We will do it sooner by
“ reciprocity, for which reason I am going to support it—” Surely such a measure
must at least be considered as questionable-

“ I hope Lord Elgin may have time to turn the subject over in his mind-—”

Tuesday Evening
Aug‘ 13”‘

[Original MS]

Nnw Yoruc Sep. 17. 1850

I arrived at Toronto on my return from the Lakes last Wednesday, and
finding letters from Mary strongly urging me to join her for the purpose of
escorting her on her journey homewards, I started the next day for Roclraway.
On my arrival in this city I found that she was already here, and that Sir H.
Bulwcr was hourly expected from Boston. Sir H’s movements depend however
a good deal on his health which is uncertain, and I am still awaiting his appear-
ance on this stage. As soon as I have had my interview with him I shall return
to Canada.

I have received three letters from you since I last wrote—- each of them
containing matter for serious reflexion. I confess that when I learn that an

attempt is to he made to render our policy here in matters of domestic concern ‘

conformable to the views of the H. of Lords, at the same time that the H. of
Commons in deference to the authority of financial reformers is about to throw
on the Colonists charges which the lavish system of former days has taught
them to regard as properly Imperial, I look at the probable result with deep
anxiety. I shall better appretiate what is to be done When I have your com-
mands in an offieial shape——It will be my duty to do all I can to carry them


out, and if I find the task altogether beyond my powers to request you to relieve
me. I cannot conscientiously say that I think a change of Governor in Canada
at present would be an unmixed good, but possibly it might not be an unmixed
evil. ‘Ryland’s friend’ or a ‘friend of the Church ’ might not be able to effect
much for their respective clients, but it is some satisfaction to have one’s throat
cut by congenial hands. Whatever you do about Governors however I do
earnestly beg that you will consider whether it would not be advisable if you are
going to give up paying Indian presents1 and maintaining Barracks; to give
the advocates of the connexion something to say in reply to the taunts of the
annexaticnists by assuming the payment of the Governors salary

Very sincerely Yours
PS. I have just seen Sir I-I. Bulwer who is hopeful about our Rcciprocityw»

Sept‘ 17/50
Lord Elgin
Rec“ Oct’ 1

[Duplicate MS copy]
HOWICK Oct‘ 2/50


I rec“ yesty your letter of Sep’ 17. I have not here copies of my letters to
you to refer to but I can safely say from recollection that you have quite rnis~

. understood them if you suppose that on matters of domestic concern an attempt

is to be made to render your policy conformable to the views of ye H” of Lords.
I am quite as little likely in my position to he a party to » any such insane
attempt as you are in yours, but while I adhere firmly to all my old opinions
as to the principles on which Canada ought to be governed there is nothing
inconsistent with these opinions in attaching much importance to giving Such
a direction to the measures of the local Govt as may secure for it the support
of public opinion here, while we have that support I care little for any adverse
decisions of the H“ of Lords the chief eifect of which is still farther to shake the
already weak authority of that branch of the Legislature. What I have
Written to you is I think entirely in this spirit-——— as to Rylandz I consider him
to have no case at all & therefore I only desire that you should take Such a course
as may make this apparent to the world which I think you may very easily do.
With regard to the Church the case is different & we may be a good deal
embarrassed There are two questions afiecting the Church on both of w’= diffi-
culties may be expected but on one it is the Provincial on the other the Imperial

‘ See above p. 702, below, 71),.
2 See above 13. 5317 note.


Legislature that seems likely to be unreasonable. The first question I allude
to is that of the Bishop of Torontos University1— as to w“ I must say that I
think it will be inconsistent with the principles of religious liberty if the Pro-
vincial Govt sh“ object to the grant of a charter of W“ the only effect Wd be to
enable the Church by means of voluntary contributions to establish a place of
education on its own prineiples.—— I hope that to my despatch on this subject
you may be enabled to send a reply W“ will Command the approbation of dis~
interested & impartial observers here of the religious quarrels in Canada.-
The second question that of the Clergy reserves is a much more diflicult one-
I am bound to say that substantially I think the Colonial Legislature justified
in their objection to the existing arrangement & that Parl° ought to remove
the obstacle to their dealing with the subject as they may think proper, but
I greatly doubt whether this can be carried since it is a plausible argument that
the Colony is bound by the arrangement agreed to under P Thomson. The
diflieulty of doing what I think w“ be right on this subject will be greatly
enhanced if on the University question the Church of England is used in a
manner W“ will be thought unfair in this Country. Until the Cabinet reassembles
I shall not be able to make known to you what course we shall take on this
subject. With regard to money chargcs— there W“ be no difliculty in getting the
H” of Com“ at once to undertake the Governors Salary if the Colony w“ take
upon itself the whole charge for barracks, but for this I fear you are not
yet prepared. As to the Indian presents, I am bound to say that I think the
objection to this charge on the part of the H » of Commons? is so reasonable
that it is impossible to answer it. I will only add in answer to your letter that
I think a change of Governor in Canada at present would be an unmixed evil
& one of a very serious Kind indeed. I am sorry to see by the newspapers that
you have been compelled to appoint Lafontaine a Judge3 & that you will thus
lose his services as a Minister. I fear the loss will be a very serious one indeed.

Yrs very truly



Oct. 2/50

Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

[Original MS]

Toronto, Sept’? 27, 1850


Sir E. Head is with me’1 and as we have a good deal to talk about I shall
not trouble you with a long letter. He is an old friend of mine, and the last
time we met he examined me for a Fellowship at Merton Coll Oxford!

‘ See above 700.

2 See above 1;. 703, 713.
3L5; Fontaine did not resign from the Council until October 1851. See below 12. 897. He was

appointed Chief Justice of Lower Canada, 13 August, 1853.
*See above 17. 703.


I have been requested to name to you a certain M’ John A. MacDonald of
Kingston U.C. who is new in England on the affairs of the ‘Trust & Loan
Co1npany—~ a company which has furnished the subject for some eorrespond~
ence between this Gov‘ and the Colonial Olfice. An Act has been passed this
year giving a thrust at our Usury Laws through its side. M‘ M. was for a
short time Receiver General in my late Administration1—~ He is 2. respectable
man and tolei-ably moderate in his views. I-Io belongs to the section of Con-
servatives who are becoming reasonable. I should be glad if you could grant
him an interviewrwhen he calls upon you.

I have also been asked to say a good word in favor of M‘ Triscott of
Bermuda, naval storekeeper there for many years and now removed to England.
He is a good kind of man, and I became acquainted with him in the West
Indiesr-— I told him when he pressed me to name him favorably to you that
really I did not think I had any right to do s<>—— seeing that I had never had
any official relations with him—— However he urged the point very much so I
agreed to do what I am now doing.

I intend to bring up in my council some of the knotty questions which
have been lately raised in your letters as soon as Sir E Head leaves me, but I
wish to settle the boundary first

Yours very sincerely

As the Clear Grits made a row about the sum charged for the expense of
sending troops to Mica Bay: I sent down the enclosed extracts from despatches
of yours which I think did good?-

I send an article from a leading New York paper on the underpayment of
their high oflicers which might be made public in England with advantage!’

Sept’ 27/50
Lord Elgin
Rec“ Oct‘ 15


No. 1

To an Address of the Legislative Assembly to His Excellency the Governor
General, dated 31st July, 1850, for the Correspondence which has taken
place between the Imperial and Provincial Government relative to the
payment of the Expenses of the removal of Her Majesty’s Troops in aid
of the civil Power, or upon any other military defence in this Province.

‘ See above 1). 89.

2 Enclosure N o. 1.
-‘3 Evzclosme No. 2.



EXTRACT of a Despatch from Earl Grey, to the Earl of Elgin, dated Downing
Street, 29th December, 1848.

“ It is for the protection of the inhabitants of Canada from any possible
attack from a foreign enemy that so considerable a force is maintained in that
part of Her Majesty’s Dominions, and Her Majesty’s Government considered
it to be of vital importance that the number of Her Majesty’s Troops should on i
no account he reduced below what may be necessary for affording such pro-
tection, when it may be called for, promptly and effectually. But to guard pro-
perty against petty deprcdations and to maintain internal order in the Province,
are more properly the objects of a Police, for which it is the duty of the Pro-
vincial Government to provide.”

Military, No. 69.

(Copy) DOWNING Strnnnrr,
4th January, 1850.

MY Lom>,—I have to acknowledge the receipt of your Lordship’s Despatches

of the numbers and date noted in the margin, reporting that you had found it

necessary to send a Detachment of Troops to the east-

No. 116, 23 Nov. 1849. cm shore of Lake Superior, in consequence of a

“ 124, 30 “ “ threatened collision between the Indians and certain

“ 130, 4 “ “ persons engaged in mining operations in that District;

“ 131, 6 “ “ arising out of alleged encroachments by the latter on
the property of the former.

I approve the measures so adopted by your Lordship for the preservation of
the peace on the shores of Lake Superior. But it must at the same time be clearly
understood that the expense of sending the Troops is to be defrayed by the pro-
vincial Government, by whom, as Your Lordship informs mo, permission was
given to the persons referred to, to explore for minerals. That government having
thought proper to sanction the formation of Mining establishments in situations
so remote, will, of course, be prepared to defray the extra expense which will be
incurred in sending Troops for the protection of the lives and property of the
persons engaged in these undertakings.

I have, &c.
(Signed,) GREY.
The Right Honble.
The Earl of Elgin and Kincardine,
&c., &c., &c.,

Military, No. 56.
(Copy) DOWNING Srnmrr,
20th June, 1850.

MY LoR.D,—-I transinit to you, herewith enclosed, copies of two Instructions
which I have had occasion to address, one to the late Commander of the Forces
in Canada, and the other to Major General Rowan, as explaining the cir-


cumstances under which I have enjoined the removal of the 19th Regiment from
Montreal. I have authorized the Major General to retain the Regiment there, if
necessary, and Your Lordship will understand that it will be equally competent
for yourself to require, if necessary, the retention of that corps for the sake of
maintaining the peace of the City.

In this case, however, applying to Canada the rule observed in this country,
I conceive that either the Provincial Government or the City of Montreal should
be called upon to defray the expense of Quartering the Regiment.

The rule observed here, when it becomes necessary to station a greater
number of Troops in a Town than can be accommodated in the existing Barracks,
is to require the Town or the County to provide the deficient Quarters: and I am
not aware of any reason which should operate against the extension of that rule to
the Colonies.

I have, &c.,

(Signed) GREY.
The Right Honorable.
The Earl of Elgin and Kincardine,
&c., &c., &c.,
No. 2

New~Yorlc, Monday Afternoon, August 5.

HIGH Orrrons IN Rr:rUsLIos.——We know of no time in the history of the
country when so many men, qualified in every way for the offices to which they
have been called, have been compelled to decline positions of national honor and
rank on pecuniary considerations, as at the formation of the present and recent
Cabinets; the present more especially. To President Fillmore this state of
things has presented grave practical difliculties. The men who seemed to him
most fitted to co-operate with him, in the Executive department of the Govern-
ment of a great nation, declined the blended honors and duties of such a position
because their private incomes from their less onerous and less responsible toils,
exceeded the emolument attached to the increased labor and anxiety of the ofiice
to which they were called. Not that they lacked in patriotism, or were
unwilling to obey the call of their country when it reached them through the
Chief Magistrate; but that they felt it to be man’s first duty to provide honestly
for the comfort of his own household, and that they could not conscientiously
break up a lucrative business for a. temporary service which supplied, even during
its brief continuance, a materially abridged income.

We cannotbut regard this state of things as suggestive of grave reflections.
The President of this Union cannot isolate himself from the rapid march of
events in the world. The burden of affairs upon this‘ continent alone is
sufliciently onerous, but American interests are every year becoming more and
more interwoven with events in Europe, Asia and even Africa, for the Republic



of Liberia, which is to exert no slight influence Within a very few years, will
always and unavoidably be connected in some degree with American interests.
Now it must be evident, on very little reflecticn, that a man charged with the
general conduct of such momentous events, and almost exclusively with all
initiatory movements, should not only be himself a man of high intelligence,
but should be surrounded with counsellors of the first ability; and that as he is
to be held responsible for their policy, to him should appertain the‘ utmost
freedom of choice in the selection of his advisers. This privilege is secured even
to the criminal under the ban of the law, and inures to every citizen who seeks
redress, in the most trifling aifairs, through our courts of law.

Of course we concede that the President‘ of the United States has in theory
this constitutional right; but recent events have proved that in practice it is
withheld from him. The objection made to accepting office, by more than one
of the gentlemen whose aid and counsels he desired, was exclusively that to
which we have refci-red—their will but not their purse consented. They freely
acknowledged that oneness of sentiment with the Chief Magistrate which had
led to the application—they felt the promptings of a high and laudable ambition
struggling for the mastery over the warnings of a sound judgment and a proper
foresighl-,—the patriot and the parent were for a moment at issue, the one
holding up the jewelled crown of honorable distinction, the other demanding self
denial on behalf of those who had pressing and lasting claims upon his devotion,
backed by the stubborn fact that while the nation asked his services it offered
distinction without profit and increased toil and responsibility with diminished
renurneration. Nor did it offer any compensation for that which he must
relinquish, or offer any guarantee that the pecuniary loss should be made up to
those dependent upon him, in case of that contingency against which as a private
citizen he would be daily more amply providing.

Now we say that this single fact-«that the country offers far less remuner-
ation than the talent it requires will bring in the market——is a matter of grave
moment. Already it has seriously abridged the constitutional and very proper
and needful right of the Chief Magistrate to choose his advisers; and this evil
has been gradually gaining ground. It has been felt by more than one President
——it interfered with President Taylor more than with any of his predecessors,
and with President Fillmore more than President Taylor. It will «come up again
at the next change of Cabinet, should the next President be equally resolved upon
selecting able men for his associates. It is a natural consequence of two things
~the fixity of the scale of Cabinet salaries, and the progression of the country,
which has created the necessity for and the means of adequately remunerating
the best talent it has consentaneously produced»-if, indeed, the demand is not
really in advance of the supply.

We do not like to see the offices profiierrcd by this great -country to its citi-
zens going~«a—begging, to use a homely phrase. Such a thing ought not to be.
Oft repeated it cannot fail to bring us as a nation into the wor1d’s contempt, and
what is a thousand fold more to be cared about, into contempt with ourselves.




Its effect upon our patriotism, upon our self respect as a people, upon our rever-
ence for the Government itself, must be disastrous in the extreme. Here is the
real evil—~the actual danger to be apprehended. The first choice is always
supposed to be the best; the second selection becomes the substitute for the first,
and the third for the second; so that in process of time, and according to the
number of refusals the Cabinet—the Govei-nment——will be composed of second,
third or foruth rate men, the scale always graduating downward. Can it be
doubted that the tendency of all this is to diminish popular respect for the Gov-
ernment, to weaken the obligations to obedience? for obedience follows respect,
and respect waits only on superiority, and derneans itself by its own almost
involuntary gauge of the superiority to which it bows.

No one would deliberately choose such a condition of things as is here
glanced at—a condition to which we are naturally tending, because the country,
growing in population and interests and wealth, is constantly moving away
from that lower point of resources and needs which existed when the present
scale of Cabinet salaries was fixed. And now let us dispassionately ask is it
worth While, is it sound and wise policy~—for to this question we are inevitably
led———to allow things to dwindle into this condition, merely on a question of
dollars and cents? Shall this great republic have hereafter to complain that it
cannot procure the firet class talent of its own country only because it refuses to
pay a remunerating price for it? Is an increase of the salaries of the respective
executive olficers of Government a greater evil in the eyes of sober, reflecting
Americans than the prospective deterioration of the Government itself, and the
loss of that wholesome and supporting popular respect in which that Government
has hitherto been held? We put the question to every reader, to be Weighed Well
before it is answered.

We do not lose sight of the objections that may be made to such increase,
and are quite prepared to answer them whenever occasion calls for it. We have
contented ourselves at present with endeavoring to show that there is danger
ahead—a rock in the ship’s course~which it is desirable, nay necessary, to pro-
vide for and remove. To go on as we are is to attempt to make finality and
progress travel together. The thing cannot be done: either finality will drag
down progress, or progess must uproot finality. Either the present incompetent
salaries must deteriorate the material of the Government, or the country must
lift the scale of salaries to its own elevation, by insisting that the men who con-
duct the executive affairs of the nation shall find therein a profit at least equal
to that of conducting their own. Arguments in support of this View crowd upon
us——arguments that to our mind are clear and incontrovertible. We reserve
them, however, for future use. Vile desire that the people should think about the
naked questions—~Is the country doing right in giving members of the Cabinet
a salary that will not meet the necessary expenditures of office? Is it right in
keeping the scale of remuneration so low that men who are asked to serve their
country by sharing in its executive councils, and desire to do so, are deterred by
the fact that oflice would impoverish them? We are prepared to take the negative
of these questions. ’

[Original MS]

NIAGARA FALLS, oct 6. 1850-

We have accompanied the Heads 1 thus for on their way homewards. I have

been very glad to renew my acquaintance with him as he is an old friend and a
very clever & well informed one. Mary has got on very swimmingly with Lady
Head. They proceed tomorrow & will take this to New York.—— We return on
Monday to Toronto. I think that we have made arrangements for settling the
boundary question between Canada. & New Brunswick by arbitration as sug-
gested by you in such 3. way as will be satisfactory, or at least put a term to the
discussion of the subject.~ The Yankees have given the go by to the reciprocity
Bill. Fortunately the desire for the measure has very much abated on this side.»-
so that I do not apprehend any great mischief from their refusal at present, It is
just possible however that it may become necessary to allow the Provincials to
retaliate— I shall see my way in this matter more clearly soon. Meanwhile we
are likely to be flooded with blackies who are rushing across the frontier to escape
from the bloodhounds whom the Fugitive slave bill has let loose on their track.
There is some talk of Sir H. Bulwer’s coming here—— but no one can even speak
with certainty of his movements.———When I get back to Toronto some very impor-
tant questions will have to be considered——— A most important one respects the
duration of our Part which has seen three sessions & can only see one more.
Should it see that one. There is the question—— I rather incline to a negative
answer: though I know that a dissolution will be attended with considerable
embsrasernonts. We shall I fear lose La Fonteinez who seems determined not
to remain in public life.—— The Province is however I think in a good condition
for 9. general Election. Despite the lies that are told here and believed in England
I believe there never was before in Canada such general contentment. I have
been particularly pleased with one circumstance which lately occurred- The
municipal council of the County of York-— on important C‘’— at the suggestion
of some mencurs partly clear Grit & partly Ultra Tory passed a series of resolu-
tions recommending that a convention should be held to revise the constitutionm
These resolutions were sent by them to all the other Municipal Oouncils—— and
as yet they have only recievod very unquestionable snubs in reply. I gather
from this that the Clear Grit party is much less influential than it effects to be.——
I confess however that I think if this Par‘ sits another Session violent efforts will
be made to get up steam for the General Election by putting forward extravagant

The Bishops College 3 & MW Ryland-4 are also matters which must be dealt
with when I return.——— As regards the latter it is difficult to see how we are ten

1 See above 1). 606 note.

2 See above 11. 711;; below 1). 897.
3 See above p. 700.

‘See above 1:. 530 note.

—\7__ _ –


years after date to persuade the Colonists to assume a bargain which Stanley as
his published despatches shew rejected from the first.—— or, as it would perhaps
be more correct to phrase it, which Stanley proved on grounds quite suificient to
convince the Colonists to be inadmissable-—-

Very sincerely Your’s


EARL Gnrnr

Oct. 6/50
Lord Elgin
Rec‘ Oct’ 22

[Duplicate MS copy]

Private CO.
Oct. 25/50

Here I am once more having come to London a few days earlier than I
intended in consequence of a Cabinet wh. was summoned on Wednesday on a
subject on wh. the Times has somehow or other got the means of telling the
world pretty nearly what has passed.

Now I am here I shall remain quietly as there is an amount of work to be
done before the Session wh. is positively frightful.

I have to thank you for two letters of – Sept. 27 & Oct’ 6.~—Happily they do
not contain much that requires an answer a strong sign that things are going on
well,——but I will take what matters there are in the order you mention them

M’ Macdonald I will certainly see, I am always glad to see people of any
consideration from the Colonies, as I think it very useful & one generally picks
up some information-—-I will also attend to what you say about M” Triscott.

I am glad you think the publication of my Despatches on the expense of
sending the force to the mines did good,1 we must watch our opportunities &
gradually establish the principle of getting the Colonists to pay part of the
expense of their own defence.—-The example of the Australian Colonies will
I hope be useful.——N. S. Wales kicked a good deal at first but the people there
are beginning to understand that they cannot have the advantages without the
burdens of self Gov »‘—Si Australia has agreed without demur to undertake
the Barracks. V

I shall be very glad if the arrangements you have made with Sir E. Head on
the boundary questionz lead to its being sottlcd— it is very desirable that this
sh‘ be accomplished soon-—

1 See above p. 715.
2See above pp. 608, 676, 708, 715.



As to the Reciprocity Bill I never expected it to pass after the Colonists &
especially the N. Brunswickers showed What exaggerated» importance they
attached to it. I am sure the only way to get it is to take a very different line,
by saying that the measure is one we are anxious to pass because every removal
of artificial restrictions upon trade is a good thing but that after all the Yankees
will lose far more than we shall by the refusal & this I am convinced is the

It is obvious that for some generations the U. States & Canada must both be

exporters of agricultural produce in all ordinary Years—- in these therefore the
price of corn in both must be regulated by that wh. it bears in the markets of the
World, & the only effect of the refusal of the Yankees to take your wheat will be
to encourage the Canadian Miller & Merchant & the S‘ Lawrence trade at the
expense of New York & Bost0n— Sc certain am I of this, that I W5 make every
effort to persuade the Canadians to meet the Yankee restrictions not by retalia-
tion but by opening their own doors as widely as possible to American producc~«
I W“ let in American wheat at once duty free, leaving them to follow the example or
not as they pleased ;— depend upon it the effect w‘ be to increase the advantages
of the Canadian Miller & exporter so much that with the free navigation now
established, you W“ soon have much of the valuable trade of supplying Brazil
& Cuba with flour, & sending sugar & Coffee in return to the far west transferred
to the S‘ Lawrence from New York & New Orleans, & the Yankee Merchants
W‘ soon find their Canadian rivals going so fast ahead of them with the benefit
of free trade that they W“ Compel Congress to give them the same advantages,-—-
this wd happen all the sooner if our people W“ only show much indifference on the
subject—- I do trust therefore that you will be able to prevent the attempt to
enter upon that silliest of all silly policies, the meeting of commercial restrictions
by counter restrictions; indeed it is a matter to be very seriously considered
whether we can avoid disallowing any acts of this Kind wh. may be passed.—- I
have instructed Sir E. Head not to assent to any Bills giving bounties,1 as
contrary to the commercial policy deliberately adopted by the Imperial Legis-
lature & Gov”, & on the same principle I sh“ probably think it right to disallow
retaliatory Acts passed in Canada; I sh“ be very anxious that you sh“ if possible
avert this question, & at any rate reserve any such Bills wh. you may be unable
to prevent coming up to you— The only commercial advantage I felt disposed
to with-hold from the US. till they behaved properly to us, was the Navigation
of the S‘ Lawrence & the Canals, but further reflection makes me doubt whether
this ought not to be given freely & without bargaining, on the principle that we
sh‘ lose more than those we mean to punish by keeping up the restriction, wh.
upon close examination I believe W“ be found to be the case—— In short I W“
adopt without reserve the principle of meeting hostile tarrififs by open ports, &
by giving the utmost commercial facilities to all the world, leaving other Nations
if they act upon a diflerent policy to find out by experience (as they most
certainly W‘) the folly of doing so—
You say you are being flooded with blackies- Is it possible to do anything to
turn the current to the West Indies? The importance of doing so I need not
explain as you must well understand it, the subject is one with wh. I am much
occupied & I will send you some papers on it by the next Mail-

‘See below Appemlim XXV.


The Question of dissolution or no dissolution is indeed a most important &

difficult one-— there is much to be said on both sides, but the decision must rest
so entirely on grounds of wh. a true Judgment can only be formed on the spot,
that I will not venture to give an opinion upon it.—- The failure of the move of
the York Municipal Council is a good sympton-
With regard to the questions with wh. you say you meant to deal on your
return to Toronto I will only add that I hope you will get your Council to concur
with you in doing what is just respecting the College‘ & that with regard to M’
Ryland’ I am far from having the slightest wish that you sh » grant to him what
I think he has no claim to; on the contrary I think your advisers & the Canadian
Purl” W“ be greatly to blame if they allowed themselves to be coerced by that
clever but pert little Duke & the H. of Lords into Conceding an untenable claim,
but I am anxious that it sh“ be rejected in due form & in such a manner as to
enable me when it is again discussed here to show conclusively how unfounded it
is—-— If you will refer to my former letters you will see how I think that this
might be done——

When I began this letter I thought I need only trouble you with a few lines,
but I got upon topics on wh. it is hard to check ones pen & on wh. I might write
for a Week without exhausting what there’s to be said–


Since I finished my letter I have received the Enclosed3 from the Treasury,
but as it has only reached me this afternoon & I have not had time to look into
the matter I think it better not to send it to you olficially by this Mail, since I
have some suspicion that the Treasury is not quite correct in all the principles
asserted in this letter—~« I do think however that the Act was one wh. under the
13”‘ clause of the Royal instructions4 you ought to have reserved, & also that it is
open to objections wh. will make it necessary to disallow it—- At the same time
I have a long standing Controversy with the Treasury (i.e. in fact with C. Wood)
on the whole subject of Colonial Currency wh. seems to me in a most unsatis-
factory state~— What I sir‘ like to do Wd be to adopt what was Ellice’s recom-
mendation to poor Lord Althrop many years ago & coin dollars wh. sh“ be the
only legal tender over the whole of the B5“ Colonies & in wh. all Colonial paper
sh“ be made payable—— The Circulation of B9“ Silver I believe to be the greatest
of all absurdities-

(Sd) G.
Oct 25/50
Lord Grey to Lord E.gin
‘ See above 11. 700.

2See above 11. 5.31) note.

“This letter is not in the collection. The subject under discussion was the Currency Act.
See below Amicmlim XXVI,

‘*Clause 13 of the Royal Instructions reada:—“ And We do further direct that you do not
Propose or assent to any Act whatever, whereby Bills of Credit or other negotiable Securities
of whatever nature may be issued in lieu of money on the Credit of the said Province, or
whereby any Gov‘ Paper ‘CU1’T9fl0Y may be established therein, or whereby any such Bills or
any other Paper Currency or any Coin, save only the Legal Coin of the Realm, may be made or
declared, to be a legal tender, unless a Clause be inserted therein suspending its operation until
Our _Pleasurc be known, or |J.n]ne€s special permission from Us in that behalf have been first
obtained.” (I7tSM‘1IOi‘iO?18 to G‘ouernors, 1840-1807, 1;. 8.)


[Original MS]

Tononro Oct. 11. 1850.

By this mail one of the ablest men in Canada goes to England. The

Rev“ D‘ Ryerson, Superintendent General of Education in Upper Canada.
I should be glad if you could see him— He is accused by many of being
somewhat cunning which is not altogether improbsble.—~ He is a Wesleyan and
was appointed to his present Situation by Lord Metcalfe whose cause he
espoused on the occasion of his famous quarrel with the Baldwin LaFontaine
Ministry. The Rev‘ D’ came out most lustily in print during that controversy
on behalf of Lord Metcalfc: and as the liberals considered him to belong to
themselves they were proportionably exasperated—— I had to do some battle for
him when they first came in, but as his chief enemy M‘ M. Cameron is now out,
and the Ministry have acted with him very cordially on education on education
matters this year, things are going on at present smoothly enough. I believe
that he knows as much of Canada as any man and I should be glad if you heard
his opinion especially on the clergy Reserves. He is much more decided against
the present settlement than I expected to find him and declares that no man
who desires to be elected even for a municipality in U. Canada dare commit
himself to the support of it—. It is certainly remarkable that no consequences
whatsoever would seem to have followed on a formal appeal which the
Archdeaeons in the absence of the Bishop made to the Members of the Church
to agitate against the address passed by the Assembly last Session—

The Indians are getting into a great agitation about their presents in
consequence of the debate in the H. of Commons last Session——1 and there are
rumors of meetings of the Tribes to confer on the subject. No doubt there is
much to be said against the vote for the Indians and it is a most fair subject for
criticism. Indeed the whole Indian question is a most perplexing one for they
are such a miserable set and are so surrounded by villians that in dealing with
them one is always getting from one difficulty into another. With respect
however to the draft Minute of the Treasury which you have sent for my
perusal? I shall feel myself obliged if it comes to me oflicially in its present
shape, to protest strongly against the attempt therein made to saddle me and
through me the Canadian Gov‘ (if by that Expression is meant the Council,
you must be aware that on such questions they are never consulted) with the
responsibility of the opinion that the Indians have no claim to a continuance of
their presents. When I wrote a despateh to you shewing that I was doing what
I could to obey your orders I certainly did not think that the Gov” would
afterwards claim an advantage because I did not dispute the principle on which
they rested. Measures of economy of this class are very popular at home and

‘ See above 1». 702.
2This draft is not in the collection,


very much the reverse here,: their adoption in any shape will be attended with
hazard, but I am sure that it is safer & better that they should appear to be
forced on the local authorities than to be recommended by them

Very sincerely Yours




Oct. 11/50

Lord Elgin

Rec“ Oct’ 28

[Original MS]
Tonomro. October 12. 1850.

I take the liberty of placing this letter of introduction to your Lordship in
the hands of the Rev‘ D’ Egerton Ryerson Superintendant General of Education
for Upper Canada who visits England on business connected with his Depart-
ment. D” Ryerson is a. Gentleman of great intelligence and thoroughly acquainted
with this Part of the Province. Your Lordship will find that he is competent to’
give you information on many points of interest should you be pleased to grant
him an interview

I am
My dear Lord
Very sincerely Yours



Oct. 12/50

Lord Elgin

introducing Rev“ D‘ Ryerson

[Duplicate MS copy]


Nov. 1/50


This is W. Indian as Well as N. American Mail day & having had some long
letters to write by the former I have only a moment to write to you.

I am sorry to hear of agitation among the Indians but it is clear that the H.
of Commons will not go on voting the presents so We must make the best of it.——


I have not the draft minute before me but if it places any responsibility on you
for the discontinuance of the grant this must clearly be altercd—— I have not yet
seen either M’ Ryerson or M’ Macdonald 1 but I hope to do so soon-

I have pretty nearly made up my mind that we must at all hazards bring in
a Bill next Session on the Clergy reserves, & I think L“ John is inclined to the
same view of the same subject, but it has not yet been before the Cabinet & the
question is a very serious one since we cannot propose such a Bill & in the event
of its being thrown out continue responsible for the Gov‘ of Canada, at least for
one I certainly c“ not— but that the H. of Lords w“ be brought to agree to such a
measure is in the highest degree doubtful-—

L‘ John suggested to me the other day that he thought Laiontaine might
very properly be made a Baronct2 —— W“ this be of any use in the Colony or w“
he like it‘? If so Lord John W“ recommend him to the Queen for the honor~—

Let me Know——
(s“) GREY


Nov. 1/50
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

[Original MS]

Tonoucro. october 25. 1850

I have succeeded in getting an enquiry set on foot into Rylands claim for
compensation which will I hope throw some light on that case.3 —

I am sorry that I am not able yet to send an official reply to your Despateh
on the subject of the Bishops’ UniVersity4 — Hincks is absent in attendance at
the Montreal Industrial fair—~LaFontaine also is in Lower Canada and I do not
like to press for a Minute of Council on this matter till their return. On the
whole I agree with you in thinking that it is better that we should put no difficulty
here in the way of the Bishop’s getting a charter—— and I am taking that side of
the question in the discussion— At the same time it is to be remembered that the
object of our recent legislation on the University question has been to set up one
great Institution in the Province where a high Educational standard might be
maintained and which should give degrees which shall be worth having— With
this view we are endeavouring to induce Queens College (the Presbyterian
Seminary) and Victoria College (the Wesleyan) to renounce the power of giving

‘ See above 17. 715.

2 See above p. 7.55, 747.

“On 24 December, 1850, Lord Elgin transmitted the result of this enquiry. He stated:‘—-

_ “ The cfieet of this decision will be to restore M‘ Ryland to the place on tlxe‘Pens_ion List
which was assigned to him by Lord Stanley and from which he was removed with his Lord-
ship’s a proval on his %ppointment to the Registrarship of Montreal.

In t e prosecution 0 this enquiry the attention of the Government has been called to
the fact that M’ Ryland does not reside at the City of Montreal where his Offiee is kept,‘ and the
Committee of Council recommend that he should he informed that in future he must reside there
and perform the duties of his Office in person. I have given instructions that an intimation to
this effect shall be conveyed to him accordingly.” (Elmo to Grey, 24 December, 1850, No. 2450,
Copy, 9’. 461, p. 51,9). See above 12. 550 note.

4 See above 12.71.}.


any degrees but those in Divinity— and to alfiliate themselves to the Toronto
University—— We expect to succeed with Victoria College, and as to the other, if
the local Parliament stops the annual grant which has hitherto been given to it,
(which it is bound in consistency to do,) I think it must die of inanition. Baldwin
feels strongly that if just at this moment We are parties to setting up a Church of
England College with a. power to grant (not degrees in Divinity only, for that We
should be most glad to encourage) but all degrees, we shall be acting incon-
sistently and doing what we can to defeat our own policy» He points to the
States Where Charters are given to all who ask for them and where consequently
University degrees are of no value.

It strikes me moreover on reading the draft of the Charter as proposed by
the Bishop that the powers conferred thereby on the Visitor are very extra—

Thcre is one point respecting the Indian Presents on which I think some mis-
conception prevails at home 1 — It is always assumed that the presents are given
as a compensation for land taken from the Tribes—— But this is not the case.
Where lands have been purchased annuities are given and are paid by the
Province——— The presents have always been given and reeieved as Royal Bounty
in acknowledgement of the fidelity with which the tribes stood by their Great
Father the King of Great Britain in various wars. No doubt it was a great
omission at the time of the surrender of the Territorial Revenue that all this as
well as the cost of the Indian Department was not charged on the civil List of
the Province— but, will you believe it, not only were these items omitted, but no
provision was made for the payment of the annuities— Questions have even been
raised since the Union as to Whether they should be paid by the Province at
all-— Fortunately the Attornics General to whom this point was referred have
been honest enough to give it as their opinion that the annuities are a charge on

the Territorial Revenue. I have heard however some rather loose talking on this

head since I came to the Province.

As to the Barracks? — I do not know exactly what to say, I assume that of
course you would never think of abandoning your fortified Towns Quebec and
Kingston to the tender mercies of the Colonists— The question then is—— Would
it be a good arrangement to require the Province to undertake to keep up all
other Barracks, the Imperial Gov‘ assuming the G-overnor’s Salary. I confess I
do not think that such a plan as this would be altogether a bad one— The worst
of it is that there would be eternal squabbles between the Military and Provincial
authorities with respect to the condition of the aecom-odation for the Troops—
one way of meeting that objection would be the withdrawal of the Troops into
the fortified Towns whenever the local authorities were unreasonable-

I suppose your economists at home do not dcign to take into consideration
the good elfect which Regiments in Canada produce on the American mind. The
general notion on the other side of the line being that we are utterly efiete, I
really believe that the Yankees are much edified by witnessing the manoevering
of a well disciplined British Reg‘. Nothing certainly delights them so much. They
always come back from the Reviews saying “ Wall nothing can whip the British—

‘ See above 1211. 702, 713-714, 724-725.
2 See above p, 701,


ers on a field day”—— I have no doubt that these spectacles and the civilities they
recieve from the ofiicers raise us greatly in their estimation and tend insensibly to
promote the interests of peace.

Sir H. and Lady Bulwcr arrived here last night and are staying with us»-
His opinion of the morality of the Yankees is rather lower than mine, which is
not however very elevated.

The great industrial fair at Montreal seems to have gone off very well. I
cut from the Gazette Wh reached me yesterday a report of the Mechanics dinner.
You will appretiate the importance as bearing on the interests of Peace and of
the connexion of such speeches in such a company as that of the Editor of the
Boston Paper; & when you remember all that passed at Montreal last year, & that
the Gazette was my most bitter reviler, you may probably think that the mode in
w“ my health was recieved is significant— as reported by the Gazette itself—-
Would these healthy symptoms now be manifesting themselves in Montreal~—
and would the French & English inhabitants be now cooperating in kindness for
a common object—— if I had not resolved during; the worst season of the crisis, in
spite of the urgent remonstrances of all around me, and in defiance of public
opinion both in America & England to atchieve no victory but a moral one?

very sincerely Yours





Oct. 25/50

Lord Elgin

Rec“ Nov‘ 11

[En closure ]

Mnommrcs’ DINNER.

On Saturday evening a splendid dinner was given by the members of the
Mechanics’ Institute, at which about 200 persons sat down. Mr. Spiers the
President was in the chair, having His Worship Mr. Fabré on his right and Mr.
Cumberland, Secy., of the Industrial Commission on his left. Other gentlemen
connected with the Exhibition were also present, besides strangers from Upper
Canada and the United States.

After dinner the chairman gave, as usual, “ The Queen,” a toast which was
received with great enthusiasm. Mr. Fletcher was called upon for a song. He
sang “ God Save the Queen,” all present joining in it.

The next toast “ Prince Albert and the Royal Family,” was received with all
the honors.


“ The Governor General” was then proposed and duly honored. Song by
Mr. Wylie “Scots wha hae.” A piper of the gallant 71st Regt here entered,
and the moment the drone was heard, the company was seized with a sudden
excitement of pleasure.

“Mechanics and Manufactures of Canada” was prefaced by a few ap-
propriate remarks, and was responded to by Mr. Osrnnn.

He said that he felt proud of his connexion with the mechanics of Montreal,
and of the position occupied by them today. If they had not achieved inde-
pendence, they had emancipation, and that henceforth they would depend
upon their own exertions, and, he had no doubt, from what was now seen, that the
mechanics of Montreal would vie with those of any other country, when put
upon their mettle. The exhibition however would have been nothing without the
skill and mind of the farmer and artisan. The city of Montreal had taken the
lead, but he hoped that every locality Would strive to be first in the next
Industrial Exhibition for Canada.

Mr. WALLACE, Plane maker, sang “My dearie O.”

« The Agriculture and Agriculturists of Canada” was then proposed. The
Chairman said that were it not for those We would have to go to California,
to dig gold, but from the exhibition to—day, he thought we were well justified in
remaining in Canada.

In the absence of Mr. Hays, President of the Agricultural Society, Mr.
MCGINN was called upon to reply:

He paid a high compliment to the mechanics of Canada, among whom he
felt proud to have classed himself when he first came to this country to earn
his bread, and when he saw the names of Watt, Stephenson, and others, that he
now saw on the walls, he almost regretted that he was not among them still. He
alluded to merchants, as occupying a distinguished position, but their energies
would be of little avail, were it not for the farmer and mechanic. The agri-
culture of Canada, however, after the display of today, can hardly be slightcd,
and when our productions go to London, the people of England will see that we
are not the people they suppose us, living at the North pole, among white bears.
They would find us possessing all the necessaries, and not a few of the luxuries
of life. Yet the agriculture of Lower Canada was backward—perhaps for one
reason, that the thick skulled boy in the family was always turned out to be a
farmer. It was supposed that the climate of Lower Canada was against agri—
culture, but he did not think so. The climate of Montreal was good, for while
150 miles below, frost came too soon in the fall and 150 miles above, there was
mud and mire, in Montreal, we enjoyed a pure sky and beautiful roads. As to
the country, generally, wherever you see a smiling village, there will you find a
good country around. But agriculture to thrive must be in the hands of men of
education, as well as of practical skill. He then referred to the Exhibition, and
said that the government could not do a more patriotic thing than to make it a
perrnanent thing. It would tend to do away With bickering among ourselves, and
would do much to stimulate the mind of the Province. He expressed the great
pleasure he had felt at seeing the model locomotive engine at the Exhibition,



made by a little French Canadian boy of 16 years of age. The government
gave £500 to each of the three great Districts of Lower Canada, and if collected
together to hold one great show it would do great good. There had been too
much modesty among our mechanics and farmers, and he hoped to see a little
more self-dependence. He hoped also to see the Exhibition permanent, as he
felt convinced that the repetition of such things would point out to those who
compete the points in which they may have been deficient, and points wherein
they could even excel previous efforts.

Mr. THOMPSON (from near Toronto) also responded. He had been a farmer
from his youth and the son of a mechanic, and although he had deviated into
other occupations, he had always gone back to the farm with relish——We
belonged to a nation of which the nobles thought it a pride to be farmers, and
Prince Albert himself gave much of his attention to it. The farmer was the
noblest of the earth, but important as his vocation was, what would it be with-
out the mechanic to make his tools, and the merchant to transport his surplus
produce. He was in favor of these exhibitions being made permanent, but
thought that from the extent of the country it would be better to have one for
each section of the Province. And if the farmers willed it so who could prevent
it? The country was in their hands and they could put in power, men who
would attend to their interests if one set or another did not do so. He trusted
also that measures would be taken to enable people in all parts of the country
to visit each other on such occasions. Such meetings were productive of great
good. He was glad to see so many strangers in town, and some of them English-
men who had never been in Montreal before. With respect to the Association of
Upper Canada he had pleasure in stating that arrangements would be made for
allowing farmers in Lower Canada to compete with those of Upper Canada, at
their next exhibition at Brockville. He could also tell them that if they did,
they had better not bring their second rate articles. He was glad to hear
from his friend who spoke last, that he was so well pleased with his locality.
He could also say that the people of Upper Canada felt exactly the same, but
should any one in the Lower Province think of going West, the Upper Canadians
had room enough and would make them welcome.

“The Industrial Exhibition of 1851” was received with great applause.

Jorm YOUNG, Esq., said, in reference to the toast which has just been so
heartily drunk, I would beg to observe that the object of the Industrial Exhibition
of 1851 forms a new era in the history of our race; it will be the first time that
the nations have met to do reverence to the dignity of Labour. Prince Albert
has, therefore, in suggesting the idea, and in using his position and influence in
society to carry it out, not only made mankind at large his debtors, but has done
honor to England. It is thus that men in the possession of power and influence
truly perform their mission here. The good effects which are likely to spring
from this movement it is impossible to trace. In Canada we see one of its effects
by the Provincial Industrial Exhibition. Emerging from a system of restriction
upon industry and restricted liberty, the Canadian people are charged, and
perhaps justly charged with apathy and want of self-reliance,—but under the
new order of things we are afloat in a ship, without boats or planks. Our safety


and success depends on our good management alone. This combat with dim-
culty is just the education we want to teach us self—reliance. The Provincial
Fair, which is now being held, must convince every one who visits it that Canada
and its resources are not known, even to its inhabitants. I am well acquainted
with Canada, and creditable as the present Fair is, it is not a tithe of what
Canada can do. In this our country abounding as it does with unlimited riches,
awaiting the hand of industry for their development, we have reason to be full
of hope, and I trust that the idea of Prince Albert will induce a determination
among the people of Montreal to hold an Annual Fair, the results of which will
be incalculably beneficial.

Mr. Shipway sang with great eliect “ The Brave Old Oak”

“The Mayor and Corporation of Montreal” was received with much

His Worship the Mayor returned thanks, and said as he wanted to give them
a treat, he would call upon Councillor McFarlanc to give a speech.

Mr. IVICFARLANE thought the greatest treat he could give, would be to sit
down and allow the toasts and other treats to go on—(no, no) He respected his
Worship the Mayor, and hoped all present did so—(cheers) He was glad to
meet the mechanics and farmers of the neighbourhood for the first time, and
hoped it would not be the last. He was glad to say that the Corporation had by
a majority voted the means of carrying out the present exhibition, and trusted
that in a future year there would not be a clissentient voice for double the
amount. He thanked them again for the manner in which the Corporation had
been drunk.

The Chairman then said, that the next toast was one that would be well
received, considering the friendly relations that now existed between us and a
friendly power. It was the “President and people of the United States.” The
President had risen from a low rank, and his rise might stimulate others to
advance themselves. Drunk with much cheering, and one cheer more.

H. L. CHAMPLIN, Editor of the Frcernan’s Journal, Boston, begged to return
thanks on behalf of the people of the United States. He was unused to public
speaking, but the enthusiastic manner in which the health of the President had
been received, had raised his democratic blood, and he could not allow the toast
to pass without acknowledgment. The present was the first time that he had
ever visited Canada, or trod a. foreign soil. People down his Way, said he, called
Canadians foreigners, and some of them spoke of Montrealers, of Canadians
generally, as semi-barbarians. He himself was free to confess that he had had
strong prejudices and curious notions on the subject. But after visiting
Montreal, and receiving the attentions he had done, he would go back with very
different feelings. He would tell his ft-llow—citizens of Boston, that he had seen
many things to admire, and much as they (Yankees) were in the way of boasting
of What was among them—he could tell them that he had seen some things in
which the Canadians excelled, none in Which they were inferior. Down in
Boston, he had heard something of Annexation, but after his visit here, he could
say emphatically that he wanted no annexation on account of territory or govern—



ment. A friendly and social annexation, of good feelings and kindly sympathies
was what he went for, and he wanted no other, and he was well satisfied that
such also were the opinions generally, of the Canadians.

(This gcntIeman’s speech was received with long and loud cheers.)

The chairman then gave “ Our Guests.” He expected to have seen a greater
number of mechanics, from Western Canada and from the United States, but
had been disappointed. He was pleased however to meet those who were there.

Some delay having occurred in a reply to the toast, Mr. Kinnear rose and
shortly returned thanks.

Mr. CUMBERLAND, of Toronto, also rose and stated, that as an officer of the
Mechanics’ Institute of that city, he had been oleputed to arrange for more
intimate relations between the two Institutes, than had hitherto existed, and that
he had felt highly flattered with the kind manner in which he had been met. He
would now go back, as would the other Western Canadians, and tell how hospit-
ably and generously they had all been received. He thanked the company for
the manner in which their healths had been drunk.

The Secretary of the Institute then proposed “The Executive Committee.”

,Mr. Bnrsro, in returning thanks, said he felt that although he had been put
in the position of Chairman of the Executive Committee, he had only had to
carry out the arrangements wisely devised by others, and while he acknowledged
the toast as due to every member of the committee, it was in an especial manner
due to the President of the Institute, their worthy Chairman. But the success
of the present exhibition was in an especial manner due to the mechanics of
Montreal, and to the Committee. He had never seen more energy displayed in
any cause, than they had done. He, therefore, could, without censure, take
some praise on their behalf for the exertions they had used, and the immense
labor they had gone through. When they embarked in the cause, it was under
no ordinary circumstances. A good deal had been said about the affair, and an
under current of opposition was running against it. They had met with many
obstacles in their proceedings, and some not easy to remove. Some gentlemen
who said they hoped it would succeed, did nothing to forward it. Some encouraged
them by saying they would not receive two cart loads of stuff, and that not forty
persons would go to see them. He could now appeal to the facts shewn from the
present state of the Bonsecours Halls, as to the quantity of produce and manu-
factures received; and it was a subject of pride to him, and to the Committee,
that upwards of twelve thousand persons had visited the Exhibition. Nay, he
believed that 12,000 more would visit it, for the Committee had resolved to keep
it open for three days longer. He would ask whether it was not a noble cause to
call out the skill and energy of the agrioulturist and artisan? It was fashionable
he knew to undervalue our agriculturists, but those who had not examined the
prize articles would find, when they did so, that all that was wanted among our
rural population, was industry and self—reliance. As to the mechanics, he did
not wish to flatter them to their faces, but no one could go to the exhibition, and
not feel pleased with the specimens therein displayed, and he himself felt
confident that in future years there would be greater excellence. He again paid
a high compliment to the individual members of the Committee, and thanked
the party for the toast just drunk.




The “Press ” was then given, but as the hour had come for the display of
fireworks many retired, and we left Mr. Kinnear, about returning thanks. The
“Ladies”, we believe, were also duly remembered.

Our old friend, Mr. Mack, and his worthy better half, are entitled to great
credit for the excellent dinner provided, and for the punctuality with which
everything was on the table at five o’clock. The oificers of the Institute, among
whom we observed Mr. Munro as conspicuous, we fear lost their own dinner in
giving their attention to their numerous guests.

We left the table in the highest degree pleased with the fare and the arrange-
ments, and infinitely gratified with the common sense which directed a dinner at
five to break up at ten, than a dinner at seven to break up at one.

[Original MS]

Tonorwro, Nov’ 1, 1850.

Sir I-I Bulwcr spent four days with us, and for many reasons I am glad
that he has been here. He leaves us knowing more of Canada than he did when
he came. I think too that both he & Head return to their homes reassured on
many points of our internal Policy on which they felt doubtful before. and much
enlightened as to the real position of men and things in this Province. When I
find however that persons so intelligent and liberal minded require such enlight-
enment it appals me to think of the dense ignorance and prejudice on Canadian
afl’airs which must possess the English mind in general—

With one important truth I have labored to impress them and I hope suc-
cessfully. It is this— that the faithful carrying out of the principles of constitu-
tional Gov‘ is a departure from the American model, not an approximation to
it—— and therefore a departure from rcpublicaniszn in its only workable shape.
Of the soundness of this View of our case I entertain no doubt whatsoever——
and though I meet with few persons to whom it seems to have occurred (for the
common belief of superficial observers is that we are republicanising the Colonies)
I seldom fail in bringing it home to the understanding of any intelligent person
with whom I have occasion to discuss it— The fact is that the Yankee system
is our old Colonial system With, in certain cases, the principle of popular election
substituted for that of nomination by the CroWn- M‘ Fillmore stands to his
Congress very much in the same relation in which I stood to my Assembly in
Jamaica; though, with the utmost deference I venture to think that I managed
my refractory Crew better than he does his-—~ There is the same absence of
effective responsibility in the conduct of legislation— the same want of con-
current action between the parts of the political machine-—— The whole business
of legislation in the American Congress as well as in the State legislatures is
conducted in the manner in which Railway business was conducted in the H. of
Commons at a time when it is to be feared that, notwithstanding the high
standard of honor in the British Par‘, there was a good deal of jobbingw For


instance our reciprocity measure was pressed by us at Washington last Session
just as 8. Railway bill in 1845 or 1846 would have been pressed in Far”. There
was no Gov‘ to deal with~— The interest of the Union as a whole and distinct
from local and sectional interests had no organ in the Representative bodies—-
It was all a question of canvassing this individual member of Congress or the
other— It is easy to percieve that under such a system jobbing must become not
the exception but the rule.

Now I feel very strongly that when a people have been once thoroughly
accustomed to the working of such a Parliamentary system as our’s they never
will consent to revert to this clumsy impossible mechanism—— Whether we shall
be able to carry on the war here long enough to allow the practises of Constitu-
tional Govi and the habits of mind which they engender to take root in these
Provinces, may be doubtful— I know that M’ Cobden is writing to Gentlemen
in America begging them to annex us as soon as possible, so perhaps he will not
give us the necessary time—- But it may be worth your while to consider whe-
ther these views do not throw some light on alfairs in Europe— If you part with
y. constitutional monarchies then you may possibly get something much more
democratic, but you cannot I am confident get Yankee Republieanism—. It is
the fashion to say “ of course not, we cannot get their federal system ”-— But
this is not the only reason» There are others that lie deeper. Look at France
Where they are trying to jumble up the two things—— A head of the State
responsible tm the people who elect him, and a Ministry responsible to the

I send by this mail our case on the boundary question— The Gentleman
whom we Wish to be named as arbitrator‘ on our behalf1 is a brother in law of

Yours very sincerely
EARL Gnny,

Nov. 1/50
Lord Elgin
Ree“ Nov” 18

[Duplicate MS copy]


Nov. 22/50

I rec“ your letter of the 1“ on Monday—I have little to say in reply to it
except that I quite concur in the opinions you express, & I am glad to find

that you have adopted the same view of the American constitution wh. I have

1 Thomas Falconer.




so long done——I have always regarded it as a most faulty system, & this
impression is much confirmed by what I have recently heard especially from
your friend D’ Ryerson—I find however like you that there is an extraordinary
amount of ignorance prevalent on this questi0n—~I was particularly struck
with this when the French constitution was being settled after the Revolution
of 1848 when I found myself in a minority of one in thinking the red republicans
among all their errors were right in wishing to have no President or Head of
the Republic distinct from the Ministers; yet I am persuaded that a system
of Gov” making the nearest possible approach to our own W“ have been
established if the executive power had been placed in the hands of a Cabinet
or Council of Ministerssitting in the Assembly, & holding their olfices for no
fixed period but for as long as they possessed the confidence of the Assembly»
A vote of Want of confidence might have been made to deprive the Ministers
of power so soon as their successors were appointed, & the Assembly might
have been empowered to name the individual tm be at the head of the Gov“
& form his own Cabinetm-

This W“ in fact be in all ordinary times substantially the same form of
Gov“ as our own, the’ inferior to it as wanting the check the Crown can very
usefully give at times to the H. of Commons when it abuses its power—«I
cannot but believe that this w“ have been really a far more conservative
system than that wh. has been established in France by those who call them-
selves Conservatives—— So in the United States, what a reform it w‘ be to get
rid of all the Evils of the Presidential election, by enabling the Senate when
the occasion arose to name a Prime Minister who sh“ form his own Cabinet
the members of wh. sh“ all have ex oflicio seats in Congress & sh“ hold their
ofiices till they resigned or till the House of Representatives passed a vote of
want of co11fidence—— It seems to me that nothing but a singular concurrence
of favorable circumstances & absence of difiicultics c » render it possible for a
Gov“ to work where there is so little to secure the co—operation of the Legis-
lative & Executive powers——~I have a strong opinion also of the advantages
of entrusting theExecutive power to men who are compelled to defend all their
acts in a public Assembly——— But it is rather idle of me to Write to you on these
speculative questions often as they occupy my thoughts.

I have had your Despatch on the Clergy ReserVes,1 & some very short extracts
from your private letters & a memorandum stating the past history of the
question, printed for the Cabinet & must soon decide upon it——

(s‘) GREY
Nov. 22/50
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin.

‘ See below Appemlia: XXIII.


[Duplicate MS copy]


Nov. 15/50


Sinoe I last wrote to you 1 have seen both MW Macdonaldl & D‘ Ryersonz
& I have had them to dinner to meet Ld Lansdowne & C. Wood wh. I think
has pleased them much—— D‘ R. strikes me as being a very superior man I was
therefore much gratified by finding that he considers the state of public feeling
in Canada to be so good—~I trust we shall be able to keep it so by doing
justice to the Province in the matter of the Clergy Reserves—— The D’ gave
me some Curious information on the working of the American Govm‘ & the
generally corrupt system wh. prevails there-—

I am glad you are going to have a searching investigation of Ryland’s case?’
~—— this may save us much trouble here-
With regard to the University4 might it not be your best course to recommend
that a Charter sh“ be given, but that the Bishop’s University or College sh“
have no power of granting degrees except in divinity; the students in it being
required to submit themselves to an examination by the more comprehensive
University in order to obtain degrees in Arts? If in order to raise the value
of degrees you sh‘ determine that they sh‘ be granted by only one authority,
& sh » withdraw the privilege they now have from Queen’s or Victoria Colleges
there w“ be no hardship whatever in applying the same rule to the Church
of England,-— & it is quite consistent with what is done here— You are aware
that what was originally established as the London University is now only
University College, & that the students in this institution wh. is open to
dissenters-& in Kings College where the education is practically that of the
Churoh,»~ are examined together by a Board of Examiners who give degrees
in the University of London. ‘

The Bishop W“ have just ground of complaint if he were not allowed to
obtain a Charter so as to make the institution he wishes to create a corporate
body with the necessary powers for carrying on the system of education wh. is
approved by the Church of England, but I cannot See that he has any right to
ask that a general rule wh. the Provincial Gov“ thinks it necessary to establish
respecting degrees sh“ be departed from to meet his views— If you have not
yet done anything on the subject pray consider whether you might not ofiicially
recommend some such course as this-—
Upon Indian presents5 I do not know that I have anything to add to what I
have already said-1 was not aware of the facts you mentioned & they show
a singular want of foresight in the Gov” when the territorial Revenue was
abandoned, but I do not think they will make any difference in the views of

‘ See above pp. 715, 726.
2See above pp. 721w/25.
8 See above 1). 5.30 note.
4 See above 12. 726.
5 See abate 7). 727.

‘A-—-nae-Q… ‘



the H. of Commons, & that the utmost we c“ hope to carry, W‘ be the continuance
of annuities for the lives of any particular individuals for whom strong claims
c“ be made 011l’r—

With regard to Barraeksl I have always contemplated that the maintenance
& control of important fortified posts sh“ be kept by the Mother Counry, &
therefore we ought certainly as I think to retain Quebec & Kingston in our ‘own
hands, but it w“ in my opinion he an excellent arrangement for both Parties
if the Province W“ take the other branches we taking upon ourselves in return
the salary of the Gov’ Gen‘——But if you sh » think that such a proposal W“
be entertained in the Province do not take any step for recommending it oflicially
until you have first communicated this to me privately & I have ascertained a
little how it W“ be received here/—

I am glad the industrial fair at Montneal was Successful-~« I hope that our G‘
Exhibition will be equally so & I fully expect it—- The speeches that were made
are somewhat remarkable»-

You will see by the Newspapers What a state of religious excitement people
have got into here~—— I must tell You (in strict confidence) that I disapprove
very much of L“ John’s famous letter wh has been received with such applause
by the public3——I think it highly injudicious (to say the least of it) & from
what I hear, it has, as might have been expected so alienated the Irish members
whose support in the House of Commons We certainly cannot spare that they
are likely next Session to take every opportunity of leaving us in the lurch-
If they do the fate of the Administration may be considered as sealedw

(s‘) GREY
RS. You will receive an oiilcial Despatch on the Indian present3—I am inclined

to believe that they had better be reduced 93″ annually till discontinued the
persons employed in the Departm” being dealt with on the ordinary principle

of giving Seine retiring allowance to those who have been long in the service &

gratuities to othors—~

(s“) G.
Nov. 15/50
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

[Original MS]

TORONTO Nov’ 8‘ 1850
I enclose extracts from the Toronto Globe and Montreal Heraldel which
give a satisfactory View of our condition. Possibly the Times might eondcscend

‘ See above 1). 701. ‘
3’1.‘his letter denounced the establishment of the Roman Catholic hierarchy in England.
_3 On 15 November, 1850, Lord Grey Wrote re uesting information’rega.i’ding items of the
Indian estimates, with a View to a. reduction in t is charge. (Gray to lrllgiu, 15 Novcmlwr,
1850; No. 581,, G. 187, 2:. 390.) See above 711). 709, 713-71.}, 724-725, 727, 785.
‘These clippings are not in the collection. »


to insert the G1obe’s statement. You could, I presume, insure it’s insertion by
scratching out “ Canada ” & putting in lieu of it ‘ Mississippi’ or ‘ Illinois’

The Bishop is returned—– I have not seen him. Having dubbed me an
enemy of the Church perhaps he intends to out me into the bargain—— Mean-
while he is setting to work with his usual energy to get his University on f00I/* »
He has secured, he says, £15, or £16,000 in England. I should be sorry to give
50 p’ C‘ for his nominal subscriptions here.

I have not yet got a Minute out of my Council on the subject of the
Charter.‘ Hincks is gone to visit his constituents and Baldwin who makes it a
point of conscience to do the Crown business in Toronto in person is all day in
the Courts— He overworked himself so this time last year that he nearly killed
himseli— I have however intimated that the question must be taken up and
disposed of without further delay. My present opinion is that I shall at all
hazards refuse to concur in any veto on the Bishop’s charter— I wonder what
would be the effect of a erise ministérielle on such a point as this-—

The enquiry into Ryland’s2 case is in progress.— He has just sent in a
letter of ten pages.——-

Very sincerely Your’s





Nov‘ 8/50

Lord Elgin

Rec“ Nov’ 25

[Duplicate MS copy]


Nov. 28/50

My Dncn Enom

I have taken measures to ensure the insertion in the Times of the very
satisfactory extracts from your newspapers on the progress of Canada »
Whether I shall succeed I dont l<now—— I had hoped to have seen them before
I quite forgot to mention to you last week that in consequence of the cor-
respondence we had on the subject some time ago, I included 0. Justice Robin-
son’s name with those of three others recommended to the Queen for the Civil
Ba.tl1——3 & you will consequently have been somewhat surprised by seeing the
appointment in the Gazette without having heard from me on the subject——
Will you (tho’ it is rather late) make the proper communication in my name to

‘ See above p. 726.
2See above 12. 580 note.
3See above pp. 556, 568, 645%, 645, 650.



the 0. Justice saying that I have had great pleasure in recommending him for
this mark of H.M’s approbation of his long & faithful public services or using
any other expression you may think more appropriate—-

I trust you will avoid a crise Ministerielle on the Bishops Charter—— A
letter I wrote to you some time ago might rather facilitate this if it reached you
in time——.


Nov. 28/50
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

[Original MS]

Tosorzro Nov. 15. 1850


I am sorry to hear that you have so frightful an amount of work before you—
I had begun to hope that the turbulent communities under your care were rather
more contented and peaceful than usual.

I do not forget your injunctions as to persuading the Colonists to pay part of
the cost of their own defence but I must remind you that the position of Canada
is widely different from that of Australiar— D‘ Lang has not got 20 millions of
aggressive Yankees and repeal Irish at his elbow.

I agree with you in thinking that it would be good policy in the Canadians
to allow the Yankees to have full swing on this side whether they grant us
reciprocity or no.- I am also of opinion that if this measure be refused at a
time when the Colony is prospering as it now is, it may not be impossible to
induce them to take this enlightened view of their interest. I am very confident
however that so long as we are excluded from the American markets there will be
a tendency on the part of the bulk of the public here to ascribe to this cause in
a large measure any commercial embarasement under which _we may from time
to time labor-—and this tendency will be strengthened if we give to the Yankees
in our own markets the very advantages which they refuse to us in theirs-
We shall have the old song over again “ that British Colonists are the worst used
of mortals—getting no advantages at home, and placed under disabilities
abroad ’— Vehement indignation either against Great Britain for her want of
maternal affection or against Yankeedom for its shabbiness will be the order of
the day; and annexation or retaliation the remedial alternative present to men’s
minds. We may have to make our choice between these popular follies. In the
Northern section of the Yankee Republic inhabited by the wisest, the best
educated and the best governed of men (vide Cobden Passim) Adam Smith is
Voted a dolt and Meredith a Solon. Public opinion in that quarter necessarily
affects opinion here., and I cannot therefore aflirzn that our views of political
economy are altogether unclouded.—— ‘



I send an article from a Quebec paper on the state of parties here which is
tolerably good.w- Also one from the Montreal Gazette which considering that
this paper and it’s echoes in England accused me of getting up a war of races is

Very sincerely Your’s





Nov. 15/50

Lord Elgin

Rec“ Dec‘ 2


No. 1.
QUEBEC, 4TH NOVR., 1850.

Sram on POLITICAL Pmvrms.

The present condition of political parties in Canada, is a very singular one,
well worthy of the attention of the philosophical observer. The public mind is
just at this moment in a transition state; the boundaries between political
parties are not very accurately defined, and it would be an exceedingly difficult
matter for a large number of the Canadian people to determine the political
party to which they belong. This has been but seldom the case, either in Upper
or Lower Canada in former years, which renders it more renua.rka.ble. There
has never been any want in Canada of that great aid to forming political
parties, something to quarrel about, questions upon which to differ. In Upper
Canada, for some years after the rebellion, there was a contest between those
who called themselves the loyal, and those whom they called the disloyal, upon
various points purcly political and religiously political. Then came the four
years struggle for the maintenance of the theory in its purity of Responsible
Government, which was concluded in favor of the true constitutionalists, by the
triumphant election of 1848. The points which specially agitated the public
mind in Upper Canada, during that contest, will probably never be brought up
again to cause similar strife, and the present ministry, since their accession to
oflice. have carried many of the strongholds of their opponents, around which
many an eager contest has been waged. The King’s College Bill, the Assess-
ment Bill, and many others, are removed out of the way, and if the Clergy
Reserve question is not as yet finally settled, it is not likely that it will be long
delayed. A great many of these questions the tory party, as it is usually called,
had made up their minds to resign without a struggle, either half convinced- of
the justncss of their opponents’ views, or despairing of being able to make any
eflicient opposition. There is therefore no very keen sense of rnortification art
defeat, or rancor against the victor, which is usual on the part of the over-
thrown. The Indemnity Act, it is true, caused some display of feeling against


,,,,,,,,,,,, –




the administration, but it was shown far more on the surface, the froth being
blown up by the designing leaders of a party to suit their own ends, than felt
deeply in the hearts of the people. The destruction, too, of the Houses of
Parliament and other violence to person and property, in Montreal, disgusted the
people of Upper Canada, they were shocked and mortified, and turned from the
views and feelings which had led to these disgraceful deeds, with loathing. A
very great number of the tory party, have taken, within the past two years, a
very great stride in liberality of feeling. They were thrown out of oflice in dis—
grace, having effected no good and much evil, during their incumbeney; they
felt that on their old principles they could never regain the power and place
which they coveted, and they saw the necessity of bidding higher or lower, per-
haps We might say, for popular favour. Hence the schemes of the British
American League, which advocated Retrenchment and an Elective Legislative
Council. With the leaders» of the party who connivcd at them, these steps
towards liberalism, were only as means to an end; if by them they could be
restored to power, they would soon have thrown their cloak aside and resumed
the old mantle of intolerance. But, with the people it is not so; in this the
leaders over-shot their mark; they professed liberalism and have taught it to
their followers, who cannot so easily unlearn their lesson, for their interest is not
dependent upon their opinions. There is undoubtedly a very large body of the
party we have spoken of, the majority, we think, who have made no advance
whatever in political opinions. Old, fossillated specimens of humanity, Rip Van
Winkles, who sleep while others wake and observe, who lie down while others
walk, who cannot see the necessity of advancing with the age in which they
live. Wedded to old ways and opinions, these people form a large part of
every community; they have their use in the political world too, being often
uwful as a, drag chain when, perhaps, to use an old simile, the inconsiderate
rashness of too eager drivers might impel the chariot of reform too fast and far.
The tory party were also affected by the Annexation movement, Which, though
foolish in plan and wicked in design, has had this good effect; it has introduced
into many an old tory circle new views and opinions hitherto unknown to it.
They begin to think that if their friends, once as conservative as themselves, go
the length of republicanism, it cannot be felony in them to look a little favorably
upon the more reasonable views of genuine liberalism. A great many of this
Party are very far advanced from their ancient opinions, that every radical is a
rebel to be shot down when he gave 9. good excuse, and cvcry dissenter a
miscreant to be persecuted when it could be done safely. They are fast leaving
their old party bonds, and are looking about them for a new state of political
existence. It is not difficult to say where they will be found.

The liberal party, too, of Upper Canada has also undergone a change Within
the past two years. The annexation movement has carried off some supporters
from its ranks, as Well as from the Conservatives, and though the total failure of
the movement has rendered their acting as a. party impracticable, yet but few of
them will return to their old party bonds.~— These persons are mostly confined
to Lower Canada; there being but few declared annexationists in Upper Canada.



There, however, a defection from the Ministerial party has taken place,
ostensibly under different names and with a different organization, but consist»
ing of those whose views are the same as the annexationists on theories of
government, but who were conscious that the movement in Montreal would be a
total failure, and preferred to form a party upon other and more specious
grounds, using it as a means of ultimately arriving at the same end. It is not
known to what extent this defection from the Reform party proper has
extended, because there has been, as yet, no correct means of ascertaining. If
we may judge from the men who may be said to lead them, we would form a
very poor opinion, indeed, of their character and influence. Malcolm Cameron,
Henry John Boulton, Peter Perry, and Caleb Hopkins, W. H. Boulton and John
Prince, are the men, all low in moral character, and almost universally disliked
where they are best known. Their newspapers, or organs, are conducted with
spirit, as indeed are almost all newspapers in. opposition; but they are neither
numerous nor influential. It is not likely, in the opinion of the best iudges,
however, that they will cause any very serious defection in the ministerial ranks
at the coming election.

There are, then, three parties in the province, the Conservatives, represented
by Sir Allan McNab, John Hillyard Cameron, Mr. Cayley, John T. Badgley, and
John A. McDonald, in parliament, wedded to old ways and old principles, high
church, high state, high everything. It is under this banner that the only
organization of the Conservative party is formed. There are many accustomed
to call themselves Conservative who do not hold these views, but they are
dissatified with their position, are looking out for a new position in politics, and
cannot be said to have any organization at all. Then the true Reform party,
pledged to reform all abuses, disposed to progress calmly and with judgment,
opposed on the one hand to standing still, and on the other hand to advancing
with too much rapidity. Composed of the large majority of the people of the
country, strong in numbers and intelligence, represented by a ministry the most
able that ever held the reins of government in Canada, and indeed more able
than any other set of men. that could be found within the bounds of the
province. And then the Clear Grits, as they are called, rash and hot-headed,
socialistic, republican in principle, rash in policy, deficient in morality, an
omnium gatherum, such as fled to the Cave of Adullam, disappointed oflice-
seekers, desperate men.

And now the question remains for every good citizen, To which party shall I
belong? Shall I lend my influence to keep the country at a stand still, to repel
every movement towards the education and enlightenment of the people, every
step in its material progress shall I assist in saddling my country with all the
evils which the war of sects for supremacy ever entails upon the scene of their
contention? Or shall I, on the contrary, abandon all the strong ties which
bind me to my native land, or that of my fathers, endeared to me by a thousand
tender, heart-stirring recollections shall I plunge into the gulf of wild, unchecked
democracy, which the other extreme party opens to my view; shall I seek for
a union with an alien people stained with the blood of many men in bondage?

[Enel osure]

Or shall I take the calm, moderate, judicious course presented to me, midway
between the two; shall I not declare myself the friend to every thing which may
advance my fellow countrymen a step forward in their material, moral, or
intellectual condition, preserving with care everything that tends to elevate, and
destroying without mercy all that tends to lower and debase? We know how the
man must decide who sets himself, calmly and without prejudice, to the task
of examining to which party he ought to belong. We will find that in no
other body in the province is so much public spirit, so much desire for the public
good, so much devotedness in applying themselves to public affairs, and so
much capacity for their management as in the liberal party now in power. All
men have their faults, and no one claims infallibility for any man or set of men;
but in a country singularly destitute of able statesmen, we say it‘ is wonderful
that so talented and eflicient a ministry has been brought together; and were they
to leave power tomorrow, their most bitter opponents are ready to admit that no
ministry could be formed at all approaching them in capacity and probity. Who
would exchange a Mr. Justice Smith for Mr. Lafontaine, Mr. Henry Sherwood
for Mr. Baldwin, Mr. Cayley for Mr. Hincks, Mr. John M. McDonald for Mr.
Taché, or Mr. D. B. Papineau for Mr. Price? Or who would put Mr. Boulton,
Mr. Cameron, Mr. Perry and Mr. Hopkins in the chief oflices of administration?

No. 2

WEDNESDAY, Novnmenn 6

It is highly pleasing to every true patriot, to see the gradual extinction of
those political hatreds, which were ten years ago so bitter in Lower Canada. At
the time we mention, and for fifteen years before, the English and French races
in the Lower Province were to such a degree excited against each other, that they
could hardly take part together in any public affair afiecting them in common.
Even in the jury room, Where every man was sworn to do justice according to
evidence, without fear, favor, or affection, it is notorious, that if fear had no
part in the decisions of a Jury, favor and affection certainly had. There has,
however, been a steady subsidence of those feelings, since the rebellion. The
tilt which both races had upon that occasion, seems to have taught each a useful
lesson; and we are not sure, but that the jokes which have been passed upon
that foolish affair, since its occurrence, between the people implicated on both
sides, have had a very wholesome efiect. The temporary laugh has, by being
often repeated during ten or twelve years, possibly furnished a foundation for
permanent mutual good will. However that may be, there is certainly much
less of that bitterly acrimonious feeling, which previously distinguished the inter-
course of the two races. They are finding out, that, situated as they are, bound
up as they are together, having every common tie and an indivisible common
interest, it is better to live harmoniously, each man with his neighbour, without
regarding his origin, than it is to quarrel simply on the ground of origin.

[Duplicate MS copy]

CAR.Il1‘ON Tnmmon

Dec 5/50

I received on Monday your letter of Nov” 15.—— I am quite aware that if the
policy I have recommended to you privately of meeting Yankee restrictions on
Canadian trade by opening the doors of Canada as freely as possible to all
comers, were to be adopted by our authority, or even on our recommendation,
the first season of commercial difficulty W“ give rise to the sort of cry you
describe as likely to be set up—- It is because I am aware of this that in my
official Dcspatches I have not attempted to press these views upon your Gov”,
but if the policy wh. I am convinced is the true one for Canada c » be adopted
by them, & carried thro’ the Assembly as their own, & not as dictated by us, it
is not I think easy to over estimate the advantages wh. W“ result from it—-

In the first place from the extraordinary increase of your Customs Revenue I
cannot doubt that a large part of it must really be levied on the Yankees—~ that
goods are imported paying the moderate duties of Canada for the purpose of
being consumed by means of the smuggler on the other side of the border— This
is a great advantage to Canada & one wh. I sh“ have no sciuple in endeavour-
ing to secure to the largest possible extent, but if the Canadian Cabinet concur
in this, there is nothing wh. W“ tend to promote so much the object in view, as
lowering your general tariff on imports, & freely admitting all articles from the
U. States on wh. it is not necessary for the sake of your Revenue to levy duties—
The more you increase intercourse with the States, & the more you buy from
them the greater will be the demand you will create for the goods they must
take from you in payment, either from the smuggler or the fair trader——

There are some of the members of your Cabinet who are I am sure well able to
understand the true interest of Canada on this subject, & I think it very desirable
that you sh“ try to open their eyes upon it.— One thing I think you sh“ par-
ticularly press upon their notice—— that in this Country so long as we went upon
the old policy of making relaxations of our commercial code dependent upon
what foreign nations W“ do for us in return, We toiled in vain in endless & fruit-
less iiegotiationsm but when we rejected all considerations of what is called
reciprocity & boldly got rid of our protecting duties without enquiring whether
other nations W” meet us or not, the effect was immediately seen in the increase
of our exports & the prosperity of our manufaeturers— It is quite remarkable
how little has been done for us by foreign nations in reducing high protecting
duties upon our manufactures, & how little the extraordinary increase of our
trade in the last 4 Years can be accounted for by anything but our own more
free admission of the produce of other countries wh. We must pay for directly or
indirectly by exports—— This result is not a little gratifying to me because I was
one of a very small number of persons indeed who strenuously urged the aban~
donment of the reciprocity system some Years ago in the H. of Commons. So
few people were prepared for this at that time—— (the Early Years of Peel’s
Gov“) that I remember we ed not with all our exertions keep together members


enough to prevent the house being counted out on one of Ricardo’s motions
against the principle of reciprocity wh. I took great pains in supportingw The
debate I allude in /43 or /44 is one rather worth your looking at if you have
Hansard with you—-« If you cannot get your Council to adopt this policy to the
extent of repealing existing duties against the Yankees without getting some-
thing from them in return, I trust you may at all events be able to prevent
their Engaging in an insane war of tarifls with their neighbours by imposing
new restrictions on Yankee commerce—~ this w“ be a suicidal course & one wh.
W“ place me under great difficulty, as I know not how I c‘’ help disallowing any
Acts passed with such an object»-

I have sent officially tm the Treasury MW Hincks’ memorandum on the
currency‘ with an expression of my opinion that the act ought not to be disal-
lowed bu.t aInended~—~ the Qucen’s decision upon it being in the mean time sus~

MW Howe of N. Scotia is over here urging us very much to assist in pro-
moting the railway to Halifax from Portland— Would Canada be very angry
if some such assistance were given without giving any at present for the Quebec
Line? My present belief is that We shall do nothing for Either, but I Cannot
deny what M’ Howe urges that in the absence of any prospect of accomplishing
the Quebec line it W“ be a great advantage to us to have the other wh. wd prac-
tically make a British port the principal one from wh. the intercourse between
the two Continents W‘ be carried on


Dec‘ 6/50

Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

[Original MS]

Tonorrro. Nov’ 22, 1850.


I have just recicved yours of the first~— I am obliged to Lord John for sug—
gesting the Baronetcy for La Fonta.ine2—« but I am hardly prepared to recom-
mend such a step at present. I shall think the matter over and Write again— My
present impression is that it would be better to defer any step of the kind— La
Fontaine still declares that he will not remain in public life after this Par‘ I do
not quite know Whether he is desirous to have a seat on the Bench. Probably
he would like to be placed there if a vacancy should occur after he had ceased
to be a Minister, although he might be unwilling to incur the reproach of having
nominated himself to the situation. I do not altogether approve of a man of his
age and with his influence leaving public life, but the fact is the French Cana-
dians are generally (With the exception of Papineau) quiet sort of people, and
La Fontaine’s health is not very good, His desire for retirement arisbs I think

‘ For documents concerning this Act see below. Appendix XX VI .
3 See above p. 720, and below 71/7’.


partly from health and partly from disgust at the worrying and turmoil of oflice
-— However, be this as it may, if we part on good. terms as I trust we shall, and
if he consults all the interests he ought to consult in the time and mode of his
retirement it may be desirable to confer upon him some mark of Royal consider-
ation It is more than probable that ere long the French and Conservatives of
U.C. will come together to resist the radicals— Every day the hatred of the Clear
Grit Party to the French is manifesting itself more & more openly. Their organs
are for ever calling attention to the fact that it was the French vote which
defeated their schemes of retrenchment— of plunder of life interests in the Clergy
Reserves, &c last Session—- M’Boulton ex Chief Justice of Newfoundland and 9.
sort of leader among the Clear Grits is reported to have said at a public dinner
the other day “the negroes are the great difficulty of the States and the French
Canadians of Canada” a sentiment which is likely to stick in the gizzard of a
rather sensitive and suspicious people—— No doubt the French are essentially
conserVative— and their alliance with a destructive party is an unnatural one—~
Nothing forced them into it but a recollection (somewhat morbid and exagger-
ated possibly) of the snubbing to which they were constantly exposed at the
hands of the official set under the old régime and an impression that Great
Britain’s object in effecting the Union of the Provinces was to swamp them—~
They are now, I think, tolerably reassured as to the intentions and sentiments of
England and their natural sympathies will have fair play. I trust however that
there will be no avowed reconstruction of parties but that the party of which
Mm Baldwin is the head and which with all humility I may liken to Lord John
Russell’s party in England-— a party liberal though conservative of the Institu-
tions of the Country, may still remain in connexion with the French, strengthened
by such additions from the old Conservative set as may be worth having and
have not surrendered their pristine faith for novelties— I should view I confess
with some apprehension a stand up fight between the liberal Party reconstructed
and united and the old Tories backed by the French.

I have used the expression such of the old Conservative set as have not
surrendered their pristine faith for novelties— The extracts from the Montreal
Herald and Toronto Globe which I enclose will explain it1—- M’ Vansittart is
M“ Hincks’ opponent for the County of Oxford. He favors annexation in a sort
of half & half way and the Hamilton Spectator McNab’s paper (there is I believe
some personal motive besides,) attacks him on this ground.~ on this the
Montreal Herald (Tory annexationist) speaks out and says the Tories have no
chance unless they give up loyalty and the Clergy Reserves—— The Globe (Min-
isterialist) rejoins-

I have no doubt that great eflorts will be made between this and the general
Election to raise a platform on which the Clear Grits and a section of the disap-
pointed Tories may stand together-— The cement will be jealousy of the French.
The platform is not constructed yet, but I fear what may be done next Session—~
especially if we move to Quebec before the dissolution which the French are bent
on doing—— For this reason among others I am anxious to hasten the dissolution.

‘These extracts are not in the collection.


La Fontaine’s influence for good might possibly be weakened, and most certainly
the Tory tendency to radicalism would be strengthened if he were to recieve just
at this moment a personal reward such as you mention—

I do not know whether you have given up the notion of recommending
Chief Justice Robinson for a C.B.1— I still think it would have a good efieet.

I have had a nice specimen of the model republic and underpaid oflioials in
a certain Yankee consul? to Canada who has been here last week. He is
employed by his own Gov‘ to write a report on the Trade between Canada and
the U.S. in order to aid Congress in coming to a decision on the Reciprocity
question— He gives me to understand that he has very sound views on this
subject and that if he had the command of a considerable sum of money others
might be induced to take the same.

He has given me a memorandum of which I shall send you next week 9.
copy,’3 though perhaps you have seen it already for he says he shewed it to Sir
H. Bulwer who sent a copy of it “right off,” to Lord Palmerston— As a pendant
to this sample of the working of Yankee Institutions we have the confession of a
burglar whom we convicted the other day at Toronto and who informs us that
he left Buffalo because the head of the Police there insisted on having too large
a share in the proceeds of his burglan’es~—~

Very sincerely Yours

PS. I enclose an extract from the Transcript‘-‘ moderate Tory Montreal Paper
which I have just received. It is noticeable, & furnishes another proof of the
success of our policy in getting up a war of Races!


Nov‘ 28/50

Lord Elgin

Reed Dec’ 12

[Duplicate MS copy]
Dec 13/50

I rec“ your letter of the 22“ yesterday — the first week that the Packet has
been so late— I have no doubt that you are right about the baronetcyfi & that it
had better be kept in reserve for another opportunity—— I hope you will not lose
the services of Lafontaine in your Cabinet-—

‘ See above pp. 556, 56.5, 6.52, 665, 650, 789.

2 .. ndrews. 5
3 See below 11.755. ‘

4 This extract is not in the collection.

5 See above pp. 726, 745.


I have no remarks to make upon what you say of the general state of
affairs except that I agree with You in the view you take of it, nothing I think
Wd be less desirable at this moment than a reconstruction of parties wh. wd give
you a conservative Cabinet & a republican opposition, but every Year that goes
by quietly consolidates the present system of Gov“ & renders any change less
dangerous, especially as I have great confidence in the tranquillizing effects of
prosperity. & now that you have got over the diiliculties of the change from our
old commercial policy, I Cannot doubt that the removal of restrictions upon
industry will enable Canada to turn to account her immense natural advantages,
& advance with great rapidity on the career of improvement-—-

I am in hopes that the assistance I have been able to give to M‘ Maodonaldl
has been of some use to him, & that he will be able to succeed in procuring some
English capital for Canada by his trust Company~ if a good beginning is once
made other adventurers in Canadian investments will be tempted to come for-
ward by thc success of the first——

The political world here is sadly disturbed by the religious questi0n9~—- I con-
tinue to think that directly & indirectly they will be the cause of much mischief
& of no little danger tm the administration.

I hope you have not forgot the Rylanx.tl3 enquiry Ld John in the absence of
an elficient one on your side of the water will not be easily prevailed upon to
resist the motion wh. is to be made for a Comm” of the H. of Commons to
enquire into the case— This in my opinion w“ be so dangerous a proceeding that
I doubt whether I ed acquiesce in it—-

(s‘‘) GREY

Oct. “ »3 13/50
Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

[Original MS]

Tonouro Nov‘ 27. 1850.

I am informed that the English mail via Montreal is to start today
(Wednesday) instead of Friday.——— I write therefore these few hasty lines having
in fact nothing particular to communicate. The authenticated transcripts of
the Acts of our last Session have been kept back in consequence of some unac-
countable delay in the preparation of the customary abstracts of the Law
olficers of the Crown. I send them by this mail together with some printed copies
of the Public Acts, and I hope to be able to forward the abstracts by the next

‘ See above pp. 715, 726‘, 786.
2 See above 737.
3 See above 1;. 530 note.


I enclose an extract from the North American with the Clear Grit Platform
which is pretty modest particularly in the last item where it treats of the
question of ‘Peace & War.’—— The Clear Grits are however a little divided on
the point of an elective Governor as appears from the accompanying article from
the Bathurst Courier

Very sincerely Yours


EARL Gnnr.
Nov‘ 27/50
Lord Elgin


No. 1

Tonoucro, FRIDAY, Novmmen 22, 1850.

I. Elective institutions from the highest ofiice of the Government to
the lowest. These we class as follows:
1. The election of our Governor.
.An Elective Legislative Council,
3. Election of all local officers.—By the County and town Councils.
II. No Property Qualification for the representatives of the people.
III. Extension of the Elective Fra.nchiseL——to all Houseliolders and House-
IV. Vote by ballot.
V. Biennial and Fixed Parliaments.
VI. No Expenditure of Public Money without consent of Parliament.
VII. Retrenchinent through all the departments of State.
VIII. Law Reform.
1.Coui’t of.Chancery abolished, and equity jurisdiction given to the
courts of law, as is done in fifteen statw in the American Union,
where it has been found for 50 years to give entire satisfaction.
2.Siinp1iflcation of law proceedings.
3. Abolition of the present monopoly of the legal profession.
IX. No pension attached to any oflice. Let pensions be given in individual
cases, when, and as Parliament may think proper.
X. Our Commerce and Intercourse with other Nations placed entirely
in our own power leaving in the power of England nothing but the
question of Peace and War, and that under certain restrictions.




As our subscription list is increasing at the rate of about seventy—five names
weekly, we adopt the plan of placing our “platform” at the head of the editorial
department, permanently, for a few weeks, for the benefit of new subscribers. The
above must not be taken to comprise the whole of our creed. We have laid down
the main planks in the platform, leaving many necessary adjuncts to be supplied
hereafter. The abolition of the Usury Laws and the Law of Primogeniture, for
instance, we regard as very important. But these may be considered as com-
prehended under the general term, “ Law Reform.” And so of other “ Reforms, »
which we are known to advocate. The above are rather improvements in the
machinery of Government than the measures which we expect from the Legis-
lature. We wish here merely to guard against the application to us of the well-
known legal maxim,—~E.’cp7’essio um’?/.s est exclusio o.ltcM’us— (the mention of one
excludes another). We are glad to find that our “platform ” has been well re-
ceived by the press generally. There has been some carping and culling to be
sure, but with the diverse and antagonistic views obtaining amongst those who
have expressed an opinion on the matter, we venture to say that no other
political platform could be laid down on which so many would consent to stand.
The Patriot demurs to an Elective Governor and vote by ballot but seems
inclined to accept the rest. Neither of these, as we have already explained are
regarded as a sine qua. non. The first is right in principle, and in our opinion
practicable. If the scheme of a. Federal Union should be adopted, it would
undoubtedly, so long as we remain connected with Great Britain, be expedient
that the Governor General should be appointed by the Crown. But in that case,
as even Mr. Sherwood admits, the Lieutenant Governors should be elective.
The ballot, as we said two weeks ago, is more a question of detail. There
is not much principle involved in it. The Patriot quotes an instance of a large
number of ballots printed “in the very smallest type ” having been folded in a.
large ballot and put into the box by a friend of a candidate for oflice, and thinks
he has floored us “intirely”l It was discovered, bad as the system is, that
there were more ballots cast than votes in the town. An investigation took
place, the bad votes were thrown out and the whole matter adjusted’ with the
greatest apparent easel The trial in the House does not appear to have been
conducted as in Canada at an enormous expense to the parties and the country.
No allegation of perjury in Parliament as well as at the polls. No wandering of a
Committee amid the swamps and jungles of the “Grenville Act” for whole
weeks, to the certain peril of their own honor and to the great detriment of the
public service. Look at any closely contested election in Canada. How much
undue influence? How much perjury? Let the Patriot examine the proceedings
in the case of one of his own former political friends, Mr. Webster, of Waterloo.
Talk of corruption with the Ballotl What system could equal that in corruption
under which at a single election over one thousand persons if we recollect rightly,
voted who had no right to do so, a majority of whom probably with the Bible in
their hand swore to their qualification! Give us the ballot box, simple, cheap,
expeditious, less liable to perversion than any other system. Give us the Ballot
box and Mr. Ba.1dwin’s interminable Election law of last session, which is more
bulky than the laws of a whole session of many of the American Legislatures,


may be swept into oblivion. Give us the ballot box, and bad votes will be
detected as easily and thrown out as quickly as in the case quoted by the Patriot.

The Globe one day opposes and ridicules “elective institutions” in the
lump. The next, finding that few would swallow that dose and that his knuckles
were getting rapped from different quarters, he boldly denies his offence-—— he
had “never at any time avowed any one of these sentiments ”! We hooked him
on the horns of this dilemma last week, but he bears it patiently. He has not a.
word to say. Such is the melancholy position of the Government organ.

The Pilot has very little objection to the platform. He does not see any
thing so very republican about it, yet he will not join with us in our efforts to
get it established! The same course is adopted by other Ministerial journals.
Upon the whole we are well satisfied that as soon as present selfish combinations
are a little more broken up, an overwhelming majority will be found standing
on our “ platform.”

No. 2

The agitation for an elective Governor is, in our opinion, rather premature.
Let us get the Reforms which the country is now asking for, before mooting
such a subject. That and Annexation are so nearly allied that they should be
held as a dernier resort. We should never ask a change in the system, so long
as Great Britain favours us with 9. Governor such as Lord Elgin, who mixes
himself not in the party politics of the country; but administers the govern-
ment with a dignity becoming the sovereign he represents. If we get the other
changes sought for by the country,‘we have nothing to fear by having a Gov-
ernor appointed by the Queen and sent here as the representative of monarchy.

‘ It is consistent and right so long as we remain an appendage of the British

Crown that it be so, unless such a game be attempted to be played with us as
was under the family compact-——which brought on the rebellion. If the Governor
then had the power of choosing whom he pleased to sit around his Council
Board without regard to public opinion; if he had the power of doing all the
mischief be pleased, as Sir Francis Head did, without a shadow of responsibility
to this country resting upon him or his advisers, then in that case to agitate for
an elective Governor would appear more justifiable than under present circum-
stances. But, fortunately for us, this state of things does not now exist. The
Governor stands aloof from party strife and warfare, and his Councillors are
responsible for what is done. The responsibility, however, is a little too remote,
and the people have not yet that direct influence in the government which the
growing intelligence of the country demands; but we expect the desired im-
provement will soon be eflected. An elective Governor might do very well
were M-r. I-Ienry Sherwood’s scheme of a Federal Union of the Provinces deter»
mined on, with a Vice Roy over all, as the Queen’s Representative; but under



our present system, it is better getting one from England, provided he be con-
tented with a reasonable salary, than raising one up from among ourselves,
influenced, as he undoubtedly would be, by political and party feelings.

It is amusing to observe the rapid progress our Tory friends are making
towards liberalism. If their professions can be believed, there is little distinction
between them and the “ old Reformers.” They advocate the very measures for
which Mackenzie long contended—for which he was banished. The Toronto
Patriot advocates what brought Lount and Matthews to the gallows. The
death of these men, now discovered to be nothing short of judicial murder, was
considered by Tories as a righteous retribution on them for their political opin-
ions, whilst they avow the very sentiments for which these men struggled
and died. Man is a creature of impulse and subject to change. It is evident
that the Tories even are not an ercccption to this moL.’ci7n! We should suppose
that such men as burnt Parliament House and insulted Lord Elgin at the passing
of the Rebellion Losses Bill would not be favourable to carrying the elective
principle so far as employing it in the appointment of a Governor, for his
Exoel1ency’s chance of a life lease of the office would be certain, provided he
were willing to become a Canadian and resign his commission as the Quecn’s

[Original MS]

TORONTO Dec‘ 4, 1850.

I enclose a copy of a memorandum placed in my hands in confidence by a
Gentleman who is actually in the employment of the U.S.Gov‘1 and I add an
extract from the New York Commercial Advertiser on their consular system-

MacKenzie’s letter of which I enclose a copy may also be interesting to

It is rumored that M’ G. Thompson, M.P. is about to pay us a visit—- I
wonder what mischief brings him— ,

The season of irregularity in our mails is commencing. We are in hourly
expectation of our despatches of the 16” Nov‘

Very sincerely Your’s


Dec‘ 4/50
Lord Elgin

1 See above 9. 71,7.


No. 1


It is evident that a systematic and comprehensive plan must be adopted to
commend this question to the attention of the Members of Congress and to create
a favorable public sentiment on the subject. The error thus far has been in
trusting to the weight of personal representations of Colonial Agents upon
individual members of Congress. In this Country members of the national
Legislature do not trust to their individual convictions. They must feel con-
vinced that they are supported by public sentiment or at least be able to fall
back upon the presses or leading men who are supposed to represent public
sentiment. Thus far there has been no agitation of this subject by the public
press or the people. The history of political parties in this Country shews that
when means are at command and great objects are to be attained there is no
difficulty in giving direction to public opinion. Motives of pecuniary interest
must be made to operate upon leading presses in different parts of the Country,
and the same considerations must be applied to leading political men out of
Congress. Resolutions favorable to the measure may thus originate in the
primary meetings and conventions of the people, and Petitions from Districts
favorable to the measure must be obtained. All this it is evident cannot be
effected by colonial agents, but only by men acquainted with the political
organizations of the Country.

Ample means must be at the command of the friends of this measure, Heavy
travelling cxpenses to distant parts of the Country must be incurred—— nothing
can be trusted to letters.

Ample means are required not only to operate upon public opinion at a
distance, but upon Congress itself—— Not to use improper influences upon Mem-
bers of Congress but to secure the aid of able experienced and respectable cou-
gressional Agents. In this Country Members of Congress are not allowed to
devote themselves to a single subject. They are expected to be at home upon
every subject which is before them. A constant demand is made upon their
time by their Constituents. It is therefore customary and indispensable to have
every important measure before Congress in charge of intelligent special Agents
who are relied upon to furnish facts and solicit votes. These Agents must not
only be paid for their services but should facilities [sic] and means for estab-
lishing social intercourse with members.

Not less than fifty thousand dollars has been expended for procuring the
passage of a Bill for establishing a line of Steamboats.

To secure the passage of the Reciprocity Bill it will be necessary to connect
it with some of the great measures which will be brought before Congress at
the next Session. In a Country of such vast extent or of such diverse local
interests 9. system of compensating Legislation must prevail to a great extent.
There must be a reciprocity of votes, and means must be used to obtain the
fiympathy and cooperation of the Agents and friends of the great measures
which will be before Congress at the next Session.




Many difficulties are to be overcome before the measure of Reciprocity
can pass. A great obstacle is a want of time. The question must be fully dis-
cussed. The Legislation at the late Session shews that no important measure
can be passed until it has been fully considered. The members from the great
State of Pennsylvania and of the several North Eastern and Atlantic States
are now strongly opposed to reciprocity— unless a change in the public opinion
of these States can be effected the measure must fail.“

No. 2

Wnsmuoron, Nov. 21, 1850.

I continue my remarks upon the consular system of the United States, which
I conceive to be a subject peculiarly interesting to all classes of your readers.

I commenced, by giving a few reasons why the mode of compensation by
fees was objectionable, and I propose to enlarge upon this point, to meet the
arguments of those opposed to a change. Their chief objection is, that to sub~
stitutc stated salaries would be to entail a. heavy annual charge upon the
Treasury, which by right it ought not to endure. This proposition, I think, does
not hold good. The entire sum now collected at foreign consulates by fees
amounts per annum to $148,000, occasionally $150,000, but rarely lower than
$140,000. With a revenue to the nation of as many millions, supposing this
sum entailed upon the Treasury, the objection appears insignificant when it is
remembered that we expend thrice that sum for purposes that yield not the
slightest benefit either to the Government or country. But to meet the demurrer
in the sense in which it is put, let me suppose that, instead of the fees going into
the pocket of the consul, they are paid into the Treasury, and the consul is paid
a stated salary in lieu of the levies; the effect would be, to change the system,
without encroaching upon the revenues that are now reserved and applied to other
objects. But while a balance is thus struck between the Government and consul,
the question would arise whether a graduation or equalization of fees, in this
respect, would be sufficient to afford a respectable salary to our commercial
agents, without compelling them to depend upon a foreign source of income. It
would not. By computation, the stated salaries would amount per annum to
$180,000; the fees yield only $150,000. Therefore, $30,000 would remain to
be supplied. But the remedy is so easily attainable, that dispute need not be
prolonged in the matter. What is there to prevent Congress from increasing
the rates of levy a shade, or the merchant from paying it? A mere fraction
would supply the deficiency, and I am quite sure that the people would willingly
incur the extra expense, considering the immense advantage to be obtained in
having their interests better cared for.’ I conceive this to be the most expedient
view of the question, and the more weight we give to its merits, the more would
all be impressed with its general policy.

Now as to equalization. The consul at Liverpool is said to clear an income
of $18,000 to $20,000 per annum, while the consul at Stockholm must content

ELGIN -01%}? Y PAPERS 755
[Enclosure ]

himself with $50 per annum. The consul at Liverpool saves a fortune yearly
by his office; the consul at Stockholm must, if he depends solely upon the fees of
his ofiice, starve. This is what merchants complain of. The former functionary
is relieved of the necessity of opening a commission house, and making the
interests of the merchants and the Government subsidiary to his private concerns;
but not so with the consul at Stockholm, whose $50 a year is only a temptation to
dishonesty. I care not how conscientiously or impartially he conducts his private
affairs, he is always regarded with suspicion by consignees of other houses, and
between the merchant and himself there is continual secret if not open hostility.
The consul thus loses the confidence of the shipper, and brings reproach or at least
suspicion, Without his wish or purpose, upon the Government itself. Stated com—
pensation would remedy this evil. By fixing the salary of the consul at Liver-
pool at $5000, thirteen thousand dollars remain to increase the salary of the
consul at Stockholm to $4000 or 353000; and by the same rule to equalize all other
posts. The additional $30,000 required to carry out the plan fully, could be,
as I have already remarked, collected from the merchants; and it were folly to
say, that a sum so trifling, distributed among a million of individuals, each of
whom would be bencfitted, would give rise to any complaint. England, France,
Spain, and even Russia, (if I am not misinformed,) pay stated salaries; and the
result is, that their foreign commerce is well cared for, the consular system looked
up to with respect, their agents men of capacity and of standing, and their
office a mark of national dignity. The French government has for many years
profited by the methods prop0sed—-«compensating by salary, and receiving the
fees collected for reimbursement to the federal treasury. England, however,
compels the government revenues to endure the entire cost of the consular
establishment, and refrain from taxing her commerce in any respect. In this
she exhibits her wisdom; for as you embarrass trade, so will it be weakened
in its operations.

I charged in my former letter, that consuls themselves, owing to the
numerous discrepancies in our laws, were actually ignorant of their official obli-
gations, and in support of this assertion, I leave it to the experience of your
shippers to say whether, at different ports, they have not encountered the most
opposite exactions, and for the same duties, while each consul has sheltered
himself under provisions of Congressional enactment, that in the other cases
have been set at nought by eonflicting provisions. It will be admitted, I pre-
sume, that these instances are not rare; and yet, to avoid them, there is no other
remedy than an entire and radical supervision of the system. I care not how
Well versed a lawyer may be in the statutes of the country, I defy him to prove
himself more accurate in disentangling and expounding these obscure passages of
law, than the perplexed and ever blundering commercial agent. A merchant trad-
ing, for example, to the port of Fayal, is taxed with certain commissions that
amount to four dollars. He has reason to be astounded when, in settling for the
same services at Havana, he is charged ten dollars. A dispute ensues, and the
parties appeal for legal advice upon the subject. The law is explicit in requiring
the payment of ten dollars, but it is equally explicit in providing for the payment
of four. In other words, both parties approach such a decision with equal con-




fidence, yet each, were appeals carried to the Supreme Court, might discover
themselves mutual transgressors in the premises. Hence a lasting misunder-
standing prevails; and while the merchant and consul are at variance,‘ thus
abusing the best interests of commerce, the government loses caste and becomes
correspondingly the suiferer in the end.

It must be apparent to every one that these evils require redress. Yet what-
ever may be said of our consular system proper, We are in a less flattering condi-
tion so far as regards our consular code. The act of 1803 invests the consul
with the most important—1 had almost said unlimitecl* powers; and he may
abuse his trust with the utmost impunity. A careful oificer need not endanger the
country, or even impair, by his conduct, its national credit; but one less scrupu~
lous, a stranger to our customs, our institutions or our laws, has, within the
province of his ofiice, by the latitude given him, all the elements of discord and
rupture that belong to the Ministerial oflice itself. The commercial agent is not
brought into correspondence with the Department once in five years; and he is
thus beyond, as it were, the immediate reach of Executive control. He dispenses
his opinions, and acts upon them, without restraint; setting at naughtthe wishes
of the Government, and exercising his own individual judgment as suits his
whims or prejudices, more in accordance with the conduct of an arbitrary dictator,
than a responsible agent to the country to which he owes his appointment. He
takes refuge for his acts under the plea that, for want of a limited code, he
exercises his judgment to the best of his ability, and unless his mal-practices are
too flagitious to be overlooked, the excuse is really admissible.


No. 3

Were We under the United States every thing would be American; not in the
world again can a people be found more completely exclusive in their appointments
to ofifice. Let us be as friendly with them as Markham is with Scarboro’, (for they
deserve it,) trading, visiting, intermarrying, rejoicing in the their prosperity,
bewailing their reverses, but in the wide expanse of this new world let one spot
remain whereon an old countryman may plant his foot, and say truly, without oath
or abjuration, “I am the equal of any other man before the law.” This he may
not do or say within the United States, any more than the youngest or the oldest
of their native Americans held in slavery dare call his flesh and blood his own.
It is a great mistake to imagine that the northern States require the addition of
Canada to enable them to check the spread of that accursed thing, slavery, to
new territory. A large majority of the members of Congress are now returned
by constituencies amongst whom slavery has no existence, but they have not
the will to vote honestly—witncss the slave law of October last.

{The act provides that “the specification of certain powers and duties in this act to be
exercised or performed by the consuls and vice consuls of the United States, shall not
construed to the exclusion of others resulting from the nature of their appointments or any
treaty or convention under which they may act.” These are extraordinary powers.


Were British North America in American hands after paying the price of
much bloodshed and destruction of life and property, and probably securing
that dissolution of the Union, which southern men seem so ardently to desire,
we Canadians would lose the use of our customs revenue and public lands, far
heavier taxes would be placed upon a very many indispensable articles of
import, and us old country folks would have to struggle vainly with that
natioism which I do not blame but which I confess I do not 1ike.—General
Scott expected more protection from a heavy tariff and two revenue cutters,
to be stationed below Quebec after annexation, than from 30,000 revenue and
military oflicers and other employees under the present system.

Large landholders tell me that they desire annexation because it would
bring over many American capitalists to make investments, and cause their
lands to rise. High priced lands in England and Ireland, and near large cities on
this side the sea, may enrich a few, but they are no benefit to the humble and
industrious classes. High priced lands and high tarifis on imports required by
farmers, would not help the early settlement of young agrioulturists and their
sweethearts, though it might tie them down by bond and mortgage for their
lifetimes, perpetually paying their rulers and landlords.

I am asked whether it is true that I intend to oppose this or that Candidate
in 1851, in one or t’other of your Ridiugs. When the county was divided in
1834 I united with others in a declaration of principles, and although I could
have been elected in three Ridings, perhaps over any other candidate, accepted
a nomination where there was a great risk of defeat. An old volunteer will
never sow dissension in the reform ranks. Last session the government had
seemingly resolved to add to and take from two Ridings, and to create a new
county out of a third. The measure failed, but may pass next March, when we
will see the shape the county takes.

To—day’s Colonist states that I have no real intention to be again a candidate
for the county. Mr. Scobie is mistaken, nor have I had any reason thus far to
doubt the result.


Yonge Street, Toronto, Nov. 12, 1850.

No. 4

We give below some extracts from Mr. Mackenzie’s last letter to the Editor
of the Toronto Ercaminm‘. Whatever people may think of Mr. Mackenzie’s
antecedents, there can be no doubt that he is a shrewd, clever man, and in spite
of his inordinate vanity and want of political principle, has made himself well
acquainted with the wants and interests of the country. No better proof is



required of this, than what follows, and we take it that there are few who
[however they may dislike Mackenzie] will not say that they agree with him in
the main in the views expressed in this part of his 1etter:——


Free navigation on the lakes, plenty of propellers to Quebec, &c., reciprocity
in products with the United States, low duties on our imports, a railway projected
in the interio.r, a line of steam packets between Quebec and Liverpool, real
encouragement to emigration, practical economy, a business administration.-
Good things these if to be had. The far-west wants the St. Lawrence, and the
mutual trade would enliven the cities on the lakes; but 1837 self-banished many
thousands of active men and women, who throw their whole weight in the scale
of, “ keep back reciprocity and you’ll get annexation ”——a great fallacy, but
very popular. As to protecting lteavily Canadian manufactures, on a frontier
of 1800 miles, it is preposterous to talk of such a thing.

If a Reciprocal Trade be Refused—What Then?

What can we do if reciprocity is refused? Why did not England put a clause
in the bill opening her ports free to United States produce, that it should cease
to operate on a certain day, unless America reciprocated? Perhaps she forget,
and as Canada had no active agent in London, watching every movement of the
tariff or navigation laws, the neglect has cost us colonists more than a million
and a half of dollars already. Better pay a capable man, well acquainted with
Canadian affairs, and keep him all the time in London. He ought to have every
privilege of a British member of parliament, except voting on divisions in the
House. One well—timed hint from an agent might, in this one point, have saved
Canada £450,000 since the British ports were opened.

But, why does not England remind President Fillmore, that she admits
sixty millions of dollars value yearly, in United States cotton, wheat, flour,
Indian corn, provisions, &c., duty free, or at a nominal rate; that the United
States protectionists of 1846, and before, said, if England would really open her
ports they would reciprocate; that instead of doing so they refuse even to
reciprocate with Canada, although their own ports, shipping, canals, Coopers,
warehouscanen, forwarders, merchants, and traders of every kind, are to mono-
polize the benefits: and that if no reciprocity bill is passed, ministers will stop
the freedom of the seas, or rather the free admission of certain United States
products into Great Britain, Ireland, and her colonies?

‘I’ * ‘I’ * 4* * ‘X’ * K— * * K’

While I was in Washington, last winter, the Canadian government sent
Mr. Tiiiany as a sort of agent in favour of reciprocity; Mr. Malcolm Cameron
was also sent by the merchants. I do not think it did any good. The British
minister is the real agent: no other should appear. There are two ways of
moving Congress—-by means of the executive with its vast patronage, or through
the press, as was done in England by means of the anti-Corn-Law League, &c.

Either course to be effectual, however, must be through the Americans themselves.
* I f -I I * I‘ ‘I tl1e)r necessary purposes.” (Ellgin to Greg, 7 January, 1850, Military, Na. 7, apz/, G. 461, p.


It strikes me on reading over my letter that I have expressed myself in a manner
calculated to Mislead you as to the probability of our being able to undertake
the Halifax railway——I am myself of opinion that it ought to be attempted but
I fear I stand nearly alone in that opinion & you must not therefore on any
account say anything to excite hopes wh. W“ probably be disappointed——

(S“) G.


Jan » 31/51

Lord Grey to Lord Elgin

[TPS copy]

Jany. 17. 1851.

My Dnzuz Grey,

The Bishop called on me the other day and gave me to understand that he
intended to make some move in England about his University—— lest he should
anticipate me I write this note to say that I caused an oflicial letter on this
subject to be sent to him a week ago to which he has not yet replied.

Meanwhile I send the copy of a correspondence which appears in the news-
papers,1 and which has taken place between him and Mr de Blaquiere. Mr
De B. is senior member of the Leg. Council~— (after J amieson the Vice-Chem
cellor) a member of the Church of England——- Conservative and Chancellor of
the University. The draft address comprised in this correspondence has not
been presented to me.

Yours very sincerely,



[TPS copy]


Jany. 21. 1851

My DEAR Grey,

The following sentence occurs in the message to the Legislature of the
Governor of the State of New York delivered a few days ago.

“ The alarming encrease of bribery in our popular elections demands your
serious attention. The preservation of our liberties depends on the purity of
the election franchise and its independent exercise by the citizen, and I trust you
will adopt such measures as shall effectually protect the ballot box from all
corrupting influences.”

So much for the ballot and universal suffrage.

‘ This correspondence is not in the collection.


The Governor also strongly recommends an alteration in the Constitution
of the State which was last remodelled in 1846 in order that the legislature may
be empowered to raise money to enlarge the Erie Canal. Unless this enlarge-
ment be effected he does not think that the canal will be able to compete suc-
cessfully with rival roads to the Ocean-— but the requisite change in the Consti-
tution can only be accomplished on the recommendation of two successive
Legislatures satisfied [sic] by a popular convention.

I hope that Ryland is satisfied with the decision of the Govt. on his case.1
We have heard nothing from him to the contrary. However if Lord John
insists upon having the case looked into by a Committee of the H. of C. ‘il est
maitre ’. One thing I must observe. It was While the Constitution of L. Canada
was suspended that Sydenham made the arrangements, and unless great caution
be observed it may become necessary to repeat this preliminary in order to their
being carried out. I am confident that such a bargain as that made with Ryland
(as he construes it) never could have been made by a constitutional Govt. At
the same time I do not doubt that if poor Lord Sydenham were alive he would
explain what appears inexplicable in it. Indeed it is one of my great dilficulties
here that as all my predecessors have died after holding the oifice 2 or 3 years I
am for ever pestered by applicants who quote promises made by one or other
of them which of course I have no means of verifying.

I sent you a few weeks ago the Upper Canada Clear Grit platform. I now
send Papineau’s Programme? ‘

Yours very sincerely,


[TPS copy]

Jan. 21. 1851.
My DEAR Grey, ,

I have received this day the enclosed letter from the Bishop in reply to one
addressed to him by my desire several days ago. It is more moderate in its
tone than previous communications from the same quarters. I send it privately
as I have not time to do so olficially.

The truth is I suspect that there are great differences of opinion among the
Opposition as to how the University question is to be turned to account. This
day’s paper contains a scheme by Mr Sherwood (late Attorney General) for
turning it into a sort of London University.

Mr De Blaquiere has asked me to send you the enclosed pamphlet on the
University question which was written some years ago3—~ and I have also con-
sented at his request to forward the accompanying parcel as it has reference to
the same subject and is therefore of public interest.

‘ See above pp. 550 note.

9This clippinlg is not in the collection.
‘ This pamph et is not in the collection.


The enclosed correspondenoe1 between the Bishop and Mr De Blaquiere is
chiefly noticeable because the Bishop calls the copy of a Charter which he
submitted to you a rough Draft. This justifies your caution in converting it
into a Royal Charter. Depend upon it if the same caution had been exhibited
in 1827 great moral and social mischief would have been averted.

Yours very sincerely,


No. 1


11th January 1851.
My Loan,

I am directed by the Governor-General, to state for your information, that
a correspondence between your Lordship, and the Colonial Secretary trans-
mitted to His Excellency by Earl Grey, in August last, and comprising with
other documents the Draft of a Charter for a proposed University, in connection
with the Church of England? has engaged for some time past, the anxious
attention of His Excellency, and the Executive Council.

His Excellency regrets to find in this correspondence, statements reflecting
on the course taken by the Provincial Government and Parliament, with
respect to the University of Toronto, which he believed to be incorrect, and
against which it will be his duty, when the fitting occasion arrives to record his

Omitting however for the present further reference to these points, and
looking merely to the practical object which your Lordship had in view in your
communications with Earl Grey, I am desired by His Excellency to observe,
that while He is most desirous that the means of obtaining education in its
highest Branches should be placed as extensively as possible within the reach of
the youth of this Province, he conceives that there are grave objections to the
multiplication of Aeademieal Institutions having authority to grant Degrees in
Arts, in a country where the number of young men who can devote to study the
necessary time to qualify them for such degrees, is not large.

It is true that the authority to grant such degrees have been conferred
upon the two denominational Colleges of Queen’s and Victoria. It may be
doubtful however whether they have in efleot, derived any essential benefit
from its exercise, and on the whole His Excellency is inclined to think that the
case of the Institutions in question, furnishes an argument rather against the
expediency of conceding such power rather than in favor of it.

‘ This correspondence is not in the collection.
2 See below, Appcndio: XXV.


It may moreover be observed that if a denominational character had not
been originally imparted to Kings College, these Charters would in all prob-
ability not have been granted.

Under these circumstances His Excellency is desirous before replying to
the Communication which Earl Grey has addressed to him, on this subject, to
ascertain whether a Royal Charter, in favor of the Institution, which you pro~
pose to establish, restricting the power of granting degrees to those in Divinity,
would be acceptable to your Lordship, and the members of the Church of
England generally.

It appears to His Excellency that such a College under your Lordship’s
immediate direction and control, would alford a better security for the faith and
morals of the youth of the Church, who might frequent the University of
Toronto, than was given by the Constitution of King’s College, as fixed by the
Act 7 William 4. ch. 18, under which that Institution was brought into operation.

I have &c.
(Signed) J. LESLIE.

No. 2
20 January 1851.

I have the honor to acknowledge your letter of the 11th instant on the
subject of the proposed Church of England University, -and in answer to the
observation with which the proposition made by desire of His Excellency is
understood, I beg leave to remark that I should be much grieved to find an
impression prevailing in His Excellency’s mind, that I had on any occasion
failed to remember the respect due to his exalted station, or the courtesy which
it is equally my inclination and my duty to exhibit towards His Excellency
personally. You do not indeed intimate that His Excellency entertains any
such impression.

With regard to any statement which may be found in my correspondence
rcflecting on the course taken by the Provincial Government and Parliament,
with respect to the University of Toronto, I have only to observe that it would
have been diflicult for me to have expressed myself more strongly than I have
felt, for it is my sincere conviction that we should look in vein in the history
of any country governed by British Laws, for an instance in which such an entire
disregard had been shewn for Chartered rights, as in the destruction of King’s
College, and the appropriation of its property.

I have said nothing on this point which I do not believe myself fully able
to maintain, and am under no apprehension of my statements being successfully
Opposed, in any quarter, where I have an opportunity of being heard.




I have given my best consideration to the remarks which His Excellency
has done me the honor to submit to me for the purpose of shewing that it is of
small importance to the Members of the United Church of England & Ireland,
in this Diocese, containing 1 think about 800,000 inhabitants, that they should
possess an University with the privilege of conferring Degrees in Arts. The
other religious denominations which at present enjoy this advantage by the
favor of the Government, do not as it appears, estimate it lightly, and I cannot
say that I feel the force of any reasons which have been yet given for hesitating
to grant the same privilege to the Members of the National Church.

Their members in this Diocese (not less I suppose than 200,000) certainly
give them a stronger claim than can be urged on the same ground by the Mem-
bers of any other religious body, as the published Returns of the population
shew beyond question. It may be apprehended that if the proposed Church of
England University should be incorporated according to the prayer of the
Members of that Church its success might be injurious to the Toronto University,
which has been raised upon the ruins of Kings College,